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. 3 • 



Vol. III. 1801-1887. 







Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1887, by 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

All Rigliis Reserved. 






Popular Feeling in Central America — Effect of Events in Spain — Recog- 
nition of American Equality — Representation in the Spanish Cortes 
— Delusive Reforms — End of Saravia's Rule — President Jose Busta- 
mante — His Despotic Course — Demands in the Cortes — Constitu- 
tional Guarantees — Official Hostility — Campaign in Oajaca — Revolu- 
tionary Movements in Salvador — War in Nicaragua — Conspiracy in , 
Guatemala — Treatment of the Insurgents — Disrespect to the Diputa- 
cion — The Constitution Revoked — Royal Decrees . 1 



President Carlos Urrutia — His Liberal Views — Colombian Assaults — 
Spanish Constitution Restored — The Gazistas, or Bacos — The Cacos 
— Jos6 del Valle — Pedro Molina — Liberal Institutions — Extent of 
the Political Government — Ecclesiastical Administration — Work of 
American Deputies — Party Excitement in Guatemala — Urrutia Dele- 
gates his Powers — Substitute President Gavino Gainza — Chiapas and 
her Government — She Secedes from Spain and Joins the Mexican _ 
Empire — Guatemala Declares for Independence — Junta Gubernativa 
— Convocation of a Congress 23 



First Acts of Guatemalan Rulers— Intrigues of Parties— Their Evil Con- — 
sequences — Gainza's Intrigues — Independence in the Other Prov- 
inces — Rewards to Gainza — Troubles in Salvador — Dissensions in 
Honduras — Local Squabbles in Nicaragua — Predilection for Imperial- 
ism — Costa Rica Neutral — Condition of Various Sections — Seceding 
Districts of Guatemala — Perplexities of the Junta Consultiva — Itur- 
bide's Devices — Military Pressure — His Proposals Accepted — Illegal 
Annexation — Protests and Resistance — War Begins 42 








Secession from Mexico — Arzii's Campaign — Prevarication of Salvador — 
Filisola's Victory — His Subsequent Course — Liberal Triumph in 
Costa Rica — Honduras Favors Union — National Independence Se- 
cured — Labors to Organize a Nation — The Constituent Assembly — 
Provincias Unidas del Centro de America — Abolition of African 
Slavery — Provisional Government — Moderados or Serviles — Libe- 
rales or Fiebres — Principles and Aims of Parties — Mexican Forces 
Retire — Seditions Begin — Salvadoran Force in Guatemala — Confed- 
eracion de Centro America — Fundamental Law — Finances — Adjourn- 
ment of the Constituent Assembly 60 



(leneral Elections — Meeting of the First Congress — Manuel Jos6 Arce, 
First President of the Republic — Foreign Relations — Arce's Pre- 
varications — Conflict with Guatemala — Party Bickerings — Liberals 
Quarrel with Arce — He Joins their Opponents — Bitterness Engen- 
dered — President versus Guatemalan Rulers — Arrest of Jefe Juan 
~~ Barrundia — Riots at Quezaltenango — Murder of Vice -jefe Cirilo 
Flores — Arce as Dictator in Guatemala — War against Salvador — Arce 
Defeated — He Gives up the Presidency, and Cannot Recover- It — 
Bloody War of 1826-9 — Morazan the Victor — Jose Francisco Bar- 
rundia, Acting President — Liberal Measures — Peace Restored — 
Spanish Schemes 79 



Revolution in Honduras — Conservatives Invade the State — Second Gen- 
eral Elections — Francisco Morazan Chosen President — Plots of the 
Serviles — Arce's Invasion from Mexico — Occupation of Honduras 
Ports by Exiled Rebels — Spanish Flag Hoisted in Omoa, and Aid 
from Cuba — Salvadoran Authorities in Rebellion — Third General 
Elections — Morazan Reelected — Failure of Colonization Plans — Rav- 
ages of Cholera — Indian Revolt under Carrera — His Early Life 108 



Campaign against Carrera — Several Departments of Guatemala in Re- 
bellion — Jefe Galvez Deposed — Carrera Takes Guatemala — Murder 


of Salazar — Carrera Accepts Money to Leave the City — Dictatorship 
OflFered Morazan by the Aristocrats and Refused — Carrera's Second 
Rebellion — The Republic in Peril — Morazan 's Efiforts to Save It — 
Nicaragua and Honduras Forces Invade Salvador — Morazan Defeats 
Them — His Retreat to San Salvador — He Embarks— Is Refused 
Hospitality in Costa Rica — Goes to South America — The Republic is 
Dead — Salvador at the Mercy of Carrera 127 



State Government of Guatemala — Barrundia's Radicalism — His Over- 
throw — Vice-jefe Flores Assassinated in Quezaltenango — Downfall of 
the Liberals in Guatemala — Aristocratic Leaders Exiled — Jefe Mo- 
lina — His Differences, Impeachment, and Acquittals — Rivera Ca- 
beza's Reforms — Earthquakes— Galvez' Rule and its Benefits — Party 
Opposition to Him — Indian Outbreaks — Carrera Captures Guatemala 
— Galvez Resigns — Subsequent Rule of the Aristocrats— Guatemala 
again Independent — Honduras' State Government — Jefe Dionisio 
Herrera — Early Dissensions — Comayagua Assaulted by Rebels — 
Morazan in the Field — Honduras Secedes from the Central American 
Confederation — Federalism Rooted out of her Territory 145 



Salvador State Government — Liberals Overthrown — Secession from the 
Union— San Salvador as the Federal Seat of Government — Guate- 
mala Imposes her Will — Jefe Cauas and Comandante Malespin — Nic- 
aragua's Early Troubles — Siege and Bombardment of Leon — Organ- 
ization of State Government — Dissensions and Warfare— Eruption of 
Cosigiiina — Secession from the Confederation — Costa Rica as a Con- 
federated State— Juan Mora's Administration— Towns' Bickerings 
Settled— Braulio Carrillo's Rule— Final Secession from the Central 
American Republic — Prosperity of the State 165 



Interstate Dissensions— Pacto de Chinandega — Confederacion Centre 
Americana — Supremo Delegado Chamorro — Hostility of Guatemala 
and British Oflacials— Arce Invades Salvador— War of the Confeder- 
acy against Guatemala — Helplessness of Chamorro — End of the 
Pacto de Chinandega— Condition of the States— Ferrera's Bad Faith 



— Salvador and Honduras against Nicaragua — Horrors of Leon — 
Vice-president Joaquin E. Guzma^ — Honduras and Salvador at War 
— Guardiola's Vandalism — Malespin Overthrown — Renewed Efforts 
to Confederate — Guatemala an Independent Republic — Costa Rica 
Follows — Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras a Confederacy — Its 
Short Life — Further Unsuccessful Attempts 186 



Rule of Carrillo Continued — Plots for its Overthrow — Invasion of Mora- 
zan — Change of Government — Morazan's Policy — Opposition — Re- 
volts — Morazan's Defeat and Death — Satisfaction of the Oligarchs — 
Measures of the Victors — New Constitution — Subsequent Amend- 
ments — Sedition — Castro's Administration — Costa Rica Declared a 
Republic — Recognition by Spain — Relations with Other Powers — 
Boundary Questions with Nicaragua and Colombia — President Juan 
Rafael Mora — His Repressive Measures 215 



State Government — Director Buitrago's Conservatism — British Aggres- 
sion — Director Sandoval's Rule — Internal Troubles — Guerrero's Ad- 
ministration — The Mosquito Kingdom — Its Origin and History — 
Bubbles — British Pretensions — Seizure of San Juan del Norte — Dip- 
lomatic Complications — Clayton -Bui wer Treaty — Nicaragua Recovers 
her Own — Relations with Foreign Powers — An American War Ship 
Bombards San Juan del Norte — Pineda's Government — Establish- 
ment of the Republic — Party Dissensions — Legitimists versus Demo- 
crats — Chamorro and Castellon — Civil War — Death of Chamorro — 
Estrada Succeeds Him ^38 



President Rivera Paz — Carrera's Course — Pretended Sedition — Dissolu- 
tion of the Assembly — A Consejo Constituyente Created — Carrera 
Becomes President — Attempt against his Life — Revolt of Monter- 
irosa — Carrera's Despotism — The Republic Established — Relations 
with Other Powers — Revolution of the Mountain — Constituent As- 
sembly Convened — Carrera's Forced Resignation and Exile — Liberals 
Triumphant — Their Squabbles and Disintegration — The Moderado 
Party — ^Revolution of Los Altos — Intrigues of the Serviles — Presi- 



dencies of Martinez and Escobar — Causes of their Resignations — 
Paredes — Recall of Carrera — Deeds of Vengeance — Carrera again 
President — Partial Restoration of Peace 264 



Malespin's Acts — Lindo's Coup d'Etat and Deposal — Jefe Guzman — 
Revolt at Santa Ana — President Aguilar — The Bishop Expelled — 
Viteri's Alliance with Malespin and Honduran Oligarchs — President 
Vasconcelos — British Hostilities — Salvador's Relations with Foreign 
Powers— San Martin's Administration — Destruction of San Salvador 
— President Campo — Campaign against Walker in Nicaragua — Estab- 
lishment of the Republic — Santin's Overthrow — Presidency of Ge- 
rardo Barrios — War of Salvador and Honduras against Guatemala 
and Nicaragua — The Latter Victorious — Barrios' Flight — Restoration 
of Peace — Duenas as President — Barrios' Subsequent Return — His 
Capture and Surrender by Nicaragua — His Execution in San Salva- 
dor 285 



1840-1865. ' 
President Ferrera — Revolutionary Movements — Political Executions — 
Presidency of Juan Lindo — New Constitution — Lindo Overthrown — 
Belize — Honduras' Troubles with Great Britain — British Occupation 
of Tiger Island — Bombardment of Omoa — Bay Islands — President 
Cabanas — War with Guatemala — Guardiola's Assassination — Pro- 
visional Rules of Castellanos and Montes — Alliance with Barrios — 
Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and Nicaragua — Montes Deposed 
— Establishment of the Republic — Jose M. Medina Chosen President 
— Amendment of the Constitution 309 



Kinney's Expedition — William Walker Joins the Democrats — Failure of 
his Expedition to Rivas — Cholera Decimates the Legitimists at Ma- 
nagua — Death of Muiioz — Walker's Victories at La Virgen and Gra- 
nada — Execution of Minister Mayorga — Walker's Convention with 
Corral — Provisional Government Organized — President Patricio 
Rivas— Commander of the Forces, Walker— Minister of War Corral 
Put to Death for Treason — Recognition by Salvador and Honduras 
— Seizure of the Transit Company's Steamers — Costa Ricans on the 
War-path — Havoc of Cholera 327 






Recognition of President Rivas by the United States — Walker's Hostile 
Attitude — Flight of Rivas — Walker Makes Himself President — Alli- 
ance against Him — Death of Estrada — The Legitimists Accept Rivas 
— Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans in Rivas — Destruction of Granada 
— It is Occupied by Allied Forces — Walker Reoccupies Rivas — Where 
He is Besieged — Successes of the Costa Ricans — Failure of Lock- 
ridge's Expedition — Surrender of Walker — War of Nicaragua and 
Costa Rica — Commodore Paulding and Walker's Second Attempt- 
Walker's Invasion of Honduras, Capture, and Execution — Govern- 
ment Reorganized — President Martinez' Administrations ^7 



Rewards to Walker's Conquerors — Reelection of Mora — His Downfall and 
Exile — His Return, Capture, and Execution — Montealegre's Admin- 
istration — Violence of Parties — Compromise on Jesus Jimenez — His 
Peaceful Rule — President Jose M. Castro — Charges against Him — 
His Overthrow — Sevesal New Constitutions — Jimenez again Presi- 
dent — His Arbitrary Acts — How He was Deposed — President Car- 
ranza — Other Temporary Rulers — President Guardia's Despotism — 
Failure of his Warlike Plans — His Death — Administration of Prds- 
pero Fernandez — Preparations to Defend Independence — His Sudden 
Death — Bernardo Soto's Peaceful Rule .371 



Rule of President Duenas — His Conservatism — Quarrel with Honduras — 
The Latter Allied with Salvadoran Liberals — Battle of Santa Ana — 
Duenas Deposed — His Impeachment, Release, and Temporary Exile 
— Santiaga Gonzalez Provisional President — Gonzalez Elected Chief 
Magistrate — Guatemala and Salvador at War with Honduras — 
Murder of Vice-president Mendez — Earthquakes — President Valle — 
Trouble with Guatemala — Exeunt Valle and Gonzalez — Zaldivar's 
Long Rule — Constitutional Changes — Alliance with Nicaragua and 
Costa Rica — Resistance to Barrios' Plan of Conquest — Salvador Vic- 
torious — Restored Peace — Zaldlvar Eliminated — Revolution — F. 
Menendez Made President 392 






President Cerna's Rule — Partial Revolts — Liberals in the Assembly — 
Cerna's Reelection — Riots in the Capital — Zavala's Course — Cruz' 
Rebellion, Defeat, and Death — Arrests of Liberals — Moderation of 
the Government — Revolution of Garcia Granados and Barrios — 
Plan of Patzicia — Cerna Defeated and Overthrown — Granados as 
Presidente Provisorio — Seditious Movements Quelled — Abolition of 
Priestly Privileges — Prelates, Jesuits, and Capuchins Expelled — 
War with Honduras — Barrios as Substitute President — His Sever- 
ity — Elections — Barrios Chosen Constitutional President 413 



President Barrios of Guatemala — End of Reactionary War — Guatemalan 
Progress — War with Salvador and Honduras — Barrios' Successes 
and Generosity to the Vanquished — Constitutional Regime in Guate- 
mala — Barrios' Reelections — His Visit to the United States — Peace- 
ful Effort to Unite Central America — Resort to Arms — Alliance of 
Guatemala and Honduras — Barrios Attacks Salvador — His Defeat 
and Death — His Plan Abandoned — M. L. Barillas, Provisional Presi- 
dent of Guatemala — Restoration of Peace 431 



National Flag and Escutcheon— Order of Santa Rosa — Medina's Long 
Rule — His Differences with Duefias, and Triumph — War with Salva- 
dor and Guatemala — Medina Defeated and Overthrown — Celeo Arias 
Succeeds Him — His Liberal Policy — He is Beset by the Conserva- 
tives — His Former Supporters Depose Him — Ponciano Leiva Becomes 
President — His Course Displeases Barrios, Who Sets Medina against 
Him — He is Forced to Resign — Marco Aurelio Soto Made President 
by Barrios — Attempted Revolt of Ex -president Medina — His Trial 
and Execution — Soto's Administration — He Goes Abroad — His Quar- 
rel with Barrios, and Resignation — President Bogran — Filibustering 
Schemes 453 



President Fernando Guzman — Insurrection — Misconduct of Priests — ■ 
Defeats of the Insurgents — Foreign Mediation — Generosity of the 



Government — President Vicente Quadra — Inception of the Jesuits — 
Aims of Parties — Internal and Foreign Complications — Costa Kica's 
Hostility and Tinoco's Invasion — Presidents Chamorro and Zavala — 
More Political Troubles — Jesuits the Promoters — Their Expulsion — 
Peace Restored — Progress of the Country — President Adan Car- 
denas — Resistance to President Barrios' Plan of Forced Reconstruc- 
tion 470 



Administration under Spain — Influence of Events in Europe and Spanish 
America on the Isthmus — Hostilities in Nueva Granada — Constitu- 
tional Government — General Hore's Measures to Hold the Isthmus 
for Spain — MacGregor's Insurgent Expedition at Portobello — Re- 
establishment of the Constitution — Captain-general Murgeon's Rule 
— The Isthmus is Declared Independent — Its Incorporation with 
Colombia — Jose Fabrega in Temporary Command — Jose Maria Car- 
reno Appointed Intendente and Comandante General — Abolition of 
African Slavery , 488 



Panam^ Congress — Provincial Organizations — Alzuru's Rebellion and 
Execution — Secession from Colombia and Reincorporation — Differ- 
ences with Foreign Governments — Crime Rampant — Summary 
Treatment of Criminals — Riots and Massacre of Foreign Passengers 
— Attempts to Rob Treasure Trains — Neutrality Treaties — Estab- 
lishment of Federal System — Panama as a State — Revolutionary Era 
Begins — A Succession of Governors — Seditious Character of the 
Negro Population — Revolution against Governor Guardia and his 
Death — Another Political Organization — Estado Soberano de Pana- 
ma — Liberal Party in Full Control— Stringent Measures 510 



Presidents Goitia, Santa Coloma, and Calancha — Undue Interference of 
Federal OflBcials — Colunje's Administration — President Olarte's En- 
ergy — Enmity of the Arrabal's Negroes — Short and Disturbed Rules 
of Diaz and Ponce — President Correoso — Negro Element in the 
Ascendent — Conservatives Rebel, and are Discomfited — Armed Peace 



for a Time — Feverish Rules of Neira, Mird, Aizpuru, Correoso, and 
Casorla — Cervera's Long Tenure — Temporary Rule of Vives Leon — 
President Santodomingo Vila — Obtains Leave of Absence — Is Suc- 
ceeded by Pablo Arosemena — Aizpuru 's Revolution — Arosemena 
Flees and Resigns — Outrages at Colon — American Forces Protect 
Panama — Collapse of the Revolution — Aizpuru and Correoso Im- 
prisoned — Chief Causes of Disturbances on the Isthmus 532 



Extent of the Country — Climate — Mountains and Volcanoes — Earth- 
quakes — Rivers and Lakes — Costa Rica's Area, Possessions, and 
Political Division and Government — Her Chief Cities — Nicaragua, 
her Territory, Towns, and Municipal Administration — Honduras' 
Extent, Islands, Cities, and Local Government — Salvador, her Posi- 
tion, Area, Towns, and Civil Rule — Guatemala's Extent and Posses- 
sions — Her Cities and Towns — Internal Administration — Isthmus of 
Panama — Area, Bays, Rivers, and Islands — Department and District 
Rule — The Capital and Other Towns — Population — Character and 
Customs — Education — Epidemics and Other Calamities 560 



Central American Population — Its Divisions — General Characteristics and 
Occupations — Land Grants — Eflforts at Colonization — Failure of For- 
eign Schemes — Rejection of American Negroes — Character of the 
Costa Rican People — Dwellings — Dress — Food — Amusements — Nica- 
raguan Men and Women — Their Domestic Life — How They Amuse 
Themselves — People of Salvador — Their Character and Mode of 
Living 587 



Amalgamation in Honduras — Possible War of Races — Xicaques and Payas 
— Zambos or Mosquitos — Pure and Black Caribs — Distinguishing 
Traits — Ladinos — Their Mode of Life — Guatemala and her People — 
Different Classes — Their Vocations — Improved Condition of the 
Lower Classes — Mestizos — Pure Indians — Lacandones — White and 
Upper Class — Manners and Customs — Prevailing Diseases — Epi- 
demics — Provision for the Indigent 608 






Public Education — Early EjBForts at Development — Costa Rica's Measures 
— Small Success — Education in Nicaragua — Schools and Colleges — 
Nicaraguan Writers — Progress in Salvador and Honduras — Brilliant 
Results in Guatemala — Polytechnic School — Schools of Science, Arts, 
and Trades — Institute for the Deaf, Dumb, and Blind — University — 
Public Writers — Absence of Public Libraries — Church History in 
Central America and Panama — Creation of Dioceses of Salvador and 
Costa Rica — Immorality of Priests — Their Struggles for Supremacy 
— Efforts to Break their Power — Banishments of Prelates — Expulsion 
of Jesuits — Suppression of Monastic Orders — Separation of Church 
and State — Religious Freedom 621 



Judicial System of Guatemala — Jury Trials in the Several States — Courts 
of Honduras — Absence of Codes in the Republic — Dilatory Justice — 
Impunity of Crime in Honduras and Nicaragua — Salvador's Judiciary 
— Dilatory Procedure — Codification of Laws in Nicaragua — Costa 
Rican Administration — Improved Codes — Panama Courts — Good 
Codes — Punishments for Crime in the Six States — Jails and Peniten- 
tiaries — Military Service — Available Force of Each State — How 
Organized — Naval — Expenditures — Military Schools — Improve- 
ments 638 



Early Agriculture — Protection of the Industry — Great Progress Attained 
— Communal Lands — Agricultural Wealth — Decay of Cochineal — 
Development of Other Staples— Indigo, Coffee, Sugar, Cacao, and 
Tobacco — Food and Other Products — Precious Woods and Medicinal 
Plants — Live-stock — Value of Annual Production in Each State — 
Natural Products of Panama — Neglect of Agriculture — Mineral 
Wealth — Yield of Precious Metals — Mining in Honduras, Salvador, 
and Nicaragua — Deposits of Guatemala and Costa Rica — Mints — 
Former Yield of Panama — Mining Neglected on the Isthmus — In- 
cipieucy of Manufactures — Products for Domestic Use 650 





Early State of Trade — Continued Stagnation after Independence — Steam 
on the Coasts— Its Beneficial Effects — Variety of Staples— Ports of 
Entry and Tariffs — Imports and Exports — Fairs — Accessory Transit 
Company — Internal Navigation — Highways — Money — Banking — 
Postal Service — Panama Railway Traffic — Local Trade of the Isth- 
mus — Pearl Fishery — Colonial Revenue in Finances of the Federa- 
tion — Sources of Revenue of Each State — Their Receipts and 
Expenditures — Foreign and Internal Debts 663 



Ancient Ideas on the North-west Passage — From Peru to La Plata — 
Cape Horn Discovered — Arctic Regions — McClure's Successful 
Voyage — Crozier's Discovery — Franklin's Attempts — Finding by 
Nordenskiold of the North-east Passage — Projects to Unite the At- 
lantic and Pacific Oceans across the Isthmuses — Plans about Tehuan- 
tepec — Explorations for a Ship -canal Route in Nicaragua, Panama, 
and Darien — The Nicaragua Accessory Transit Company — Construc- 
tion of the Panama Railway, and its Great Benefits — Further Efforts 
for a Canal — Organization of a French Company — A Ship-canal under 
Construction across the Isthmus of Panama — Difficulties and Expec- 
tations — Central American Railroads and Telegraphs — Submarine 
Cables 688 







Popular Feeling in Central America — Effect of Events in Spain- 
Recognition OF American Equality— Representation in the Spanish 
C6rtes — Delusive Reforms — End of Saravia's Rule — President 
Josi: BusTAMANTE— His Despotic Course — Demands in the C6rtes— 
Constitutional Guarantees— Official Hostility — Campaign in Oa- 
JACA — Revolutionary Movements in Salvador — War in Nicaragua 
— Conspiracy in Guatemala — Treatment of the Insurgents — Dis- 
respect TO the Diputaoion — The Constitution Revoked — Royal 

The opening century was pregnant with important 
events both in Europe and America. By 1808 afeirs 
in Spain culminated in the French emperor's deten- 
tion of the king and other members of the royal 
family at Bayonne, where he forced them finally to 
resTgn in his favor their rights to the Spanish crown. 
The circle surrounding the captain-general, audien- 
cia, and archbishop of Guatemala was made up, not 
only of European Spaniards, but of Guatemalans 
belonging to the so-called noble families. Popular 
displeasure was manifested both against the Span- 
iards and against the provincial aristocracy.^ The 

* See History of Mexico^ this series. The masses of the people were kept 
HiBT. Obnt* Am., Vol. HI. 1 


oligarchy was hated throughout the province of Gua- 
temala proper, and still more in the other provinces 
of the presidency. 

However; when the news of Napoleon's usurpation 
reached; tj&i^ierica, it caused a strong revulsion of 
feeling^ in Central America, as well as elsewhere in 
ti^e Sp4ui^^H \d9iminions, even among the large class 
which had hitherto secretly fostered a warm desire 
for independent national existence. Creoles of pure 
Spanish descent, though yearning to be free from the 
old thraldom, could not bring themselves to discard 
the country which gave them blood, religion, and 
civilization. As to the educated Indians, who were 
also among the wishers for independence, like all of 
their race, they looked up to the ruling power with 
reverence and fear. Thus arose a struggle between 
the old veneration and the love of freedom; a strug- 
gle which was to last in Central America a few years 
longer, though the people were becoming more and 
more impatient, while leaning to the side of indepen- 
dent nationality. Circumstances seemed to demand 
that the old connection should not be ruptured till 
1821, when decisive results in New Spain brought on 
the final crisis here. When the news of Napoleon s 
acts of violence and usurpations reached Guatemala, 
popular loyalty was aroused, and showed itself in 
various ways. Manifestations by the authorities, ex- 
pressive of fealty to the mother country and the royal 
family, met with an apparently hearty response from 
the people. 

Advices came on the 30th of June, 1808, of the 
occurrences at Aranjuez of March 1 9th.^ July passed 
amid much anxiety about affairs in Spain, and the 
public mind became depressed by unfavorable news 
received on the 13th of August. Next day, at a 

in utter ignorance, to be used, if necessary, as the blind tools of the ruling 
oligarchy. Mont'ofar^ Reseila Hist. , i. 6. 

2 1 have told in my Histojy of Mexico how Cdrlos IV. was forced to abdi- 
cate, and his son Fernando raised to the throne. 


meeting of the authorities,^ the state of aifairs was 
anxiously discussed. The mariscal de campo, An- 
tonio Gonzalez Mollinedo y Saravia, had succeeded 
Dolmas on the 28th of July, 1801, in the offices of 
governor, captain -general, and president of the au- 
diencia. He had seen forty years of service in the 
royal armies,* and had with him his wife, Micaela Co- 
larte, and offspring.® 

President Saravia read to the meeting a despatch 
from the viceroy of Mexico, and a copy of the Gaceta 

giving an account of the^bdication of Fernando VII., 

and of the surrender by^ther members of the royal 
family of their rights to the Spanish crown. After 
due consideration, the meeting declared these acts to 
have resulted from"vioIehce, being therefore illegal 
and unjust, and not entitled to recognition. It was y.^^,,, 
further resolved that the authorities and people should y>^^^^„ 
renew their allegiance to the legitimate sovereign, 
continue upholding the laws hitherto in force, and ' 
maintain unity of action, for the sake of religion, 
peace, and good order. Instructions were received^ 
to raise the standard of Fernando VII., and swear 
allegiance to him, which were duly carried out/ 

The opportunity has now arrived for a radical 
change in the political status of Spanish America. 
The colonies have hitherto had no government, save 

'There were the governor, archbishop, oidores of the real audiencia, 
Marquds de Aycinena, high oflBciala of the treasury, dean and chapter of the 
archdiocese, alcaldes and regidores of the *muy noble ayuntamiento,' officers 
of the university, prelates of the religious orders, prior and consuls of the 
real consulado, intendente of Comayagua, temporarily sojourning in the city, 
secretary of the audiencia, commandant of the artillery, and colonels of the 
militia regiments. Diario M6x.y ix. 316-18; Chmt. jpor Fern. VII., 2-6, 83-94; 
Saravia, Manif. 

* His last position in Europe had been that of teniente de rey of Palma, in 
the island of Majorca. Juarros, Guat., i. 273. 

^Chiat. por Fern. VII., 60. In 1866 their descendants were living in 

«Dec. 13, 1808. 

^ The acts were performed with great solenmity and magnificence, the peo- 
ple manifesting much joy. This evidence of loyalty was warmly acknowl- 
edged. May 27, 1809, by the Junta Suprema Gubernativa of Spain, sitting at 
Seville and acting for the imprisoned king. Most glowing descriptions of the 
ceremonies appear in Diario M6x., xi. 279-80; Ouat. por Fern. VII., 7-82, 
94-101, 158-9. 


that of Tulexs set over them by a monarch whose will 
was absolute, whose edicts constituted their code of 
laws; the subject being allowed no voice in public 
affairs, save occasionally as a timid petitioner. But 
troubles beset Spain at this time. Her king is pow- 
erless; the friends of constitutional government have 
now the control, and proceed to establish the desired 
liberal regime. In order to be consistent, and to some 
extent satisfy the aspirations of their fellow- subjects 
in America, the provisional government decrees, and 
the c6rtes upon assembling confirm, all the rights 
claimed for Spaniards dwelling in Spain, together 
with representation in the c6rtes and other national 

The^ Junta Suprema Central Gubernativa in the 
king's name declares on the 22d of January, 1809, the 
Spanish possessions in America to be, in fact, integral 
parts of the monarchy,^ and, approving the report of 
the council of the Indies of November 21, 1808, in 
favor of granting to the American dominions repre- 
sentation near the sovereign, and the privilege of 
forming by deputies a part of the aforesaid junta, 
issues to the president of Guatemala an order to invite 
the people of the provinces to choose their deputy to 
reside at court as a member of the governing junta.^ 

^ *No son propiamente colonias, 6 factorias, como los de otras naciones, 
sino una parte esencial 6 integrants de la Monarqufa Espanola.' QucU, por 
Fern. VII., 163-6; Diiblan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 326-7. 

• Ayuntamientos of head towns were to choose three honorable and compe- 
tent men, from among whom each ayuntamiento had to draw by lot one elec- 
tor, whose name, country, age, profession, and political and moral qualifications 
must be at once made known to the president of the audiencia. After the 
names of all the nominees were in his possession, he, jointly with the electors, 
had to select by secret ballot three candidates of the highest recognized char- 
acter and ability, out of which three the audiencia, presided over by the 
governor-general, was to choose the deputy, to whom all the ayuntamientos 
must forthwith send their powers and instructions. The deputy, duly pro- 
vided with means to journey decorously, was required to embark for Spain, 
his yearly pay being fixed at ^6,000. Alaman, Hist. M6j., i. 291-2. A later 
order of Oct. 6, 1S09, required the deputy to be a native of Spanish America 
and a resident of the province choosing him; he was not to be the holder of 
an / of the chief offices therein, such as governor, intendente, oidor, etc., nor 
a debtor to the royal treasury. The right of election was also given to minor 
ayuntamientos; and for the choice by plurality from among the candidates of 
cities a board was constituted, with two members of the audiencia, two 



On the 3d of March, 1810, the electors assembled in 
Guatemala and chose for deputy the colonel of militia, 
Manuel Jose Pavon y Munoz.^^ The powers given 
him by his constituents were general, but enjoined 
allegiance to the king and permanent connection with 
the mother country." 

The supreme government, early in 1810, in its anx- 
iety to be surrounded by the representatives of the 
people, hastened the convocation of cortes extraor- 
dinary. Fearing, however, that there might not be 
a sufficient number chosen for their timely attendance 
at the opening of the session, it apprised the provin 
cial authorities, reiterating the decree a little later, 
that deficiencies would be temporarily supplied until 
regularly elected deputies presented themselves to 
occupy their seats in the chamber. Guatemala, in 
common with the rest of America, w^as unable to send 
her deputies in time, and had to be represented at 
the inauguration by suplentes, or proxies. These ^^ 
were Andres del Llano, a post-captain, and Colonel 
Manuel del Llano. One_of the first acts of the c6r- 
tes^* was to confirm the principle that all the Spanish 
dominions possessed the same rights, promising to 
enact at an early day laws conducive to the welfare 
of the American portion, and to fix the number and 
form of national representation in both continents. 

At the suggestion of the diputacion americana, as 
the body of American members was called, a general 
amnesty for political offences was decreed, with the 

canons, and two citizens named by the ayuntamiento. Guat, por Fern. VII., 

^® His competitors were Jos6 de Aycinena and Lieut-col Antonio Juarros. 

^^ He was not to give assent to the transfer of the Spanish dominions to 
any foreign power; the nation's rights must be upheld at all hazards; and 
the last drop of blood shed for the catholic religion, and for king and country. 

12 Feb. 14 and June 26, 1810. Diario M6x., xiii. 549-51. 

^' The American suplentes were lawyers or ecclesiastics seeking preferment 
at court, or military officers with a long residence there. AlamaUy Hist. M^j.y 
iii.,<ap. 4; Bustamante, Defensa, 16; Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 10; Zamacois, 
Hist. Mej., viii. 450-1. The second named proxy in Nov. 1811 gave up his 
seat to the regularly chosen deputy. Cdrtes, DiariOy 1811, 93. 

. 1* October 15, 1810. Alaman, Hist. M6j.y iii. 10; Zamacois, Hist. Mij., 
viii. 458-9. 


expectation of its yielding the best results in favor of 
peace and conciliation. Promises of reform, and of 
better days for Central America, were held out, but 

• the provincial government paid little attention to 
them. Meanwhile a jealous and restless police con- 
stantly watched the movements of suspected persons. 
Informers and spies lurked everywhere^ seeking for 
some one against whom to bring charges. 

The promised blessings proved delusive. Instead 
!l^ of reforms, the people witnessed the installatfon oFa 
^ tribunal de fidelidad, with large powers, for the trial 
and punishment of suspected persons. ^^ This court 
was short lived, however, being suppressed about the 
middle of the following year, under the order of the 
supreme government, dated February 20, 1811. And 
thus Guatemala was kept quiet and apparently loyal, 
when the greater part of Spanish America was in 
open revolt. 

Saravia's rule came to an end on the 14th of March, 
1811. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant- 
general, and appointed by the government at Cd,diz 
to the command in chief of the forces in Mexico. On 
his arrival in Oajaca, the viceroy, who was chagrined 
at his powers having been thus curtailed, detained 
him at that place. In November 1812, the city be- 
ing captured by the independents, Sara via was taken 
prisoner and shot.^^ 

The successor of Saravia was Lieutenant-general 

' Jose Bustamante y Guerra, appointed by the supreme 
council of regency, and soon after confirmed by the 
c6rtes generales extraordinarias. He was a naval 

** Listalled June 9, 1810. Its first members were the Spaniards Jos6 
Mendez, an artillery officer, Oidor Joaquin Bernardo Campuzano, and Auditor 
de Guerra Joaquin Ibaflez. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 5. 

^ ^* Saravia died like a soldier, and his fate was deplored even by the ene- 
mies of his cause. Hist. Mex., iv. 486, this series. The Mexican writer Bus- 
tamante, who was not prone to praise Spanish officers, said of Saravia, ' hom- 
bre de bien, humano, religioso, de un corazon recto, digno de mejor fortuna.* 
Cuadro Hist., ii. 217; Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 325. He was accused, how- 
ever, though it is believed the charge was slanderous, of having connived at 
smuggling by the treasury officials. The charge appears in Cancelada, Td. 
Mex., 107-9. 


officer, and had made several important cruises in the 
cause of science/^ and latterly had been civil and mili- 
tary governor of Montevideo, a position that he filled 
efficiently. His zeal against the independents in that 
country pointed him out as the one best fitted to re- /^ 
tard the independence of Central America. On his^^' '^ 
return to Spain from South America he refused to 
recognize Joseph Bonaparte. 

Bustamante is represented to have been an inflex- 
ible, vigilant, and reticent ruler. He lost no time in 
adopting stringent measures to check insurrections, 
and displayed much tact in choosing his agents and 
spies. No intelligent native of the country was free 
from mistrust, slight suspicion too often bringing upon 
the subject search of domicile, imprisonment, or exile. 
He never hesitated to set aside any lenient measures 
emanating from the home government in favor of the 
suspected, and spared no means that would enable 
him, at the expiration of his term, to surrender the 
country entire and at peace to his superiors. He was 
successful, notwithstanding there were several at- 
tempts at secession. 

Meanwhile the American representatives had been\-^ 
permitted to lift their voice in the national councils, f 
They had called attention to the grievances of their / 
people. In a long memorial of August 1, 1811, to i 
the c6rtes, they had refuted the oft-repeated charge 
that the friends of independence in America were or 
had been under Napoleonic influence. They set forth 
the^causes of discontent/^ which they declared was of 
long standing, and called for a remedy. ^ Keference— ' 
was made to Macanar's memorial to Felipe V.,^^ where- 
in he stated that the Americans were displeased, not 

" One was a cruise round the world under Malaspina, being the next in 
rank and commanding the corvette Atrevida. Juarros, GiLcU.f ii., adv. ix.; 
Marure, Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., i. 6; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 134; viii. 569; 
Los Anales, Sept. 1872, 30; Salv., DiarioOJic., 1874, ap. 1. 

^^ These were restrictions enforced by the crown against agriculture, min- 
ing, fisheries, manufactures, and commerce, despotism of rulers, and disre- 
gard of the merits of Americans, in keeping them out of public of&ces. See 
Hist. Mex., iv. 441-67, this series. 

^'In the first half of the 18th century. 


SO much because they were under subjection to Spain, 
as because they were debased and enslaved by the 
men sent out by the crown to fill the judicial and 
other offices.^^ 

The organic code was finally adopted on the 18th 
of March, 1812.^^ The instrument consisted of ten 
titles, divided into chapters, in their turn subdivided 
into sections, and might be considered in two parts: 
1st, general form of government for the whole nation, 
namely, a constitutional monarchy; 2d, special plan 
for the administration of the Indies.^ 

In lieu of the old ayuntamientos, which were made 
up of hereditary regidores, whose oflSces might be 
transferred or sold, others were created, their mem- 
bers to be chosen by electors who had been in their 
turn chosen by popular vote. The ayuntamientos 
were to control the internal police of their towns, 
their funds, public instruction within their respective 
localities, benevolent establishments, and local im- 
provements. They were to be under the inspection 
of a diputacion provincial, formed of seven members, 
elected by the above-mentioned electors, in each prov- 
ince, under the presidency of the chief civil officer ap- 

** In the matter of appointments to office, an early royal order prescribed 
that American descendants of Spaniards should have the preference for the 
position of curate; and yet, during the last thirty years, the most lucrative 
curacies were given to European Spaniards, i Of the 170 viceroys that ruled 
in America, four only were of American birth, and those were reared or edu- 
cated in Spain. Out of 602 captain-generals, governors, and presidents, only 
14 were Americans. Of 982 bishops and archbishops, 703 were Europeans, 
and 279 Creoles. Most of the latter were nominated in early times, when 
Europeans were few, navigation difficult, and mitres afforded more work than 
money. Ouerra, Rev. N. mp.y i. 278-85. 

'* We are assured that Antonio Larrazdbal, a clergyman, Antonio Juarros, 
and Jos6 M. Peinado were the chief authors of the instructions for Central 
American deputies in Spain. The Central American deputies whose names 
were appended to the constitution were: Larrazdbal for Guatemala; Jos6 
Ignacio Avila for Salvador; Jos6 Francisco Morejon for Honduras; Jos6 Anto- 
nio Lopez de la Plata for Nicaragua; and Florencio Castillo for Costa Rica. 
G6rte8, Col. Dec, ii. 158-62; iii. 201-2; Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xvii. 240; Pap. 
Var.y ccx. no. 1, 109-17; Const. Polit. Monarq., 1-134. Larrazdbal ably de- 
fended in the c6rte3 the rights of the Americans, specially of the aborigines, 
and above all, the national sovereignty. For this, after Fernando VII. re- 
turned to Spain in 1814, he was denounced by the absolutists, Conde de 
Torre Muzquiz and Marques de Mata Florida, and confined in a fort in Spain. 
Pineda de Mont., in Ouat. Recop. Leyes, iii. 348. 

**M6x., Col. Ley. Fund, 34-91. 


pointed by the king; the chief and the diputacion 
were jointly to have the direction of the economical 
affairs of the province. No act of either corporation 
was final till approved by the national cortes. In 
America and Asia, however, owing to great distances, 
moneys lawfully appropriated might be used w^ith the 
assent of the chief civil authority; but a timely re- 
port was to be made to the supreme government for 
the consideration of the cortes. Such were the chief 
wheels in the machinery of provincial and municipal 
administration. Now, as to popular rights, equality 
of representation in the provinces of the Spanish 
peninsula, Asia^ and America was fully recognized. 
The descendants of Africans were alone deprived of 
the rights of citizenship. This exclusion was combated 
with forcible arguments by many of the American 
deputies setting forth the faithful, efficient services 
colored men had repeatedly rendered and were still 
rendering to the nation, and their fitness for almost 
every position. Many of them, they said, had re- 
ceived sacred orders, or had been engaged in other 
honorable callings, in which they had made good rec- 
ords; besides which, they comprised a considerable 
portion of the useful mining and agricultural popula- 
tion. Unfortunately for the negro race, the American 
deputies were not all of one mind. Larrazd-bal, from 
Guatemala, probably acting both on his own judgment 
and on the opinion expressed in 1810 by the real con- 
sulado, asserted the black man's incapacity, advocat- 
ing that persons of African blood should be conceded 
only the privilege of voting at elections. This motion 
was supported by a Peruvian deputy. The peninsular 
members favored the admission to full rights of colored 
priests, and all colored men serving in the royalist 
armies. The measure was lost, however; but the 
article as passed authorized the admission to full 
political rights, by special acts of the c6rtes, of colored 
men proving themselves worthy by a remarkably vir- 
tuous life, good service to the country, talents, or in- 


dustriousness, provided they were born in wedlock, 
of fathers who had been born free, married to free- 
born wives, and were residents of Spanish possessions, 
practising some useful profession and owning property. 

Pursuant to the constitution, the c6rtes ordered. 
May 23, 1812, elections for members to the ordinary 
cdrtes of 1813.'^ 

The constitution was received at Guatemala on 
the 10th of September, 1812, proclaimed on the 24th, 
and its support solemnly sworn to by the authorities 
and people on the 3d of November, with great satis- 
faction and evidences of loyalty. Gold and silver 
medals were struck off to commemorate the event. ^ 

The installation of the c6rtes took place, with the 
apparent"approval~'of Guatemala. The president, 
members of the audiencia, and other dignitaries who 
Mv V had thriven under absolutism, looking on Americans 
/ — ^as *our colonists,' became at once liberals and con- 
'^^ stitutionalists, pretending to recognize the wisdom of 
the national congress in declaring that the Americans 
were no longer colonists, but citizens of one common 
country. Their manifestation of September 15, 1812, 
was followed three days after by one from the ayun- 
tamiento of Guatemala to Deputy Larrazdbal, in the 
same strain, suggesting the creation of a board ad- 

^The junta preparatoria, Nov. 12, 1812, designated only 12 deputies to the 
Spanish c6rtes from Central America (Chiapas included), based on the inac- 
curate census of 1778, which gave the whole country — with 101,506 for Chia- 
pas — 949,015 inhabitants in 881 towns. It was fixed that the 12 provinces of 
Guatemala, Chimaltenango, Quezaltenango, Ciudad Real de Chiapas, Vera 
Paz, San Salvador, San Miguel, Chiquimula, Sonsonate, Leon, Costa Rica, 
and Comayagua should each choose one deputy; and Guatemala, Ciudad Real, 
Leon, and Comayagua the four suplentes. Only two diputaciones provin- 
ciales were at first established, one in Guatemala and one in Leon. Cdrtes^ 
Act. ord.y i. 1813, Oct. 12, 62j Mendez, Mem. in Pap. Var.^ ccxv. no. 17, 16- 
17; Conder*s Mex. and Guat, ii. 310; Modem Traveller's Mex. and Chiat.^ ii. 
309-10. Later, under the constitutional regime, Chiapas was represented in 
the Spanish c6rtes, and had a diputacion provincial. Larrainzary Discurso, 
12. In 1812 a census was formed to ascertain how many deputies Chiapas 
should have in the c6rtes. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Oeog. Boletin, iii. 400. 

"^^ Quezaltenango had already, by its ayuntamiento of Aug. 12, 1812, ex- 
pressed approval of the provisions of the instrument, promising loyal obedience 
to it. In Honduras Gov. Juan Antonio Tornos granted leave for the erection 
of a monument in the plaza of Comayagua, which was carried out. Cdrtes 
Diario, ii., March 17, 18, 1822. 


visory to the cdrtes, on the reino de Guatemala legis- 

After the fall of Oajaca during the Mexican war of 
independence, the patriot chief Morelos regarded the 
rear of his military operations as secure. Sympathiz- 
ing messages had reached him from men of weight in 
Guatemala, which lulled him into the belief that at- 
tack need not be apprehended from this quarter. To 
Ignacio Rayon he wrote: ''Good news from Guate- 
mala; they have asked for the plan of government, 
and I'll send them the requisite information." It was 
all a mistake. His cause had friends in Central 
America, and enemies likewise. Among the most 
prominent of the latter were Captain-general Busta- 
mante and Archbishop Casaus. The ecclesiastic, with 
a number of Spanish merchants from Oajaca who had 
sought refuge in Guatemala, prompted the general, 
then anxious to avenge the execution of his pre- 
decessor, to fit out an expedition, invade Oajaca, and 
harass the insurgents even at the gates of the city. 

About 700 men, mostly raw recruits, were accord- 
ingly put in the field, early in 1813, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant-colonel Dambrini, a man of 
little ability and unsavory record, and crossed the 
line into Tehuantepec. Dambrini could not aban- 
don his money- making propensities; and having been 
led to believe he would encounter but little or no 
resistance, took along a large quantity of merchandise 
for trading. On the 25th of February a small in- 
surgent force was captured in Niltepec, and Dambrini 
had its commander, together with a Dominican priest 
and twenty-eight others, shot the next day. This was 
the usual treatment of prisoners by both belligerents. 
But on April 20th the Guatemalans were flanked and 
routed at Tonald by the enemy under Matamoros. 
Dambrini fled, and his men dispersed, leaving in the 
victors' possession their arms, ammunition, and Dam- 


brini's trading goods. The fugitives were pursued 
some distance into Guatemalan territory. 


Germs of independence, as I have said, were fos- 
tered in secret by the more intelligent, and slowly 
began to develop, the movement being hastened by a 
few enthusiasts who were blind to the foolhardiness 
p-^f their attempt. The government tried all means to 
y keep the people in ignorance of the state of affairs in 
/ Mexico and South America, and when unsuccessful, 
/ would represent the royalist army as victorious. Other 
/ more questionable devices were also resorted to.^^ 
-^=^ Undue restraint and ill treatment, as practised un- 
der the stringent policy of Bustamante, soon began 
to produce effects. Restiveness and despair seized a 
portion of the people; the hopes for a government 
more consonant with the spirit of the age, which had 
been held out from Spain, evaporated. Men were 
unwilling to live longer under the heel of despotism; 
and the more high-spirited in Salvador and Nicaragua 
resolved to stake their fortunes upon a bold stroke 
for freedom. It was, indeed, a rash step, undertaken 
without concert, and almost without resources. It 
could but end as it did at every place where a revo- 
lutionary movement was initiated. 

Matfas Delgado and Nicolds Aguilar, curates of 
San Salvador, Manuel and Vicente Aguilar, Juan 

^Some authors give the 19th as the date of this defeat. Alaman, Hist. 
Mij.y iii. 343-4; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 269-73; Zamucois, Hist. M4j., 
ix. 9-10, 110-11. The last-named authority asserts that Dambrini again 
invaded and took the town of Tehuantepec, February 1814. During the 
revolutionary wars of Mexico, Chiapas, owing to her isolated position, was 
not a seat of war; and even when Morelos' troops from Oajaca visited TonaU, 
as above stated, there was no resistance. This country enjoyed peace during 
the struggle in New Spain. Larrainzar, Chiapas, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, 
iii. 100. 

^^ Letters were constantly sent to the Spanish government, and to private 
persons, which were published in the newspapers friendly to the Spanish 
cause, representing the independents as banditti and murderers, and the 

Spaniards as exemplars of moderation. It was the emissaries of Bonaparte 
who had induced the Americans to rebel, they said. Trumped-up miracles 
and punishments from heaven, anathemas, and every means suggested by foul 
fanaticism were used to make the friends of freedom odious. Archbishop 
Casaus granted 80 days' indulgences to Guatemalans not participating ia the 
revolutionary movements of Mexico. Puerto, Convite, pt iii., 2-3. 



Manuel Rodriguez, and Manuel Jose Arce were the 

first to strike the blow for Central American indepen- 

dence. Their plan was carried into execution on the 
5th of November, 1811, by the capture of 3,000 new 
muskets, and upwards of $200,000 from the royal 
treasury at San Salvador. They were supported by 
a large portion of the people of the city, and in 
Metapan, Zacatecoluca, Usulutan, and Chalatenango. 
But other places in the province of Salvador, namely, 
San Miguel, Santa Ana, San Vicente, and Sonsonate, 
renewed their pledges of fealty to the government, 
declaring the movement for freedom a sacrilege.^^ 

The promoters of the revolt, which" had been started 
in the king's name, became disheartened and gave up 
further ejffort, and with the dismissal of the intendente, 
Antonio Gutierrez UUoa, and other officials, peace w^as 
soon restored. San Salvador had been quiet without 
other government than that of alcaldes during the 

Upon the receipt of the news of these occurrences, 
Bustamante despatched Colonel Jose de Aycinena 
with ample powers to take charge of the intendencia, 
and restore quiet. He had been getting troops ready 
to send down, but by the mediation of the ayunta- 
miento of Guatemala he had suspended preparations, 
and had adopted the former course. A member of 
that body, Jose Maria Peinado, was associated w^ith 
Ayc'uena.^^ They reached San Salvador on the 3d 
of December, amid the acclamations of the fickle pop- 

*^ The invitations sent the people of San Miguel to cooperate were burned 
in the plaza by the hands of the public executioner. Nor were these towns 
left without the usual cheap reward of monarchs. San Miguel received the 
title of ' muy noble y leal ; ' Sau Vicente was made a city, which title was con- 
firmed Jan. 15, 1812. According to Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed., 1823), 257, 
many noble families dwelt in the place, and among its founders were some 
descendants of Gonzalo and Jorge Alvarado, brothers of Pedro, the conqueror. 
Santa Ana was raised to the rank of villa. The parish priests of the several 
places were promoted to be canons of the chapter of Guatemala. C6rtes, 
Diario, 1812, xiv. 38, 167; Marure, Bosq. Ilist. Gent. Am., i. 8. 

'^^ The archbishop sent priests to preach against the insurgents. Marure, 
Bosq. Hist. Cant. Am., i. 9. Bustamante, Guadro Hist., ii. 270, says that 
the whole country would have been driven into rebellion but for the advice of 
the able secretary of government, Alejandro Ramirez. 


ulace; their presence and the exhortations of the 
missionaries checked all revolutionary symptoms. 
The authors of the revolt were leniently treated 
under a general amnest}^^^ Peinado was a short time 
after appointed Aycinena's successor as acting inten- 

Another and a still more serious attempt at revo- 
lution, which may be called a sequel to that of Salva- 
dor, had its beginning in the town of Leon, Nicaragua, 
on the 13th of December,, 1811, when the people 
deposed the intendente, Jose Salvador. This action 
was seconded on the 2 2d at Granada, where the 
inhabitants, at a meeting in the municipal hall, de- 
manded the retirement of all the Spanish officials. 
The insurgents, on the 8th of January, 1812, by a 
coup-de-main captured Fort San Cdrlos. The officials 
fled to Masaya. Villa de Nicaragua — the city of 
Rivas in later times — and other towns at once adopted 
the same course. 

Early in 1812, after the first excitement had be- 
come somewhat allayed, a board of government was 
organized in Leon, the members of which were Fran- 
cisco Quinones, Domingo Galarza, Cdrmen Salazar, 
and Basilio Carrillo. Bishop Fray Nicolds Garcia 
Jerez was recognized as gobernador intendente by 
all the towns, and his authority w^as only limited in 
one point, namely, he was in no way to favor the de- 
posed officials. The people of Granada resolved to 
send two deputies to the board. ^^ 

2*Aycmena was, on the 7th of Feb., 1812, made by the Spanish c6rtea a 
councillor of state, and in Aug. 1813, entered upon his duties at Cddiz. Cdrtes, 
DiariOy 1812, xvi. 16; 1813, xxii. 216. According to Zamacois, the appoint- 
ment was made only after the adoption of the constitution; it is possible that 
the appointment was then renewed or confirmed. Hist. M6j., viii. 557; Ayon^ 
Apuntes, 15-16; Bev. Cent. Am., 2-3; Salv., Diario OJk., Feb. 11, 1875; 
Valois, Mex., 213-16. 

^°Iu 1813 he was elected a deputy to the Spanish c<5rtes, but declined the 
position on account of ill health. Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xxii. 216. 

^^ A person writing from Guatemala, and referring to a document issued 
August 1811, in secret session held in London by 33 Spanish Americans, 
after registering his disapproval of its purpose, positively asserted that the 
masses were well disposed, fond of peace, and respectful to authority, if some 
agent of Satan did not turn their heads and make them believe they were 
superior beings, who needed no ruler over them. Cancelada, Td. Hex., 438. 


The royal officials at Masaya having called for 
assistance from Guatemala, Bustamante had 1,000 
or more troops placed there under command of Sar- 
gento Mayor Pedro Gutierrez. The people of Leon 
had ere this accepted an amnesty from Bishop Jerez, 
and thereafter took no part in movements against the 
crown. Granada, more firm of purpose, resolved upon 
defence; caused intrenchments to be built to guard 
all avenues leading to the plaza, and mounted thereon 
twelve heavy cannon. A royalist force, under Jose 
M. Palomar, on the 21st of April approached Granada 
to reconnoitre, and reached the plazuela de Jalteva.^^ 
Early in the morning he opened a brisk fire on the 
town, and kept it up for several hours. After a par- 
ley, next day the citizens agreed to surrender, on Gu- 
tierrez solemnly pledging the names of the king and 
Bustamante, as well as his own, that they should in 
no wise be molested. But after the royal troops were 
allowed to enter the city on the 28th, Bustamante, 
ignoring the solemn guarantees pledged by his subor- 
dinate, ordered the arrest and prosecution of the 
leaders. The governor accordingly named Alejandro 
Carrascosa fiscal to prosecute the conspirators of 
Granada. The proceedings occupied two years, at 
the end of which the fiscal called for, and the court 
granted, the confiscation of the estates, in addition to 
the penalties awarded to those found guilty. Sixteen 
of the prisoners, as heads of the rebellion, were sen- 
tenced to be shot, nine were doomed to the chain- 
gang for life, and 133 to various terms of hard labor. ^^ 

'2 Before the attack the city was visited by Father Benito Soto, as pacifi- 
cator and commissioner from the bishop governor. He tried to fulfil his 
mission without degrading his countrymen; but seeing the object of the war 
was to crush liberal Americans, he made common cause with the Granadinos. 
Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 11-12. Ayon, Ajmntes, 17, gives the at- 
tack as occurring in August, which is an error. 

^'Miguel Lacayo, Tel6sforo and Juan Arguello, Manuel Antonio de la 
Cerda, Joaquin Chamorro, Juan Cerda, Francisco Cordero, Jos6 D. Espinosa, 
Leon Molina, Cleto Bendaua, Vicente Castillo, Gregorio Eobledo, Gregorio 
Bracaraonte, Juan D. Eobledo, Francisco Gomez, and Manuel Parrilla were 
to suffer death. Among those sentenced to hard labor for^iife were Juan Es- 
pinosa, the adelantado of Costa Rica, Diego Montiel, and Pio Argiiello. Ai/on, 
Apuntesy 17-18j Manage, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 12-14} Ilev. Cent. Am., 3. 


The sentence of death was not carried out, however. 
The condemned were taken to Guatemala, and thence 
transported to Spain, where the majority died as ex- 
iles. Four others were removed as convicts to Omoa 
and Trujillo. The survivors were finally released by 
a royal order of June 25, 1817.^ 

The conduct of the Leonese in leaving Granada to 
bear alone the consequences of the revolution had, as 
I remarked, a bad effect upon the country.^^ From 
that time dates a bitter feeling between Leon and 
Granada, and between Managua and Masaya on the 
one part and Granada on the other.^^ 

Notwithstanding the existing grievances and the 
generally depressed condition of business, the people 
did not fail to respond to the calls from the home gov- 
ernment upon all parts of the Spanish dominions for 
pecuniary aid to meet the enormous expenses of the 

•* One of them, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, refused to accept the pardon 
unless coupled with leave to prefer charges against Bustamante. But an 
influential friend of the general's prevented its being granted, and Cerda, to 
get out of the country, escaped on a vessel bound to Sweden; thence he went 
to Cuba, and lived there several years under an assumed name. Los Anales, 
Sept. 1, 1872, 30. The noted Nicaraguan statesman, Tomas Ayon, justly 
bewails the seeming ingratitude of some of his country's writers in saying 
that Nicaragua's independence had cost nothing. The history of that period, 
1811-21, it is true, records no bloody fields, no brilliant feats of arms; but it 
presents an array of victims to the cause, of men who sacrificed their lives, 
liberty, and fortunes to secure their country's freedom; and these sacrifices, 
Ayon claims, should be remembered, and the sufferers' memory held in rev- 
erence. Apuntes, 18. Squier, in Travels, ii. 378, speaks of a suppressed 
revolution in Leon in 1815, giving that city the whole credit of the first im- 
pulse to liberal sentiment in Central America. There was no such movement 
in that year, and he probably had reference to that of 181 Ij though to Salva- 
dor certainly belongs the honor of the first attempt for independence. Pirn's 
Gate of the Pac, 38, prints the same error. 

'5 More empty rewards for Leon. In 1812 the c6rtes acceded to the bishop's 

Eetition for the creation of a university in this town. It was long delayed, 
owever. The ayuntamiento had conferred on it the title of ' muy noble y leal; ' 
and that of Nueva Segovia was similarly honored. The dean of Nicaragua 
was much commended in the cdrtes, Aug. 1813, for his loyal and judicious 
conduct. Cdrtes, Diario, 1811-12, xi. 198; 1813, xvii. 247, xxi. 45-6; Cdrtes, 
Col. Dec, ii. 47-8, iii. 177; Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed., 1823), 335-8; Belly, 
Nic, i. 227; Conders' Mex. and Guat., ii. 309. Bishop Jerez had written the 
captain-general a warm letter on behalf of the Leonese, for whom he had a 
special predilection, and said, 'Si me desterrasen un Leones dejo de ser obispo.' 
Perez, Biog. Saca^a, 7. 

'^ This bitterness originated bloody wars, and did much harm to Nicara- 
gua. Rev. Cent. Am., 3; Ayon, Apuntes, 15, 18-19; Registro Qfic, Nov. 21, 
1846, 381. 


war against Napoleon's forces, and other pressing de- 
mands. In 1812 there were collected and remitted 
as donations $43,538. The citizens of San Salvador 
also agreed to give $12,000 for 1812, and an equal 
sum in 1813, if they could obtain a certain reform for 
the benefit of indigo-planters.^^ 

We have seen how the first steps toward indepen- 
dence failed. Nor could any other result have been 
expected from the degraded condition, socially*)^ and 
intellectually, of the masses. The people were ct:^- 
troUed by fanaticism, in abject submission to king and 
clergy. Absurd doctrines and miracles were impli- 
citly believed in; and every effort made to draw the 
ignorant people out of that slough was in their judg- 
ment treason and sacrilege, a violation of the laws of 
God, an attempt to rob the king of his rights; certain 
to bring on a disruption of social ties, and the wrath 
of heaven. The lower orders had been taught that 
freedom signified the reign of immorality and crime, 
while fealty to the sovereign was held a high virtue. 
Hence the daily exhibitions of humble faithfulness, 
the kneeling before the images of the monarch and 
before their bishops, and the more substantial proof 
of money gifts to both church and crown.^^ 

•^ The $43,538 went on the ship Venganza to Cd,diz, and the arrival was 
announced, Feb. 15, 1813, to the c6rtes by the deputies of Guatemala. Cdrtes, 
Diario, 1813, xvii. 239-40. 

^^Marure, on the authority of the Gaceta de Guatemala, xiii. no. 112, and 
xiv. no. 191, assures us that nearly one and a half million dollars had been 
remitted by Central America to Spain, from donations and other sources, to 
cancel royal warrants. Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 18. This work, that I have 
occasion to quote so often, bears the title Bosquejo Histdrico de las Revolu- 
ciones de Gentro America desde 1811 hasta 1834- Its author, Alejandro Marure, 
who was a professor of history and geography in the university of Guatemala, 
and otherwise a prominent citizen, issued in Guatemala his 1st volume, sm. 
4to, 295 pp., with designs on the frontispiece, in 1837; containing events to 
1826 only. The publication of the other two volumes, it is understood, he 
was obliged to withhold by order of his government. Montiifar, Resena, 
Hist. Cent. Am.,i., preface pp. iii. and iv., tells us the circulation of the 2d 
vol. was not allowed; 'un solemne auto de i6 devor6 la edicion entera.' One 
copy escaped, however, from which another edition was printed in later years. 
It scathes the so-called conservative party, more properly entitled to the 
appellations of fanatical and servile, for the infamous acts of its men that for 
many years misgoverned the country. Its contents have been fully used by 
Montiifar. The 3d volume has not been published, and the author's heirs 
Hist. Okkt. Ax.. Yoi.. III. 2 


The first efforts on behalf of emancipation were not 
wholly lost, as they led to definitive results in the near 
future. The next attempts also met with failure, and 
brought upon their authors the heavy hand of Busta- 
mante. The first one, in 1813, was known as the 
Betlen conspiracy, which derived its name from the 
convent where the conspirators usually assembled. 
Much importance was given- to this affair by the gov- 
ernment and the loyalists. The meetings were pre- 
sided over by the sub-prior Fray Ramon de la Con- 
cepcion, and were sometimes held in his cell, and at 
others in the house of Cayetano Bedoya, under the 
direction of Tomds Ruiz, an Indian.^^ All were sworn 
to secrecy, and yet the government suspected the 
plot, and arrested some persons who had the weakness 
to divulge the plan and the names of their associates.*^ 

The conspirators, all of whom were men of charac- 
ter and good standing, soon found themselves in prison, 
excepting Jose Francisco Barrundia, who remained 
concealed six years, and afterward was one of the 
most prominent statesmen of Central America. Ma- 
jor Antonio del Villar was commissioned fiscal to 
prosecute the prisoners. He spared no one in his 
charges, and managed to bring into the meshes of the 

long refused to allow any one to see the manuscript. This work furnishes 
an interesting account of political affairs in Guatemala from the first attempt 
at separation from the mother country in 1811 to its accomplishment in 1821, 
from an American standpoint; the intrigues by which Central America .was 
yoked to Iturbide's Mexican empire, and subsequent events culminating in 
the second and final enforcement of independence, followed by the organiza- 
tion of the federal government; rupture between Guatemala and the general 
government, and Victory of the latter; church and military affairs; intrigues 
of parties; authorities being freely quoted to sustain statements. The author 
does not enter into much detail on military operations, but is quite full in his 
description of party workings, which affords a clear understanding of their 
antagonistic interests. Under the title of Efem^rides de los hechos notables . . . 
de Centro America, the same writer gave to the press at Guatemala, in 1844, 
a 12mo of 77 pp., furnishing a very brief synopsis of the chief events that 
occurred from 1821 to 1842, with tabular lists; quite useful as a chronology. 

^* Among the implicated were a number of military officers whose role was 
to win over the troops, and gain possession of their arms. 

*° The plan was to seize Bustamante, Auditor de Guerra Ibafiez, Archbishop 
Casaus, and all the high military officers; after which the Granadan prisoners 
were to be liberated, and the country's independence proclaimed. The royal 
officials chose to add that the parties had harbored 'incendiary and horriole 
schemes of plunder and devastation.' 


prosecution several persons who were innocent.*^ On 
the 18th of September, 1814, he asked the miUtary 
court for the penalty of death, by garrote, against 
Ruiz, Victor Castrillo, Josd Francisco Barrundia pro 
contumacia, and Joaquin Yiidice, who were hidalgos; 
and the same penalty, by hanging, against the sub- 
prior and ten others who were plebeians.*^ Ten years 
of hard labor in the chain-gang of the African posses- 
sions, and a life exile from America, were pronounced 
upon others against whom no guilt was proved. The 
prisoners were all set free, however, in 1819, under a 
royal order of the 28th of July, 1817. 

Among the men regarded as the most dangerous, 
and strongly suspected of being the real managers of 
the Betlen plot, was Mateo Antonio Marure, who 
had been confined two years in a dungeon for the 
part he took in the disturbances of 1811.*^ Busta- 
tamante dreaded his presence in Guatemala, and in 
1814 despatched him as a prisoner to the supreme 
council of regency in Spain, with his reasons for this 
measure. After recounting the Betlen affair, and 
naming Marure as the real instigator and manager of 

*^ Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 16; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 42; Mem. 
Hist. Cent. Am., 2, 3. 

^'^ Julian Ibarra, Andres Dardon, Manuel de San Jos6, Manuel Yot. The 
names of the other six do not appear. Pineda de Mont. , in Guat. , Eecop. Leyes, 
iii. 347-8; Rodriguez, Problema Hist., in Salv., Diario OJlc., 1875, Apr. 1 and 
May 23. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 7, who was evidently blinded 
by prejudice against Barrundia and against the cause, says that the latter 
lost credit for being mixed up in the Betlen affair with 'hombres sin luces, 
sin cr^dito, y sin costumbres;' and forfeited the character for firmness he 
had held in public estimation by needlessly petitioning for a pardon when he 
had not been imprisoned, and could at any time have left the country with- 
out risk. Lorenzo Montiifar, a statesman and writer, tells us, in rebuttal, 
that these men were of good intelligence and position; that Barrundia's peril 
was imminent all the time of his concealment, and as only Spanish vessels 
visited the ports, it would have been risky to attempt escape upon one of 
them. Moreover, it was impossible to foresee when independence would be 
attained. Under the circumstances, Barrundia had to ask for pardon when 
he could get it. Costa R., Gaceta, Sept. 2, 1854. Villar, the prosecuting offi- 
cer, became notorious in 1817 for cruelties and wanton murders of unfortunate 
inhabitants of Peten-Itza, when he was commandant there. Fajardo, Inf. . . 
al Min. de Rel., Campeche, 1828, sm. 4to, 17 pp. 

*' He was the father of Alejandro Marure, born in Guatemala, and one 
who had attained a respectable rank in letters, at a very early age, in his coun- 
try. At the time he began to figure in its political affairs he was a master of 
philosophy. Bosq. Hist, Cent. Am., i. 14-15. 


it, he adds that the conspirators counted on him as a 
fearless man to carry it out, and that his bold language 
and writings rendered his sojourn in America a con- 
stant menace to Spanish interests. 

Another and a worse planned attempt at revolution 
than the one of 1811 occurred in Salvador in 1814. 
The government quelled it, and the promoters were 
arrested, Manuel Josd Arce suffering an imprisonment 
of several years.** 

The reader's attention is now called to matters con- 
cerning the capitanfa general of Guatemala, which 
occupied the government both here and in Europe 
immediately before King Fernando's coup-d'etat. 

Bustamante, evidently hostile to constitutional gov- 
ernment, and loath to suffer readily any curtailment 
of his quasi-autocratic powers, proclaimed, under the 
pressure of necessity, the national constitution, and 
permitted elections under it; but between this and 
allowing the diputaciones provinciales and ayunta- 
mientos free action under the fundamental law, there 
was a wide chasm. He had no intention of tamely 
submitting to such innovations, whatever might be 
said of their merits in the abstract. In the first 
place, he postponed for three whole months the in- 
stallation of the diputacion, and when it was installed, 
refused to honor the event with a high mass and te 
deum, which would have been the proper thing to do. 
Such a recognition of the importance of the diputa- 
cion might have shaken the faith of the populace in a 
one-man power. He next insisted on the diputacion 
having its sittings at the government house, where it 
would be at his mercy. He treated the body disre- 
spectfully in several ways,*^ and as he could not make 

** Arce began to figure in the rebellion of 1811. After the organization of 
the federal regime he was the first constitutional president of the republic. 
Bev. Cent. Am., 3; Salv., Diario Ofic, 1875, Feb. 13. 

*^In disregard of the rank and standing of the 'excelentlsima diputacion,* 
he would append only his media firma, or surname, to its decrees and docu- 
ments, when he should have used his name and surname — a serious breach of 
etiquette in those times. 


it subservient to his will, tried by all means in his 
power to destroy its influence and usefulness. In fact, 
he looked upon it as a mere consultative corporation, 
whose advice he might ask for or not, as suited his 
fancy. Lastly, he would not permit the acts of the 
diputacion to be published; and for the matter of 
that, there was no liberty of the press. 

These complaints were laid before the national 
cortes*^ for redress, coupled with a petition that the 
royal authority should remove Bustamante from office. 
But grievances were unredressed, and their author 
continued wielding power in the country several years 
more. Indeed, this was not to be wondered at. The 
Spanish government had rarely, if ever, shown incl>' 
natioji to do justice to the ruled against the high 
rulers it placed over them, or. to punish the despotic 
acts of the latter. Residencias had of late become 
mere matters of form. If the complainants had 
wealth and influence at court, they might obtain the 
recall of the ruler obnoxious to them, but no other 
punishment. The prestige of authority must be up- 
held; such was the principle acted upon.^^ Guate- 
mala was finally relieved of Bustamante's hated rule 
on the 28th of March, 1818. 

The people of Central America, like the rest of the 
Spanish dominions, were soon invited to another view 
in the political kaleidoscope. Fernando VII., upon 

*^ The chamber now had but a short time to live. Manuel Micheo had 
presented his credentials in Jan. 1814, and been admitted to his seat as dep- 
uty from Ohimaltenango, Guatemala. Luis Aguirre's claim to admission was 
referred back on the petition of citizens of Chiquimula for his election to be 
declared null. Cdrtes, Act. ord., 1814, Jan. 21, i. 487, March 20, ii. 121. 

*^ Several accusations had been preferred hitherto against Bustamante; all 
remainedliin^eeded, so far as it ever became known. One more was that oF 
Juan Argiiello of Granada, in Nicaragua, who charged the governor with un- 
just treatment of him in 1814, and demanded his trial and punishment. This 
case was before the c6rtes Oct. 20, 1820. But as the second constitutional 
epoch was so short-lived, Arguello's demand for justice had no better result 
than preceding ones. A memorial of the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the 
political condition of the province, expressing fear that the harshness ex- 
tended to men for political opinions might lead to evil consequences, and 
asking for the pardon of prisoners, was presented March 24, 1814, to the 
c6rtes. It was referred to a committee, and that was all the action taken, 
till the king in 1817 granted an amnesty. Cdrtes, Act. ord., March 24, 1814, 
ii. 152; Id.y Diario, Oct. 20, 1820, ix. 4. 



his release by Napoleon a few months after the treaty 
of Valengay,*^ returned to Spain without delay, and 
on arriving at Valencia, issued his manifesto of May 
^. 4, 1814, setting aside the constitution, and assuming 
T^^^^ the authority of an absolute sovereign. He did this 
with fair promises, which he carried out when and 
how it suited him.*^ Among many decrees issued by 
the monarch soon after, which were of interest to 
Central America, was one enjoining on the archbishop 
and bishops to see that their subordinates did their 
duty faithfully, and entertained only wholesome 
opinions. No associations or leagues were to be 
tolerated which might lead to a disturbance of the 
public peace; in other words, liberty and constitutional 
government were not to be thought oV^ Another 
decree of June I7th, demanded of the deputies from 
America having in their possession petitions from 
their constituents to lay them before the royal gov- 
ernment, in order that they might be acted upon. 
Several measures for the protection of morals and the 
advancement of civilization were also enacted. 

« Concluded Dec. 11, 1813. 

*' Upon the news of the king's acts becoming known in Guatemala, the 
archbishop and his clergy, and the other authorities, ofifered thanks to God for 
his release and restoration to the throne. Juarros, Guat, ii., adv. xii. 

^®The pope lent his support with an encyclical letter of Aug. 15, 1814, 
against freemasonry and other secret societies, which was published June 2, 
1815. All persons afl&liating in such organi2ations were required to sever 
their connection with them. Fern. VII. ^ DecretoSf 27-Z2. 




— Spanish Constitution Restored — The Gazistas, or Bacos — The 
Cacos — Josi: del Valle—Pedro Molina— Liberal Institutions — 
Extent of the Political Government — Ecclesiastical Administra- 
tion — ^WoRK OF American Deputies — Party Excitement in Guate- 
mala — Urrutia Delegates his Powers — Substitute President 
Gavino Gainza — Chiapas and her Government — She Secedes from 
Spain and Joins the Mexican Empire — Guatemala Declares for 
Independence — Junta Gubernativa — Convocation op a Congress. 

Successor to Bustamante in the position of gov- 
ernor, president, and captain-general, in March 1818, 
was Lieutenant-general Cdrlos Urrutia,^ knight grand 
cross of the military order of San Hermenegildo, 
which entitled him to be called excelentisimo senor. 
It was a difficult position. The country was at peace, 
it is true, but a political volcano was at work, and r>o 
one could foretell when the upheaval of revolution 
might occur ,^ letting loose the elements of destruction, 
as had happened in other parts of Spanish America. 
However, another constitutional term under the 
Spanish monarch was about being inaugurated, and 
this fact helped to bring on definitive results. 

^ A native of Habana, Cuba. He had filled several high offices, the last 
being that of governor of Santo Domingo. JuarroSy Guat., ii., adv. ix.-x. ; Salv.y 
Diario Ofic.y Apr. 1, 1875, 4. 

^ Convulsions of nature had been constantly occurring in Quezaltenango 
during two months, which greatly alarmed the population. On the 17th of 
Jan., 1818, a hill on the south of the town burst open and threw out enormous 
quantities of ashes, covering the whole country, even to the distance of 35 
leagues, and flames were occasionally seen. Cdzar, Carta, in Noticioso Oen.y 
March 16, 1818, 4 



Urrutia was a man of experience, with a well-bal- 
anced mind, whose political opinions leaned, to the^ 
side of progress. He would have been well adapted 
to guide the course of events in Central America had 
it not been for the infirmities of old age. Guatemala, 
being as yet under the sway of Spain, was open to 
attack from the enemies of that government, or at 
least, to such action as they might adopt in aid of the 
disaffected portion of the people to secure their coun- 
try's independence. The latter was the plan of the 
Colombian insurgents in fitting out a combined sea 
and land expedition to operate against the ports of 
Omoa and Trujillo in 1820.^ 

On the 21st of April the watch-tower at Capiro, 
in Trujillo, announced the approach of a Colombian 
flotilla of small vessels from the windward. The gar- 
rison, commanded by Josd M. Palomar, at once made 
preparations for emergencies. The flotilla, consisting 
of two brigantines, four large and as many small 
schooners, one felucca, and one sloop, under Com- 
modore Aury, sailed in at two o'clock,* and despatched 
a boat to shore to demand the surrender of the place 
within one hour. Nothing further was done on that 
day, however; but early the next morning the flotilla 
moved toward the mouth of the Guaimoreto, and after 
raconnoitering the defences, opened a bombardment 
with ball and grape-shot on the intrenchment and 
demolished it, which compelled the defenders to fall 
back. The assailants landed 400 men and 15 horses, 
and advanced against the garrison, meeting with a 
repulse at the fourth parapet. The garrison retreated 
to the fifth line, at which the enemy was a second 
time driven back. The vessels fired broadside upon 
broadside on the shore batteries, which were warmly 
returned. The bombardment was kept up from nine 

' The Spanish official acconnt published by the government of Guatemala, 
May 1 and 13, 1820, and copied m the Gaceta of Mex. of June 17th, same 
year, has it that the attempt resulted in the discomfiture of the assailants. 

* The commander's ship hoisted a flag with two blue bars and a white one 
between them showing an escutcheon. 


A- M. till two P. M., when the flotilla retired out of reach 
of the batteries. A portion of the land force then 
attempted to enter the town by the rear of it, but 
was detected and compelled to retire. Early in the 
morning of the 23d, the invading troops returned to 
the vessels, leaving their horses; and soon afterward 
the flotilla put to sea, each vessel firing a broadside, 
on passing Point Castilla, against the watch-tower. 
During the night of the 24th the Colombian vessels 
dropped out of sight.^ On the 25th the flotilla ap- 
peared ofl* Omoa, and for several days was making 
attempts to effect a landing, which being unsuccessful, 
it retired on the 6th of May, after setting fire to the 
larger brig, which had been damaged by the fire from 
the town. 

Fernando yiL, under compulsion, restored the con- 
stitution of 1812 throughout his dominions. On the 
9th of March, 1820, he swore to support it, and the 
next day issued a manifesto conveying an apology for 
having set it aside in 1814, and giving plausible reasons 
for his present change of mind. On the 1 1th of April 
he issued another manifesto, addressed to the people 
of America, expressing sorrow at not having sooner 
reinstated the constitutional government. In another 
decree of April 15th he restores to full force and vigor 
all decrees of the cdrtes, both the extraordinary and 
ordinary, for the better government and progress of 
the provinces in America. 

It seems that Brigadier Gavino Gainza, appointed 
sub-inspector-general of the forces in Central America, 
was commissioned to bring out the royal proclamations 
and decrees for the reinstatement of the constitution, 
and of the laws which were passed under it by the 
c6rtes. There is nothing to show the precise time of 
his arrival in Guatemala, but it will suffice to state 

* The Spanish official account sets the enemy's casualties at 40 killed and 
woundad on shore; those on board could not be ascertained. The Spanish 
loss is given a>t one killed and two wounded. 


that the diputacion provincial was installed at the 
capital on the 13th of July. 

At a preparatory sitting of the c6rtes, on the 26th 
of June, 1820, Juan N. San Juan and Jose Sacasa 
were present as representatives from Guatemala, and 
on the 2d of August Juan N. Tuero, or Puero, pre- 
sented his credentials as a deputy elected from Chi- 
apas for the c6rtes of 1815-16, which body he found 
closed on arriving in Spain at the end of 1814.^ The 
necessity of such a diputacion was ably discussed in 
the c6rtes on the 30th of April, 1821, by Deputy 
Hermosilla, seconded by Deputy Milla, both support- 
ing the report of the committee on the subject. On 
the 17th of June the chamber was officially informed 
of the installation of the diputacion, and commended 
its patriotic labors/ 

The * junta suprema de censura,' created to adjudi- 
cate upon alleged oflfences against the law regulating 
the press, had, on the 9th of August, 1820, nomi- 
nated, and the c6rtes confirmed, the members of the 
junta de censura for Guatemala.^ 

The reestablishment of the constitutional regime 
under such favorable circumstances soon brought into 
life two great parties that for a long time bore the re 
spective names of Gazista, or Baco, and Caco. The 
gazista, with Jos^ del Valle as its leader,' was made 

^Cdrtes, Diario, 1820, ii. 19; Apr. 30, 1821, extra, xvL 15-16; Id., Act. 
Pi&b., i., June 26, 1820, 6; Aug. 2, 1820, 2. 

'A congratulatory address from the newly created corporation was re- 
ceived with marks of satisfaction. Gdrtea, Biario, June 17, 1821, xxii. 6. 

*From the ecclesiastic state, Juan Jos6 Batres and Jos6 Maria Alvarez, 
with Pedro Ruiz de Bustamante for a substitute. From the secular class, 
Pedro Molina, Jos6 Barrundia, and Lie. Venancio Lopez. Secular substi- 
tutes, licenciados Francisco Javier Barrutia, Felipe Neri del Barrio. Cdrtes, 
£>iariOy 1820, ii. 228-9. 

• A native of Choluteca, in Honduras. Rev. Cent. Am.,1. He was auditor 
de guerra. Valle was undoubtedly an able man; a speech of his on equality 
before the law is spoken of with high commendation. Observ. de la Bep. 
Mex.y ii., Oct. 3, 1827, 128-33. Subsequently was a deputy to the imperial 
congress of Mexico, and when Iturbide was on the eve of succumbing under 
the dIows of the republicans, he appointed Valle his minister of state, which 
office ceased with the fall of the empire. Valle returned to Guatemala and 
figured prominently in the government. Li 1826-29 he was a federal deputy, 
and died on the 2d of March, 1834, soon after being elected president of the 
republic. The assembly on the 21st of March of the same year decreed honors 


up of Spaniards and artisans. The cacos recognized 
as their chieftain Jose Maria Delgado/^ Their party- 
was composed of members of the nobility^ and of the 
men calling themselves independents. This party 
from the first aspired to independence, and its candi- 
dates were taken from the independent wing at the 
election of deputies and other officials. 

The ,gazistas, or bacos, were numerous and strong, 
for they had in their ranks the rulers, many wealthy 
merchants, and the artisans, and abundant funds at 
command, which were scattered without stint among 
the needy and ignorant, who were ready enough to 
sell their votes. ^^ They -likewise strengthened their 
influence with the lower class by means of a pre- 
tended hostility to the aristocracy, or to what from 
that time went by the name of *espiritu de familia.' 
They won the elections, but their triumph proved to 
be far from a solid one. 

The cacos now resolved to use every endeavor to 
accomplish independence. The connection with the 
aristocratic element was a drawback; and the abso- 
lute necessity of winning over the mechanics being 
recognized, a ^ddle_party_jyiras at_once_orgam 
which attached itself to the independents, and would 
have no connection with the nobles. This arrange- 
ment facilitated the accomplishment of the object in 

The political struggle was now fairly inaugurated. 
Pedro Molina ^^ began the publication of El Editor 

to his memory. Oiuit.t Recop. Ley., iii. 338-9, 348. Salvador did the same in 
April. A likeness of Valle is given in Mont'dfar, Besena Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 
16iD. Valle had been honored with the friendship of Bentham and other 
European savans; and he was a member of the French Academy of Sciences. 
MarurCf EfemirideSt 35. 

^°The same man who afterward appointed himself bishop of Salvador. 
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. M6j., 386. 

^^They cajoled the artisans with the promise of checking the trade with 
Belize, and of prohibiting the importation of foreign manufactures. 

" He was born in Guatemala on the 29th of Apr., 1777; studied humani- 
ties under Father Goicoechea, one of the lights of his time, and received his 
diploma of a licentiate of medicine and surgery at the age of 22; served in 
Nicaragua as surgeon of the batallon fijo early in the century, and returned 
with it to his native city in 1811. He afterward filled the position of professor 


Constitucional, to defend American rights. The Amiga 
de la Patria appeared at the same time, and often 
opposed Molina's radical doctrines. Urrutia, now 
styling himself jefe politico y capitan general, made 
an address to the people, congratulating them and 
himself on the happy termination of the election in 
the several parishes, and giving assurances that every 
voter should have full liberty to cast his vote for repre- 
sentative in the general congress, the diputacion, and 
the ayuntamiento.^^ A portion of his address was 
specially devoted to artisans and laboring men, whom 
he warned not to allow themselves to be tampered 
with to the discredit of the government on the ques- 
tion of trade in cotton goods; for, he told them, it was 
a positive misconception that the government had it 
in view to decree freedom of foreign trade; on the 
contrary, it had endeavored to check illegal traflSc, 
which had been carried on to the detriment of national 
interests and the royal treasury. 

The measures adopted by him had to some extent 
corrected that evil. By making the traders pay im- 
port dues, the treasury had profited, and the people 
had been saved from new taxes. Formerly, English 
goods were paid for wholly in coin; now, only one 
sixth of their cost was covered with money, and the 
remainder with the produce of the country.^* 

The gobierno politico de Guatemala had jurisdic- 
tion over the same extent of country as the metro- 

of medicine in the university. The degree of doctor was given him in 1817, 
and the office of protom6dico, or head physician of the province of Guate- 
mala. Scdv., Qaceta, Oct. 12, 1854. 

" He adjured all to free themselves from party influences, and to give their 
suffrages only to men who had their country's interests at heart. He de- 
manded of aU citizens to love their country, to be true to the constitution, 
and to respect the legitimate authorities. 

" ITmUiay Modeh, 2-3. Constant complaints had been made to the' na- 
tional government since 1813 against the foreign trade. The regulations of 
1778 had been made to appear advantageous to Spain and her American colo- 
nies. Foreign trade was declared a means of corruption which placed arms 
in the hands of Spain's foes. In the report now before me, the mechanics of 
the county are represented as hostile to the foreign trade. AnrUlagat In- 
form^ in CeduUurio, 66-7. 


politan,^'* namely, 214 leagues from the ejidos of 
Motocinta on the west, and 116 leagues from Golfo 
Dulce on the Atlantic, to the Pacific coast ^® 

The first archbishop of Guatemala appointed by 
the Spanish crown in the present century was Luis 
Penal ver y Cdrdenas,^^ who reached his see the 3d of 
June, 1802, and on the 26th took possession. During 
his brief incumbency he founded several rectorships, 
and two primary schools for girls. His sight be- 
coming seriously affected, he relinquished the mitre, 
and returned to his native city, secretly departing 
March 1, 1806.^' 

Rafael de la Vara de la Madrid, Penalver's succes- 
sor, arrived in Acajutla on the 13th of December, 
1807; in Guatemala city on the 4th of January, 1808 ; 
and on the 3d of February took possession of his 
oflSce. In April 1809 he visited the province of Vera 
Paz, where he died on the 31st of December, much 
regretted, as he had endeared himself by his peace- 
able disposition and afiability.^^ 

Antonio Bergoza y Jordan, bishop of Oajaca, was 
nominated for the succession, but declined the po- 

The next and eighth archbishop of the diocese was 

*5 The latter had three suffragans — Leon, Comayagua, and Ciudad Eeal 
de Chiapas. It had also 20 vicars, 161 curacies in 424 towns, 85 valleys, 23 
doctrinas under missionaries, of which 16 were in charge of Dominicauo, 4 of 
Franciscans, and 3 of the order of Mercy. 

^® Deputy Jos6 Mariano Mendez, from Sonsonate, gave the province of 
Guatemala 116 leagues from the Pacific to Santo Tomds, and a width of 100 
leagues in some parts, and less in others, with two cities and about 294 
towns. Mem., 12-13, 20; Memoria del estado politico y eclesidstico de la capi- 
tania general de Cfuatemala, Mad., 1821, sm. 4to, 30 pp., gives data on the 
economical, political, and ecclesiastical condition of Central America in gen- 
eral, and of each of the divisions or provinces, including Chiapas in particu- 
lar, and proposing to the Spanish government reforms deemed advisable. 

^'^A native of Habana, at which university he received the degree of doc- 
tor. JuarroSy Ouat. , i. 296-7. 

^^ He consecrated in his cathedral, on the 12th of Sept., 1802, the treasurer 
of the diocese, the licentiate of theology, Ambrosio Llano, as bishop of 
Ciudad Real de Chiapas. 

^*He had been bishop of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, in Peru. At the time of 
his death he was 55 years old. The remains were interred in the cathedral. 
Juarros, Gnat., i. 297; Diario Mix,, xii., Jan. 26, 1810, 104. 


Ramon Casaus y Torres, nominated by the supreme 
council of regency on the 30th of March, 1811; who 
entered the capital on the 30th of July, and being a con- 
secrated bishop, at once began to perform episcopal 
functions. ^^ His nomination was ratified by the king 
on the 27th of August, 1814; the papal bulls of con- 
firmation were issued on the 15th of March, 1815, and 
Casaus received the pallium on the 28th of Septem- 
ber of the same year. 

At the sitting of the Spanish c6rtes on the 25th 
of June, 1^21, the American deputies laid before that 
body a memorial setting forth the condition oiP their 
provinces, and the measures which, in their opinion, 
would lead to a definitive peace. They not only 
assured their Spanish colleagues that Americans were 
fully conscious of their rights as freemen, but also 
of their determination and ability to defend them; 
nevertheless, if those rights were respected, and jus- 
tice was done, existing diflSculties might be obliterated. 
They believed, however, that a constitutional system 
would be impracticable in America, unless new and 
eflScacious measures were adopted to enable the 
three branches of government to act freely within 
their respective bounds, and likewise to make effective 
the responsibility of public officials for thep:_ acts. 
Another point upon which they laid stress was "Ehe 
inutility of American deputies at the Spanish c6rtes 
unless they were effectively upheld from their respect- 
ive countries. They found other faults with the exist- 
ing government, and declared that the solution i>f. the 
great problem would be found in the. establishment 
of autonomic governments in America. 

'"He was a native of Jacsa, in Aragonj took the Dominican habit in Zara- 
goza, and completed there his education; joined the province of Santiago in 
Mexico at the a^e of 23; became a lecturer in Porta Coeli college, and a pro- 
fessor in the university of Mexico, by which he was made a doctor, and by 
his order a maestro. On the 9th of Nov., 1806, as bishop of Rosen in partibus 
infidelium, he was made bishop-coadjutor of Oajaca, and consecrated on the 
2d of Aug., 1807. Juarros, Guat., ii., adv. p. xi.-xii.; Cdries, DiariOy xviii. 
396; Puerto, Convite, p, iii. 1. 


Commerce between Spanish America and the 
mother country should be treated as internal trade, 
the Americans having equal rights and privileges with 
their brethren of Europe. The same equality in 
respect to civil rights and appointment to office was 
likewise to exist between the natives of America and 
Spain. If such demands were conceded, Mexico and 
Central America would pay to Spain ten million dol- 
lars within six years, in yearly installments from Jan- 
uary 1, 1823, to be applied to the cancelling of the 
national debt. They would also allow Spain two 
million dollars yearly for the support of the royal 

It was now too late, however^ for conciliatory eflforts 
to be successful. Events crowded upon each other, 
and were beyond the control even of the men who 
made them. Central America was at peace, but the 
constitutional system recently established, with its 
popular elections and a free press, after the spirit of na- ' 
tionality had gained so much ground, naturally tended 
to excite the public mind, emboldening the timid, and 
increasing the number of the friends of independence. 
Party spirit controlled everything; it was felt even in 
the domestic circle. The people were prepared and 
anxious for a change, when vague rumors were set 
afloat of renewed revolutionary effi)rts in Mexico.^^ 
P arty leaders were of one- mind on the desirability of 
separation. It was generally admitted that the sub- 
jection of the country to Spain could no longer be 
maintained. Only a few high officials and Spaniards 
dissented. Now was the time, if ever, for a sound 
head and strong hand to helm the ship of state. Ur- 
rutia, owing to age and physical ailings, was not t^ 
man for the occasion; nor was he, though opposed to 
the scheme of secession, able to retarcTit. U^nder the^ 

^ The payments were to begin no later than one year after the installation 
of the autonomic government. The allowance was to be increased when the 
condition of the two countries should become improved. 

^'^ Positive news of Iturbide'a defection had not yet reached Guatemala. 
Mem. Rev, Cent. Am., 2. 


circumstances, the diputacion provincial prevailed on 
the jefe superior politico to delegate his powers to the 
sub-inspector of the troops, Gavino Gainza.^^ This 
oflScer at first tried to stem the torrent of revolution, 
to act as the agent of Spain, disapproving the plan of 
separation, but at the same time maintained intimate 
relations with the independents and aided their efforts. 
This party publicly circulated a paper for signatures 
to ask Gainza to proclaim independence himself. He 
pretended to be indignant; and upon the receipt 
of the plan of Iguala, formed in Mexico by Iturbide 
and Guerrero,^* he issued a manifesto depicting it in 
the blackest colors, and ordered that all who had 
called on him to declare independence should be 
prosecuted.^'^ The independents became disgusted, but 
had to make the best of the situation. They then 
resolved to play upon his personal ambition, assuring 
him that for his cooperation in their plans he would 
be retained in command, and afterward chosen the 
first chief magistrate of the young nation. While he 
still hesitated, they despatched Cayetano Bedoya to 
Oajaca for military aid from General Bravo. But on 
the messenger's arrival at Ciudad Real de Chiapas, 
he found that the place had followed the example of 
Oajaca and Tehuantepec, accepting the plan of Iguala. 
This step hastened events in Guatemala, and Bedoya 
had no need of going farther. 

The act of Ciudad Real, received September 13th, 
caused the greatest excitement in the city of Guate- 
mala, and the government had to give way. Urged 
by the diputacion, Gainza summoned, on the 14th, the 

^ He is represented as a fickle man, one easily influenced, and likely to 
act under the impressions of the moment. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.y i. 
21; Salv.y Diario Qfic, 1875, Apr. 1, 4. Events showed he was a man of no 
settled principles or character, who proved himself, first a traitor to his king 
and country, and next, for self-aggrandizement, betrayed the men that in an 
evil hour placed their trust in him. 

2* This plan is described in Hist. Mex.y iv. 709-10, this series. 

2* The order was a dead letter, however. Gainza evidently issued it to 
cover his responsibility in Madrid; at any rate, no one was arrested, and the 
manifesto was soon after retired, public affairs being allowed to take their 
eoorse. Mem. Rev. Cent, Am.f 4; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 21-2. 


high officials and other notables to a meeting next 
day to resolve on some action responsive to the de- 
mands of the people.^^ 

During the night of the 14th Molina and the cacos 
scattered their agents throughout the wards to stir 
up the masses, and at the same time to awe the es- 
panolistas, or royal partisans. At 8 a. m. on the 15th 
a throng of independents filled the porticos, court-yard, 
halls, and ante-chambers of the government house. 
Among them and instructing the crowds were Molina, 
Barrundia, Basilio Porras, and other leaders. Soon 
after began to arrive at the government house the 
officials called to take part in the deliberations of the 
meeting, namely, two members of each corporation 
deputized therefor; the archbishop and prelates of 
the religious orders ; the chief officers of the army and 
treasury; who, together with the diputacion provin- 
cial, and under the presidency of the acting jefe supe- 
rior politico, Gainza,^^ at once proceeded to business. 
After reading the declarations in Chiapas, several mem- 
bers briefly expressed their views. The first speaker 
was Valle, leader of the gazistas, who eloquently ad- 
vocated independence as necessary and just, but ended 
advising that it should not be proclaimed till the other ' 
sections had formally declared in its favor. The 
motion was seconded. The anti-independents'^^ op- 
posed all action until final results in Mexico should be 
received. Every attempt at a vacillating policy was- 
defeated by the energetic efibrts of the independents^ 
who voted for an immediate declaration of indepen- 

^"Gainza on the 13th had exacted of all the superior military officers ai 
renewal of their oath of fidelity to the king. Id.^ i. 23. 

^^ The diputacion, on motion of Simeon Canas, had acted at the instance! 
of the ayuntamiento, whose sindico, Mariano de Aycinena, had called for am 
extra session to petition for immediate independence. Gainza, with the vie\^ 
of averting auch a declaration, attended personally to preside over the meet- 
ing; but he finally submitted to the inevitable, and weakly assented to tho 
convocation of the authorities, without first obtaining Urrutia's approbation. 
He thus ignored the real chief authority in the country. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 
4-5; Ayon, Apuntes, 21. 

^^8 Archbishop Casaus, oidores Miguel Moreno and Jos6 Valdez, Luis Es- 
coto, prelate of the Dominicans, F6lix Lagrava, Juan Bautista Jduregui, Jos4 
Villafane, and others of less note. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 23-7. 
HiBX. Cent. Am., Vol. IH. 3 


dence.^^ Every vote favorable to independence was 
received by the people with loud applause, and every 
one against it with groans. The popular preference 
became so marked and boisterous that the anti-inde- 
pendents, fearing for their lives, retired from the 

The diputacion and ayuntamiento then, as the legiti- 
mate organs to express the public will, drew up the 
Acta de Independencia, w4iich was adopted, signed, 
and sworn to by all the members present. ^^ This 
instrument, after declaring the aspiration of Guate- 
malans to be a free and independent people,^^ invited 
all citizens of the provinces to choose without delay 
representatives, on the basis of one for every 15,000 

2* The supporters of this resolution were: Canon Doctor Jos6 Maria Cas- 
tilla, Dean Doctor Antonio Garcia Redondo; Regents of the audiencia Fran- 
cisco Vilches, oidores Miguel Larreinaga and Tomds O'Horan; deputies from 
the university, doctors Mariano Galvez and Serapio Sanchez; deputies from 
the college of lawyers, Jos6 Francisco C6rdoba and Santiago Milla; Antonio 
Rivera Cabezas, Mariano Beltranena, J. Mariano Calderon, Rev. Doctor J. 
Matias Delgado, M. A. Molina, members of the diputacion provincial; Ma- 
riano and J. Antonio Larrave, Isidoro Castriciones, Pedro Arroyave, and 
Mariano de Aycinena, members of the ayuntamiento; Lorenzo Romana, gov- 
ernment secretary; Domingo Dieguez, secretary of the meeting; Friars Ma- 
riano Perez and Jos^ Antonio Taboada, prelates respectively of the Recollects 
And Franciscans. Some Spaniards also recorded their names in favor of such 
.action. Ih. The Memorias de las Revoluciones de Centro America give among 
.the members of the diputacion Jos^ Vald^s, and leave out M. A. Molina, 5. 

2*^297 years, 3 months, and 19 days from June 24, 1524, when Pedro de 
-Alvarado arrived with his 300 conquistadores. 

^^ Article 2d, speaking of the congress, says: It is to decide upon the point 
•of 'independencia general y absoluta, y fijar, en caso de acordarla, la forma de 
,gobierno y ley fundamental que deba regir.' Marure, who gives the text of 
the acta, asserts that the declaration actually was for an 'independencia ab- 
isoluta de M^jico y de cualquiera otra nacion;' and that Gainza, who favored 
annexation to Mexico, had beforehand prepared an oath to support it. Bosq. 
Hist. Cent. Am., i. 27, and ap. ii., iii.; Alaman, Hist. M6j., v. 346-8; Ayon, 
Apuiites, 21; Squier^s Trav.y ii. 378; Squier's Cent. Am., 67; Cuevas, Porvenir 
de M4x., 252. Another vital clause in the instrument was that the Roman 
catholic religion which the Central Americans had professed in past centuries, 
'y profesaremos en los siglos venideros, ' must be preserved 'pura 6 inalterable,' 
its ministers respected, and protected in their persons and property. The 
prelates of the various religious communities were invited to cooperate in be- 
half of peace and harmony, endeavoring to do away with personal passions. 
The whole proceeding was novel, this of Spanish officials, presided over by 
the chief agent of the king, meeting with natives of the country to decide 
whether Guatemala should cast off the old mother country or not. Several 
other things worthy of notice happened then among them. Canon Castilla, 
though a friend of the archbishop, his prelate, who had advocated anti-iude- 
pendence, favored the separation. Many of the officials declared for secession, 
chief among their number the gazista leader Jos6 del Valle, who held the high 
office of auditor de guerra. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.^ b^. 


inhabitants, to a national congress that was to meet 
March 1, 1822. In the mean time the Spanish laws, 
courts of justice, and public functionaries were to con- 
tinue as heretofore. The representatives were to be 
chosen by the same juntas electorales that had lately, 
since the restoration of the constitution, elected depu- 
ties to the c6rtes, without excluding, as the constitu- 
tion did, men of African descent from the rights of 
full citizenship.^^ The clause giving the last electoral 
college, with its majority of Valle's partisans, the 
power to choose the members of the constituent con- 
gress, is said to have been inserted in the acta by 

On the I7th Gainza issued a proclamation formally 
placing before the people the resolutions adopted on 
the 15th, and enjoining on all the duty of abiding by 
them, and of respecting the laws and authorities 
recognized by them. Any attempt, by word or deed, 
to restore Spanish domination was declared high 
treason, punishable with death. ^* The powers of the 
congress would be constituent to adopt a form of gov- 
ernment and frame the national constitution. Mean- 
time Gainza held civil and military authority, acting 
with the advice of a provisional junta consultiva, 
formed with the diputacion provincial and seven 
additional members, representing respectively Leon, 
Comayagua, Costa Kica, Quezaltenango, SoloU, Chi- 
maltenango, Sonsonate, and Ciudad Keal.^^ Neither 

'^The following names appear in the acta: Gavino Gainza, Mariano de 
Beltranena, Jos6 Mariano Calderon, Jos6 Matias Delgado, Manuel Antonio 
Molina, Mariano de Larrave, Antonio de Rivera, Jos^ Antonio de Larrave, 
Isidoro de Valle y Castriciones, Pedro de Arroyave, Mariano de Aycinena. 
Secretaries, Lorenzo de Romana, Domingo Dieguez. Pineda de Mont. , JRecop. 
Ley. GuaL, i. 1-14. The news of this declaration reached Spain, and mention 
was made of it in the c6rtes Dec. 15, 1821, by Deputy Navarrete. CdrteSy 
Diario extraord., vl, 1821, Dec. 15, 34; Cdrtes, Diario, viiL, 1822, Feb. 12, 
5; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 43-4, 66-130; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6-9. 

^^ This clause gave rise to much trouble afterward. 

^* The authorities were to be apprised of any plots against the new regime 
by persons becoming aware of them, or the latter would be held as aiders 
and abettors of treason. Carrying concealed weapons, ringing of bells other 
than for religious service, and injuring or destroying public or private prop- 
erty, under any pretext, would be severely punished. M^x., Oac. Imp., Dec. 
1, 1821, 260-3. 

'^ The additional members were Miguel de Larreinaga, Jos6 del Valle, J. 


the people at large nor the meeting of the 15th created 
such a body. It was the creation of the men who 
remained behind in the hall, including Yalle, who 
drew up the acta.^^ Continuing his double dealing, 
Gainza had issued his proclamation, on the 16th, for 
the election of representatives to congress. He spoke 
therein of the longing for independence since 1810, of 
the popular love for the cause which had been so 
forcibly sustained at the meeting of the preceding day, 
and concluded by inviting the whole people to approve 
the plan, and to appoint their deputies to complete 
the work. 

Before proceeding further with the political situa- 
tion at the capital of Guatemala, I will devote a little 
space to laying before the reader some information on 
one of its most important sections, namely, Chiapas. 
The population was computed in 1813 at over 100,000 
inhabitants, of whom 70,000 were Indians; the re- 
mainder were Spaniards and mixed breeds, with a 
few negroes.^^ 

As a reward for good services and generous pecu- 
niary contributions to the nation, the Spanish cortes 
passed, October 29, 1813, a decree bestowing the title 
of city on the town of Comitan, and that of villa on 
those of Tusta, Tonald, Tapachula, and Palenque.^^ 

Antonio Alvarado, Marques de Aycinena, 3os6 Yald6s, Jos6 M. Candina, and 
Antonio Robles. Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Oalvez were made the sec- 
retaries. Marure, Ufem^rides, 59. 

''^The acta was signed at Gainza's house on the 16th, and the extra mem- 
bers were appointed. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6. 

'^ Ciudad Real, the capital, had in the city proper 6,000, chiefly Spaniards; 
the outside districts and suburbs swelled the population to 14,000. Mazarie- 
gos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 51. The canon of Chiapas Mariano Robles Domin- 
guez de Mazariegos, being the deputy from his province in the Spanish c6rtes 
in 1813, laid before the chamber an interesting memorial, which was after- 
ward given to the press at Cddiz, in one volume, 18mo, of 71 pages, under the 
title of Memoria Bistdrica de la Provincia de Chiapa. He suggested means 
to develop the commerce of the province on its navigable rivers, and particu- 
larly with Guatemala and Vera Cruz. His recommendations were heeded, 
and several ports and rivers were opened to trade. Id., 33-4, 54-9; Cdrtes, 
Diario, 1813, xix. 392; Noticioso Oen., Aug. 30, 1816. Mazariegos' successor 
was also a clergyman, Fernando Antonio Ddvila, who took his seat in Novem- 
ber, 1813. Cdrtes, Act. ord., i. 275. 

'8 From the time of the conquest there existed in all Indian towns ayunta- 


In contravention of law, the first name of the three 
proposed by the intendente to the president of Guate- 
mala, for chief of each of the eleven subdelegaciones, 
was that of some creature of the intendente. Unfit- 
ness for the place or immorality counted for nothing 
if the nomination suited the proposer or the confirm- 
ing power. These subdelegados, by means of their 
comisarios, collected the tribute and speculated with 
it; each being a tyrant who oppressed the Indians at 
his will. 

Education was neglected; ignorance prevailed to 
such an extent that a large portion of the inhabitants 
did not know even the first rudiments of their reli- 
gion. The poorer Spaniards and the mixed breeds 
were entirely without education. Indeed, in nearly 
three centuries, not only had the Indians not learned 
to speak Spanish, but the native Spaniards spoke 
the six Indian tongues of the province better than 
their own.^^ 

Chiapas, it is well known, had been an episcopal see, 
with its cathedral at Ciudad Heal, since the first years 
of the conquest.*^ The country is fertile and well 

mientos called cabildos, and composed as follows: a gobernador, who was a 
caciqne or noble Indian, generally for life, though *sin jurisdiccion,' appointed 
formally in writing by the principal executive of the province; two alcaldes; 
four, six, or eight regidores, according to population; and some officers called 
in some places mayores, and in others alguaciles, who aided the regidores, 
took care of the cabildos' houses, and furnished supplies to travellers going 
through their towns. They were elected on the first day of January of each 
year, and were subject to the alcalde mayor and the teniente of each town, 
by whom they were too frequently badly treated. Mazariegos, Mem. Hist. 
Chiapa, 28-29. 

2^ In some Indian towns, so-called maestros were salaried from the com- 
munity funds of the inhabitants. Such maestros could scarcely read and 
write, and most of them were immoral and given to drunkenness. Of course 
no good results could be obtained from such teachers. The Spanish cdrtes in 
1813 decreed the adoption of measures for promoting public instruction, and 
on the 24th of October enacted the establishment of a university iu the prov- 
ince. Miizanegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 51-53; Cdrtes^ DiariOy 1813, xix. 392; 
Id., Act. ord., 1813, i. 113, 141. 

*°The cathedral chapter was composed of four dignitaries, one simple 
canon, six choir chaplains. The revenue of the diocese was limited. The 
number of its parishes was forty-seven, which included the eleven of the capi- 
tal and suburbs. Mazariegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 48. From 1819 to 1836, 
according to Larrainzar, religious, educational, and general affairs had at- 
tained much improvement. In the diocese there were, besides the cathedral. 


watered. Its agricultural products were wheat — of 
which there was a surplus for exportation — maize, 
beans, rice, coffee, and cacao."*^ A variety of vegeta- 
ables in abundance, and the fruits of all climes, could 
also be obtained. The maguey was extensively culti- 
vated for pulque and aguardiente. A great deal of 
sugar-cane and good tobacco were grown. Indigo 
and cochineal were cultivated to some extent. The 
country had likewise excellent grazing. Cattle, sheep, 
goats, horses, and mules abounded. The mines of 
gold, silver, lead, copper, and iron were not worked, 
owing to the poverty of the inhabitants. The gov- 
ernor-intendente of Chiapas in 1817, Carlos Cas- 
tanon, as appears in the records, was a confirmed 

From the time that Iturbide proclaimed the inde- 
pendence of Mexico, the canons of the chapter in the 
diocese of Ciudad Real — bitterly hostile, like thema- 
jority of the Mexican and Central American clergy, 
to the reforms of the Spanish cortes respecting the 
church*^ — had been in communication with that chief- 
tain's auditor de guerra, Fernandez Almansa, who 
kept them informed on the progress of the revolution. 
The clericals looked upon the Mexican chief as the 
savior of their ancient prerogatives and monopo- 

three convents of friars and one of nuns; a hospital, founded by Bishop Juan 
^_lvarez de Toledo; an ecclesiastic' college, founded by Bishop Bravo de la 
Serna; primary schools and a university. Since 1819 existed the Sociedad 
de Amigos del Pais, to develop agriculture, industry, and learning. The 
inhabitants of the capital were quite cultured. Discurso, 17-18. In 1813 the 
Spanish c6rtes, among other measures for the benefit of Chiapas, decreed that 
the friars of Guatemala should undertake the conversion of the Indians of 
Palenque. Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 392. 

*' Soconusco cacao being considered the best of America, some loads of it 
were sent every year to Spain for the use of the royal family. 

*2 On the 20th of Dec, 1817, he congratulated the viceroy of Mexico on the 
triumphs of the royal arms. The capture of Mina and other successes were 
enthusiastically celebrated in Ciudad Real. Noticioso Gen., Feb. 14, 1818, 4; 
Gaz. deM6x., 1818, ix. 141-2. 

*3The bishop of Chiapas, Salvador San Martin, incurred the wrath of the 
c6rtes, when he was acting as deputy from Porto E,ico, for his support of the 
royal decree of 1814, that overthrew the national constitution. San Martin 
was dead when Chiapas followed the example of Mexico in 1821. Alaman^ 
Hist. Mij., V. 344; Mex., Gaceta Imp., i. 11, 173. 



lies, and with this end in view, prepared public opin- 
ion for setting aside the authority of Fernando VII. 
and his c6rtes.** 

The governor-intendente, Juan N. Batres, together 
with the ayuntamiento of Ciudad Real, proclaimed, 
on the 3d of September, 1821, the separation of Chiapas 
from Spain, and her acceptance of Iturbide's plan of 
Iguala. On the 8th all the authorities and officers, 




civil and military, took the oath to support that act, 
which was administered by the governor of the dio- 
cese; after which they had high mass and a sermon 
in the cathedral, where the secular clergy and the 

" In Ciudad Real, Iturbide was called 'padre Salvador de la religion y de 
la patria.' Id., 10-12. 


people took the same oath^^ before the aforesaid ec- 
clesiastic authority. The obligations assumed were 
to support the Roman catholic apostolic religion; to 
secure the independence of the empire, preserving to 
that end peace and union between Europeans and 
Americans; and to obey Fernando VII., should he 
adopt and swear to support the constitution to be 
enacted by the c6rtes of the Mexican empire, ^hiapas 
was, therefore, the first province of the captain-gen^ 
eralcy of Guatemala to throw off the Spanish yoke; 
she at the same time separated herself from Guate- 
mala, and manifested her determination to link her 
future with Mexico. All this was made known Sep- 
tember 21st by the comandante-general of Oajaca to 
Iturbide. The example of Ciudad Real was unhesi- 
tatingly followed by the other towns in the province. 

We have seen that Guatemala, at her declaration of 
independence, did not at once accept annexation to 
the Mexican empire. This course did not suit the 
rulers and notables of Ciudad Real, who hastened 
to manifest their displeasure at a meeting held Sep- 
tember 20th, and attended by the intendente, ayun- 
tamiento, and other official bodies, prelates, and a 
large number of citizens. 

As a matter of fact, the desire of Chiapas to be 
detached from Guatemala and annexed to Mexico 
existed with some strength even before the declara- 
tion of independence;*^ and Guatemala having failed 
to return an answer to the letter from the authorities 
of Chiapas, announcing her action of the 3d, this 
neglect had strengthened the notables of the latter 
in their resolution to recognize no other government 
than that of the Mexican empire under the treaties of 
Cordoba. It was also resolved at the meeting not to 
circulate the declaration of independence which the 

*5The act of independence was signed by Juan N. Batres, Jos6 Ignacio 
Larrainzar, Jos6 Diego Lara, Julio Jos6 Flores, Jos6 Nicolds Osuna, Est6vaa 
Gordiilo, and Lie. Jos6 Vives. 

*'*Soon after this act that desire began to assume proportions. Larrainzar, 
Notk. Hist. Soconmco, 28. 



jefe politico of Guatemala had sent. These senti- 
ments were duly seconded by the other cities and 

In order to guard against any action Guatemala 
might take because of the course of Chiapas, at a 
formal session of the diputacion, presided over by the 
jefe politico, and held on the 2 2d of October, it was 
resolved to send to Mexico a commissioner to take the 
necessary steps, and procure his province's separation 
from Guatemala, even if the latter should come to be 
thereafter a part of the Mexican empire.*'' 

*^For particulars on the final separation of Chiapas, and incorporation as a 
state of the Mexican confederation, see Hist. Mex., v. 22-4, this series. The 
clergyman Pedro Sol5rzano was the agent appointed under the resolution 
referred to in the text, and he accordingly repaired to the city of Mexico. 
Larrainzar, JSotic. Hist. Soconusco, 29j M6x. Gacetalmp., i. 169-73, 270-1, 
319-23, 337-9. 





FiEST Acts of Guatemalan Rulers— Intrigues of Parties— Their Evil 
Consequences — Gainza's Intrigues — Independence in the Other 
Provinces — Rewards to Gainza — Troubles in Salvador— Dissen^ 
SIGNS in Honduras — ^Local Squabbles in Nicaragua— Predilection 
FOR Imperialism — Costa Rica Neutral — Condition of Various 
Sections — Seceding Districts of Guatemala — Perplexities of the 
Junta Consultiva — Iturbidb's Devices — Military Pressure— His 
Proposals Accepted— Illegal Annexation — Protests and Resist- 
ance — War Begins. 

Among the first acts of the junta at Guatemala 
was the promotion of two officers who were supposed 
to be reHable supporters of the late movement.^ Both 
proved themselves afterward recreant to their pledges, 
by their hostility to the republican cause. 

The cacos were republicans. They strove to rid 
the country of the antiquated errors and practices, 
including in their plans the abolishment of the priv- 
ileges of the clergy, and the restriction of their power, 
which had been a constant source of injury to the 
people at large. They wanted the adoption of demo- 
cratic institutions, in order to place the masses on the 
level heretofore occupied only by the ruling class. 
They succeeded in prevailing on the people to take an 
interest and a direct intervention in public affairs. 
Barrundia, Molina, and C6rdoba led them to the gal- 

^ They were Lorenzo Romana, who was made colonel of the battalion of reg- 
ulars, superseding the Spaniard F6lix Lagrava, and Manuel Arzii, who obtained 
the command of the artillery, with the same rank. Marurey Bosq. Hist. Gent, 
Am., i. 28. 


leries of the junta chamber to witness its acts, and 
even take part in its deliberations.^ Thej attacked 
Valle for the clause he inserted in the acta of the 
15th, to which I have alluded in the preceding chap- 
ter. On that point they certainly had a well-founded 
grievance, but their manner of presenting it resulted 
in a loss of confidence in the junta, the organization 
of new parties, and general distraction. The point 
taken by them, however, was decided in their favor 
by the junta. But the latter held secret sessions 
after the 29th of September, significant of sinister 

The other party — formerly constituting the ruling 
class — scouted the idea of equality. Most of the 
churchmen had the same feeling; for in joining the 
movement for separation from Spain their motive had 
been to shield their menaced prerogatives, rather than 
love for America or freedom. 

On the 18th of September Gainza wrote Iturbide, 
generalissimo of the so-called empire of Mexico, that 
his course had been hailed with joy, and that political 
parties had consolidated on the proposition of inde- 
pendence from Spain; hence he had proclaimed it. 
And that, since then, amid the transition from one 
system to another, the minds of the people of Gua- 
temala had been fixed on Iturbide, and they had 
desired to tender him their congratulations as the 
liberator of New Spain.^ 

^ A writer of the opposite party asserts that the practice caused much con- 
fusion, arising from ignorance. The populace abused the privilege, and 
had finally to be excluded from the chamber. The same author speaks dis- 
paragingly of the three leaders. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 7. It is said of them 
that they often addressed from the gallery petitions to the junta, demanded 
removals of officials, and had disputes with its members or with Gainza. I 
have already given some account of Barrundia and Molina. C6rdoba had 
sufifered imprisonment and prosecution for being concerned in the revolution- 
ary movements of 1811. 

' ' Acorde al fin en sus sentimientos, se reuni6 liltimamente en la opinion 
que debi6 siempre ser el vinculo estrecho de su voluntad. Asi consta del tes- 
timonio que acompano d V. E. ' The last sentence must refer to a copy of the 
acta de independencia. Mex., Gaceta Imp., i. 60-2. And yet, another journal 
of Mexico, alluding to that letter, after erroneously giving the writer's name 
as Gabriel Quinia, actually asserted its contents to be that Guatemala, like 
Chiapas, had submitted to Mexico, party spirit having been powerless to dis- 


The junta consultiva passed a number of decrees, 
which were sanctioned by Gainza. Urrutia, the ex- 
captain-general, was tendered his salary and the con- 
siderations due his rank and former office if he would 
formally recognize the independence.* He declined 
with thanks, departing for Habana soon after. At 
the time of the adoption of the acta, peaceable persons 
were assured of protection to their persons and 
property, which pledge was faithfully fulfilled. No 
opponent of independence was molested. Officials 
desirous of returning to their country were allowed 
to do so.^ 

The junta, which bore the compellation of excelen- 
tisima, unanimously appointed Gainza captain-general, 
with the salary of $10,000 a year, decorating him also 
with a three-colored scarf, commemorative of the 
three guarantees. A gold medal was voted to the 
members of the ayuntamiento, who made the solemn 
declaration of independence on the 23d of September.^ 
Committees were next appointed to study and report 
to the junta on public instruction, safety and de- 
fences, statistics, industry, and finances. Jose del 
Valle was instructed to form a plan of government.'' 

Several financial measures engaged the attention 
of the junta. One of them proposed to levy a duty 
of ten per centum on gold and silver exported to 
Spain. This was never strictly enforced. Restric- 
tions to foreign commerce, and monopolies existing 
under the Spanish government, were abolished. Lib- 
eral principles were introduced, including freedom of 

turb the peace or general will of the inhabitants ! Mex., Noticioso Gen., Oct. 
19, 1821. 

* Decree of Sept 20, 1821. 

^Decrees of Sept. 26 and 27, 1821. They were given two months' extra 
pay. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6-7. 

^ Tills act was effected amidst great enthusiasm, and rejoicing at its ac- 
complishment without bloodshed. Persons then residing in the city who had 
favored the movement had their names inserted in a book. MarurCy Bosq. 
Iliat. Cent. Am.,i. 27-30. 

' Another committee was to count the population in order to apportion the 
deputies to congress. Gracias, Guad. Estad., 28. 


the press, which had been guaranteed by the Spanish 
constitution, and was now continued in force.^ 

In Salvador absolute independence had been de- 
clared by the ayuntamiento on the 21st of September, 
and proclaimed eight days after. Pedro Barriere, 
who as teniente letrado was temporarily acting as chief 
civil authority, together with the ayuntamiento of 
San Salvador, decreed the election of seven persons 
to form a "junta subalterna econ6mica y consultiva." 
There was great commotion stirred on the one hand 
by the vicar Ignacio Saldana, and on the other by the 
liberals, Arce, Ramirez, and others. The next day, 
the people being assembled to effect the election, 
Barriere, pretending that his friends, the so-called 
serviles, were in peril, retracted his former action. 
His words enraged the populace. Then he called 
out the troops to disperse the crowds, and arrested the 
republican leaders Arce, Rodriguez, and Domingo 
Lara.^ But on the news of his course reaching Guate- 
mala, Delgado was despatched to Salvador as a peace- 
maker, clothed with ample powers. On his way to 
the capital he liberated prisoners, all of whom joined 
his following and entered the city with him. Bar- 
riere was sent out of the province; the troops were 
disarmed; peace was restored; a subordinate junta 
consultiva was installed, and Delgado continued at 
the head of the government.^^ 

® Before the news reached Spain of the change in Guatemala, Deputy Milla 
spoke, on the 18th of Nov., in the c6rtes of the insuflficiency of Spanish bot- 
toms for the transportation of American produce, and demanded the privilege 
of using foreign vessels therefor. He alluded also to the inability of the royal 
navy to protect Spanish merchantmen, in proof of which he stated the fact 
that five vessels had been carried off by insurgent privateers from Nicaraguan 
ports. Cdrtes, Diario Extraord., Nov. 18, 1821, iv. 12-13. 

' Men who had relations with Delgado, one of the junta in Guatemala. 
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 9-10. 

^•^ Delgado assumed authority on his arrival at Santa Ana, and used it 
effectively, though without violence. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 36-7. 
The extent of the province of Salvador was 50 leagues long and 30 wide; it 
was divided into the partidos of Santa Ana, San Salvador, San Vicente, and 
San Miguel, with three cities, five villas, and 140 pueblos. Mendez, Mem., 9- 
10. The following were the signers of independence: Pedro Barriere, Casi- 
miro Garcia Valdeavellano, Jos6 Ignacio Saldaiia, Jos6 Rosi, Millan Bustos, 


In Honduras, on the receipt at Comayagua of. the 
news that Guatemala had seceded from the Spanish 
crown, the governor-intendente, Brigadier Josd Ti- 
noco de Contreras, and the diputacion^^ refused to 
recognize the government constituted in that city, and 
took an oath to support the plan of Iguala. This 
was a virtual annexation of Honduras to the Mexican 
empire. The partidos of Tegucigalpa and Gracias, 
and the ports of Omoa and Trujillo, would not accept 
as valid the act of the authorities at Comayagua, and 
maintained relations with those in Guatemala. The 
independence from Spain had been declared on the 
16th of October. 

Tinoco took the two ports above named, which were 
treacherously surrendered to him.^^ He also fitted 
out a force to march on Tegucigalpa. A counter- 
revolution, however, on the 1st of December, sup- 
ported by an approaching Guatemalan liberal force, 
set aside Tinoco's control and restored that of the 
junta consultiva.^^ 

Gerdnimo de Ajuria, Francisco del Duque, Santiago Rosi, Trinidad Estupinian, 
Juan B. de Otonto, Francisco Ignacio de Urrutia, Narciso Ortega, and Pedro 
Miguel Lopez, secretary. Euiz, Calend. Salv., 67-8; Salv., Diario OJic.y Jan. 
20, 1875, 5; Bustamante, Cuad. HisL, vi., no. 187, 1-29; Mem. Rev. Cent. 
Am., 2, 9-10. Alaman has it that Delgado seized the government by a revo- 
lution in 1822. Hist. M^j., v. 474-5. 

^^In the Spanish cortes, March 29, 1813, was read and passed to a com- 
mittee a petition of the ayuntamiento of Comayagua, objecting to the limited 
scope of the decree of May 24, 1812, which authorized the establishment of 
only two diputaciones in the whole of Guatemala, and asked for one in Coma- 
yagua with Omoa, Trujillo, and the partido of Tegucigalpa, and that of San 
Miguel in Salvador, within its jurisdiction, which would give the new dipu- 
tacion a territory of 140 leagues from N. to S., and as many from E. to W. 
Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xviii. 61. I have no evidence as to when Honduras 
was granted the diputacion, but the fact appears that it had such a corpora- 
tion in September 1821. The province was larger than Nicaragua, and divided 
into the partidos of Comayagua and Tegucigalpa, and the nine sub-delegations 
of Gracias d Dios, San Pedro Zula, Teucoa, Yoro, Olanehito, Olancho Viejo, 
Tegucigalpa, Choluteca, and Trujillo, having within it the ports of Omoa, 
Puerto Caballos, Puerto Sal, Triunfo de la Cruz, Trujillo, and Cartago. The 
bishopric of Comayagua embraced the whole intendencia, with 35 parishes, 
one mission, and 145 churches. Mendez, Mem., 8, 21. In 1821 there lived in 
Trujillo about 2,500 Caribs, the original inhabitants of Saint Viucent, later 
occupying the island of Eoatan, whence they removed to Trujillo. They 
were a rather industrious, honest people. CoggeshaU's Voy., 2d ser., 161-3. 

^ ^■■^ Omoa by Captain Bernardo Caballero, P. Pedro Brito, and others, who 
seized and imprisoned the commandant, Antonio Prado. Marure, Bosq. Hist. 
Cent. Am., i. 35. 

^'The junta in Guatemala passed an act on the 11th of Dec. to reward the 


Nicaragua had, since 1813, a diputacion provincial, 
under the decree of the Spanish c6rtes of May 24, 
1812. Its jurisdiction extended over the districts of 
Leon, Granada, Segovia, Nicaragua, and Matagalpa. 
Under the new system, estabhshed in 1821, and since 
TJrrutia's retirement, constant questions of jurisdic- 
tion arose between the intendente and the superior 
jefe politico.^* 

On the 3d of October Colonel Crisanto Sacasa, 
commandant at Granada, issued a general order to 
the officers to report with their troops next morning, 
and take the oath to support national independence, 
pursuant to the instructions he had received from 
Captain-general Gainza. Intendente Saravia had 
been at enmity with Gainza, and when the first steps 
were taken in Guatemala for independence, he threw 
off his authority. In this he had the aid of Bishop 
Jerez and Colonel Joaquin Arechavala, commander 
of the militia, all three being natives of old Spain. 
They induced the diputacion and the ayuntamiento, 
by an act of the 11th of October, to declare Nicara- 
gua seceded from Guatemala.^^ This action occurred 
in Leon. But Granada refused to concur, and sent 
its representatives to the congress called to meet in 
Guatemala. Later, October 21st, the authorities in 
Leon formally accepted the Iguala plan, thereby an- 
nexing the whole province to the Mexican empire. 

villa of Tegucigalpa, raising it to the rank of a city, and bestowing on its 
ayuntamiento the title of 'patri6tico.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.., i. 35. 

^* As a matter of fact, ill feeling had always existed in the provinces against 
the capital. This hatred was intensified by the respective intendentes in 
forwarding their ambitious purposes. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.., 2. Lieut-col 
Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, son of the old lieut-gen. shot in Oajaca, was the 
gov. -intendente of Nicaragua since 1818. Naturally he hated the indepen- 
dents for his father's execution. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 34; Ay on, 
Apuntes, 22; Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed. 1823), 337-8. 

^^ They would remain independent of the Spanish crown, they said, until 
the clouds disappeared. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 8; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. 
Am., i. 34; Ay on, Apuntes, 22; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mej., 387; Biista- 
mante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29; Alaman, Hist. Mdj., v. 346-8; Wells' 
Hond., 468. Tomds Ayon, Apuntes sobre algunos de los acontecimientos poli- 
ticos de Nicaragua, Leon, 1875, 8vo, 50 pp., gives a few important memoranda 
on the political events of Nicaragua in 1811-24, in a clear, concise, and ap- 
parently impartial manner. 


The country was accordingly divided into two antag- 
onistic parties, the imperiahst and the republican.^^ 

Gainza said to the diputacion at Leon, on the 2 2d 
of October, that neither they nor the junta consultiva, 
nor any other body of men then existing, could decide 
upon the future of the country; none had a legal right 
to declare for or aofainst annexation to Mexico. This 
could be arrived at only by the representatives of the 
people in the general congress. ^"^ He appointed Colonel 
Sacasa comandante general of the forces in Nicaragua, 
and directed him to install in Granada a subordinate 
junta gubernativa of five members, clothed with the 
functions of a jefe politico, and which was to continue 
in power till the status of the country should be 
fixed.^^ Sacasa frankly notified the rulers in Leon of 
what he was to do, and took steps to carry his orders 
into execution. But Saravia, with the bishop and 
the diputacion, determined that no such junta should 
be installed. The diputacion, on the 1st of Decem- 
ber, by a special act, forbade its organization, declar- 
ing all attempts toward it subversive of good order 
and hostile to the Mexican empire, to which they 
owed allegiance; and warning all citizens to abstain 
from such efforts. 

^^ Saravia kept up a sort of underhanded war against Granada, obstructing 
her relations with Guatemala. Mature, Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., i. 35. The 
extent of the province of Nicaragua was 85 leagues long by 75 wide; detach- 
ing Nicoya, there were four partidos, Leon, Realejo, Sutiaba, and Matagalpa, 
with 88 towns in all. Menclez, Mem., 7. According to Miguel G. Saravia, 
Bosquejo politico estadistico de Nicaragua, its population in 1813 was of 149,- 
751, a very imperfect census. Squier's States Cent. Am., 50. The bishopric 
of Leon comprised all the intendencia of Costa Rica, with 40 parishes, 3 
missions, and 88 churches. Mendez, Mem., 20. A considerable military force 
had been, since 1796, kept at San Juan del Norte; and in 1821 additional de- 
fences were erected, by government order of May 2d. This force was expelled 
after the declaration of independence by the patriots. Sqtiiers Trav. , i. 83. 

^^ On the 11th of Nov. he answered in similar terms the diputacion at Co- 
mayagua. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., i. 44-6. 

^^ Its members were to be chosen by electors appointed by the ayunta- 
mientos supporting the Granada regime. These members to choose every 
month from their own number the president. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 5-6. Perez, 
Jerdnimo, Biografia del coronel Don Crisanto Sacasa, 1875, fol., 18 pp., fur- 
nishes important data on the origin and life of a man who figured prom- 
inently and honorably in the affairs of Nicaragua from 1821 to his death in 
1824. In connection with them appear several official letters on events during 
the period between secession from Spain and annexation to Mexico. 


Sacasa had every right to expect that Gainza would 
support him against attacks from Leon, but he was 
disappointed. The captain-general wrote him, on the 
2 2d of December, that it was doubtful if Central 
America could maintain a government separate from 
Mexico, many towns having already attached them- 
selves to the empire; and that he had expressed the 
same opinion to Saravia. Whereupon Sacasa, though 
a republican, made no further opposition to the powers 
at Leon. 

Costa Rica was privileged by distance to keep aloof 
from political troubles threatening the other provinces. ] 
She had seceded from Spain on the 27th of October, 
and set aside the governor, Juan Canas; but when 
called upon to adopt the plan of the capital or that of 
Leon, she declined both, preferring a neutral attitude^.^^ 
A meeting of notables confirmed the act of secession, 
and set up a provisional government entirely detached 
from that at Leon, which was to reside alternately in 
Cartage, San Jose, Heredia, and Alajuela. But this 
was found inconvenient, owing to rivalries between 
the two first-named towns; and finally it was decided, 
on the 27th of November, to place public affairs in 
the hands of Manuel Peralta, Rafael Osejo, and Her- 
menegildo Bonilla, who were to reside at the provin- 
cial capital, Cartage. Under this arrangement peace 
was preserved, and the province never was really under 
the imperial rule.^° 

^® The people acted prudently; they could but reap trouble from the polit- 
ical complications. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.^ 2; Molina^ Bosq. Costa Rica, 4r-6, 
17-18; Salv.y Diario Ofic, May 23, 1875; Lond. Geog. Soc, vi. 135. 

2° It had, from the time of the conquest, a civil and military government of 
its own, but under dependence of the audiencia and captain-generalcy at . 
Guatemala. In matters ecclesiastic and financial it had been under Leon. Mo- 
lina, Bosq. Costa Rica, 92; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2. The Spanish constitution 
gave it, together with Nicoya, a diputacion provincial. Astaburuaga, Cent. 
Am., 54. In 1812 the province had 22 towns — 12 of Indians and 10 of white 
and black men — besides farms, large estates, etc. The extent in 182i was 160 
by 60 leagues. The cities were Cartago and Esparza; the villas, San Jos6 ie 
Ujarrdz, Villa Vieja, and Villa Hermosa; the villages, Espiritu Santo, Pueblo 
Nuevo, Escasu, Alajuela, Bagasses, Las Canas, Barba, San Fernando, and the 
Indian towns and settlements; adding Nicoya and Guanacaste, there would be 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. i 


Dissensions had now brought the country to the 
brink of civil war, and no time was to be lost in avert- 
ing it. Measures were adopted to hasten the meeting 
of congress. With the vie w^ of restoring peace between 
the sections, and of rendering harmless disturbing ele- 
ments without resort to arms, the junta at Guatemala 
concluded to despatch trusty commissioners to the 
provinces where secession was rife, who were to pre- 
vail on them to send deputies to the general congress. 
Other agents were to be despatched to Mexico to 
watch the turn of events at the capital. ^^ What 
good results those agents might have accomplished, it 
is impossible now to say. They had no occasion to 
try their efforts. Events in Mexico succeeded one 
another with such rapidity, and their influence on 
Central America was so powerful, that, even among 
the best patriots, many made up their minds to coop- 
erate toward the union, carried away by the idea that 
only under the aegis of the northern empire could 
peace, safety, and stability be secured. 

Costa Rica, we have seen, was in fact out of the 
field; at any rate, it had no share in the political strife. 
The provinces of Guatemala proper and Salvador 
were the only ones, at present, which together with 
'Granada, in Nicaragua, and some portions of Hon- 
duras, attempted to preserve an independence from 
Mexico under whatever form of government might be 
;adopted in that country. The idea of annexation to 
Mexico had been, however, growing popular from day 
to day in Guatemala. The important section of 

27 towns. The population was computed at between 60,000 and 70,000, be- 
sides the three nations of heathen Indians in the mountains and northern 
coasts, and known respectively as indios de la Talamanca, indios del norte, 
and indios Mosquitos, all quite numerous. Cdrtes, Diarlo, 1813, xix. 404-5. 
In 1813 the deputy from Costa Rica in the Spanish c6rte3 petitioned for a 
bishopric; but at the time of the separation the matter had not been acted 
on. Mendez, 3fem., 7. 

21 Juan de Dios Mayorga and the provincial of la Merced, Fray Luis Gar- 
cia, were selected for Comayagua; the prelate of the Franciscans, Fray Jos6 
Antonio Taboada, for Leon; the prebendado Jos6 Maria Castilla, Pedro Mo- 
lina, and JosiS Francisco Barrundia, for Mexico. Mature, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 
i. 37-9. 


Quezaltenango adhered to the scheme, on the 13th of 
November, inviting Suchitepequez, Solold, and An- 
tigua Guatemala to follow the example, which they 
did soon after. And Cirilo Flores and Antonio Corzo, 
who in later years figured as most prominent cham- 
pions of democracy and suffered martyrdom for their 
cause, then supported the action of Quezaltenango. 

It was contended that Central America, after throw- 
ing off the Spanish yoke, acquired, with independence, 
the right of forming such associations as might be 
mutually beneficial. This doctrine was warmly ad- 
vocated by a large portion of the reflecting class. 
Under such circumstances, Guatemala and Salvador, 
hemmed in as they were between provinces that had 
already become annexed to Mexico, could not main- 
tain an absolute independence. 

Iturbide had large ideas of imperial sway, and was 
bent on the acquisition of entire Central America, 
aided efficiently, as he was on this side, by the aristo- 
crats and other dissentient elements, who, perceiving 
the insignificance they would come to if the nation 
finally became constituted under a democratic govern- 
ment, which their opponents were aiming at, labored 
with might and main to defeat the plan.'^^ They won 
over with money and fair promises a part of the peo- 
ple, and with Gainza, who expected high rank and 
offices from the new empire, bound Central America 
hand and foot, as will hereafter be seen. 

22 Some of them asked for titles, decorations, and other rewards for their 
services in harnessing their country to Mexico's imperial car. El ProgresOf 
Apr. 11, 1850. The organ of the empire spoke of the chimerical ideas 
of the republicans and federalists, adding that the opposition to them was 
large, and to be found in the officials, the higher classes, and indeed all sen- 
sible persons, who well knew how small was the number of the educated 
among them. It claimed that the journals published in Guatemala expressed 
the views of only a few deluded men, whose ranks were becoming thinner 
every day. That same organ had given to the public certain letters from the 
ayuntamiento of Comitan, in Chiapas, objecting to the 2d art. of the Guate- 
malan acta of Sept. 15th, on the ground that the country had no resources to 
sustain a separate government, which had been evident since the yearly al- 
lowance of $12,000 ceased; superadded to which, they said, the safety of 
Mexico might be imperilled should Spain at some future time recover posses- 
sion of Cent. Am., which the latter, if independent, could not prevent, and 
vindicate her authority over the former. M6x., Gaceta Imp., i., Nov. 24 and 
Dec. 8, 1821, 202-7, 281-2. 


The junta consultiva was much perplexed in view 
of the situation. The imperialists daily became more 
insolent and exacting. At this critical time — Novem- 
ber 28th — Gainza laid before it a letter ^^ from the 
generalissimo, making allusion to the much abused 
second article of the acta de independencia, and de- 
claring that Guatemala was not able to occupy as yet 
a place in the family of nations, and should therefore 
link her fate with Mexico.^* Whereupon the junta, 
at the suggestion of the marques de Aycinena, hastily 
answered that the popular wishes must be ascertained 
before adopting any action ; promising to send the pro- 
posal at once to the ayuntamientos and local author- 
ities, with instructions to call on the people to give a 
formal expression of their will on the subject. This 
promise was kept in a measure — the ayuntamientos, 
not the people, were given one month's time to mani- 
fest their preference.^^ 

Soon after the arrival of Iturbide's messenger, the 
persecution of republicans was begun. The rough 
element of the population, instigated by their adver 
saries, during the night insulted them at their homes. 
Any one who either by word or writing opposed the 

23 Dated Oct. 19th, and brought by Jos6 de Onate. 

2* ' (jruatemala no debia quedar independiente de Mdjico, sino formar. . .un 
gran imperio bajo el plan de Iguala, y tratados de C6rdoba: que Guatemala 
Be hallaba todavia impotente para gobernarse por si misma, y que podria ser 
por lo mismo objeto de la ambicion extranjera.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. 
Am., i. 39-41. The aristocrats, now sure of Iturbide's aid, grew bolder in 
their plotting. Squier^s Trav., ii. 378; Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 35-9. 
Iturbide directed the conde de la Cadena, on the 20th of Nov., to write very 
courteously to Mariano de Aycinena, who was well connected and had ad- 
dressed a communication to the liberator. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 
187, 28; Montlifar, Resena Hist., iv. 20-2, 35-9. 

2^ The circular directed the ayuntamientos to read at a public sitting Itur- 
bide's letter, and express their opinion upon each point embraced in his pro- 
posal. Their answers as to whether they wanted annexation at once, or to 
await the action of congress, were to be in Guatemala city on or before the 
Slst of Dec, 1821. Petdn-Itzd, Manif. de la Just. , 2. This circular was drawn 
up by Valle. The elections for members of the congress that had been called 
to meet in February were to be made as formerly directed. In Guatemala 
the votes of heads of families were taken at each house by municipal agents 
in the presence of a notary public, and duly registered. 31em. Rev. Cent. 
Am., id-ll; Alaman, Hist. M<^j., v. 475-6. 

^The exile of Barrundia, Molina, and others was demanded by Pedro Ar- 
royave, sindico of the ayuntamiento. Gainza was suspected of inciting cer- 
tain imperialists to prefer charges against these parties. 



plan of annexation was treated as seditious. At last 
the opposing parties had a scuffle in the streets, on 
the night of November 30th, which ended in the dis- 
comfiture of the republicans engaged in it.^^ Barrun- 
dia and Molina were present and exhibited much 
energy. The latter was in great peril of losing his 

On the day appointed for the receipt of the returns 
from the several ayuntamientos — namely, the 31st of 
December — the junta provisional consul tiva proceeded 
to the count. The result was as follows: 21 ayunta- 
mientos declared that none but the general congress 
had authority to decide for or against the union with 
Mexico; 104 favored the annexation at once and 
unconditionally; 11 approved of the union, provided 
certain terms, which they appended, were stipulated 
in the act of incorporation; 32 left the matter wholly 
to the provisional government; and two declined the 
connection in toto.^^ Many others had not, for some 
reason, returned any answers; or if they had, the 
government in Guatemala failed to receive them on 
the appointed day. The result was made known to 
the regency in Mexico on the 3d of January, 1822, 
and on the 5th the subject was discussed in all its 
bearings. Valle moved that the decision should be 
postponed until the receipt of the returns of the 67 
ayuntamientos not yet heard from. Rivera, Calderon, 
and Alvarado objected to any action. Gainza advo- 
cated the acceptance of the aid and protection ten- 
dered by Mexico.^^ The junta, disregarding all 

2^ A number of republicans, when acclaiming their principles near San 
Jos6 church, were fired upon by an armed force patrolling the town with the 
alcalde Mariano Larrave, and two killed outright, Mariano Bedoya and Re- 
migio Maida. Several were wounded; some arrests were made. Salv., Gaceta, 
^. 12, 1854; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i, 41-2, 47; Dice. Univ. Hist. 
Geog., c^^ ^ i. 342; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 157. 

^^ Mar lire, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i., ap. v.; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11; 
Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 474. 

^''His arguments were not founded on fact. Subsequent events proved 
it. Men of greater weight than Gainza, such as Mora, Pecchio, and Zavala, 
have since contradicted his assertions. Zavala said that Guatemala gained 
nothing by the union, and that it had resources of its own to exist as an inde- 
pendent nation. He added that the provinces viewed with dislike the course 


objections adduced, and the marked differences in the 
opinions of the ayuntamientos, decreed on the same 
day, January 5, 1822, that the whole of Central 
America should be annexed to the empire of Mexico, 
without other conditions than the fulfilment of the 
plan of Iguala and the treaties of Cordoba. ^^ In a 
manifesto of that date, it assured the people that, after 
obtaining the votes of all the authorities, corporations, 
and prominent persons, and in view of the census of 
population formed in September 1821, it was evident 
that the vote for the union with Mexico had reached 
a majority in Guatemala proper; and including the 
votes of Nicaragua, Comayagua, Ciudad Real de 
Chiapas, Quezaltenango, Solold, and other towns 
which had a few days previously declared themselves 
for annexation, it would be found that almost the whole 
population had expressed itself in favor of connection.^^ 
No member failed to record his name in favor of the 
loss of nationality, though some had, as before stated, 
suggested that certain guarantees should be required 
previous to the completion of the surrender. 

Gainza issued a manifesto full of generalities, de- 
clared there was no further need of electing deputies 
to congress, and assured the people of a liberal gov- 
ernment, and future peace and prosperity.^^ Erelong 

of the aristocrats at the capital. It could not be otherwise. Where was the 
advantage of a connection with the city of Mexico, which was almost inac- 
cessible to them? But the rich men of Guatemala would have it, regardless 
of consequences. Ensayo Hist. Revol. Alex., i. 186-7. 

30 See Hist. Mex., iv. 710, 728-9, this series. 

^1 The junta had on the 3d indicated to Iturbide that its duty was to annex 
the country to Mexico; 'como ya se le indic6 en oficio de tres del corriente.* 
Other reasons were given by it for the action taken, the chief one being the 
necessity of preserving the country's entirety and repose, which had been in 
danger of a rupture. The names affixed to the manifesto are : Gavino Gainza, 
Marques de Aycinena, Miguel de Larreinaga, Jose del Valle, Mariano de 
Beltranena, Miguel Antonio Molina, Antonio Rivera, Jos6 Mariano Calderon, 
Jos6 Antonio Alvarado, Angel M*- Candina, Eusebio Castillo, Jos6 Vald6s; 
Jos6 Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez, secretaries. Ouat., Recop. LeyeSj 
1. 14-16; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. ^m.,i.,ap.iv.-vi. ; Montufar, Mesena Hist.. 
iv. 18-23, 40-2; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 8-9, 11; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., 
no. 187, 1-29; Alaman, Hist. Mdj., v. 476; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mdj., 
386-7; Lastarria, in La America, 249; Salv., Diario Ofic, Feb. 13, 1875, 4, 
and March 28» 1876, 603; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 218; Squier's Trav., i. 
383: Kewen's Nic. and Walker, MS., 33-6; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 103-6. 

^^ 'Las ideas de prosperidad, objeto de la independencia, van d substi- 


events came to show how delusive were the promises 
thus held out by the incoming regime. It was pre- 
posterous on the part of an unconstituted country, as 
Mexico then was, with a government whose existence 
was precarious, to undertake the task of affording pro- 
tection to the people of Central America — to a people 
that had been brought under the yoke of the so- 
called empire in such an unprecedented manner. 

Forgetting, after a few days, the honeyed words of 
his manifesto, Gainza,^ on January 9th, issued a 
stringent edict, countersigned by Jose Maria Celaya 
as secretary, giving renewed force to his former edicts 
of September l7th and December 1st, and forbid- 
ding, under the penalties provided by the laws against 
sedition, that any one should, either by tongue or pen, 
censure or refute the action adopted as the will of the 
majority. Conversations on the subject in the streets 
or public places were prohibited, and citizens were 
enjoined to report at once to the authorities any at- 
tempted conspiracy against the new government which 
might come to their knowledge. Constitutional al- 
caldes and other local authorities were charged with 
the execution of this decree. 

Gainza and his junta thus gave way to the wishes 
of the would-be oligarchs and the clergy, ignoring the 
fact, formerly recognized by them, that to the repre- 
sentatives of the people in congress exclusively be- 
longed the decision of the question on the future 
status of the country.^* The aristocrats and clericals 
brought about difficulties to prevent the election of 

tuirse A los partidos ominosos. . .neutralizar las tentativas del poder arbitrario 
y de los movimientos populares.' Gainza, Manifiesto, Gaceta Gob. Guadal.y 
1822, March 2, 302-4; M4x., Gaceta Imp., ii. 657-9; Kewen, Nic. and Walker, 
MS., 30-6. 

23 He now gives himself a long list of titles, viz. : knight of justice of the 
sacred religion of St John of Jerusalem; lieutenant-general by acclamation of 
the independent army of Guatemala; decorated with the banda nacional; her 
captain-general; inspector-general of all her arms; superior political chief, 
intendent-general, and president of the junta provisional consultiva. Mex., 
Gaceta Imp., i. 557-9; Gaceta Gob. GuadaL, March 2, 1822, 304. 

2^ Only two months earlier the diputaciones of Comayagua and Leon were 
told that neither the junta consultiva nor any other body then existing had 
any such power. 


representatives, and took advantage of them to carry 
out their designs. The truth is, that the device re- 
sorted to, of acting upon the opinions of ayunta- 
mientos which they well knew had no authority in the 
premises, was illegal. And, indeed, could a popula- 
tion of upwards of one million, scattered over 75,000 
square miles of territory, have duly considered so vital 
a matter as the abdication of their national autonomy 
within the short period of thirty days? The whole 
secret of the aristocratic success lay in the pressure 
brought to bear on the country with a military force 
sent by Iturbide to support his pretensions.^^ The 
following facts appeared in the imperial gazette of 
Mexico: The regency announced on the 12th of No- 
vember to the junta soberana that Chiapas, as well 
as the towns of Guatemala, had signified a wish to 
be received as a part of the Mexican empire, asking 
for military aid to uphold its acts. The regency 
added, that the military aid must then be quite near 
Chiapas, under the orders issued beforehand by the 
generalissimo, 5,000 men having already, under the 
conde de la Cadena, crossed the Tehuantepec River. 
The junta graciously assented to the so-called wishes 
of the people of Chiapas and Guatemala, giving them 
the rights of Mexican citizens. ^^ 

A division under Brigadier Vicente Filisola, with 
Colonel Felipe Codallos as his second in command,^^ 

^5 It was rumored, and doubtless believed by the people, that a formidable 
force was on the way — 5,000 men — which Central America in its present di- 
vided condition could not resist; hence the premature submission with an 
apparent good grace. Mem. Rev, Gent. Am.., 10-11. 

^^Gaceta Imp.y i. 162-3. According to Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 
187, 1-29, the party in favor of absolute independence in Guatemala sus- 
tained itself till a Mexican force was sent, and it was by this means the 
absorption was effected. The force had not arriv^ed, but was certainly ex- 
pected. Luis G. Cuevas, a Mexican senator, tells us that the people of Cent. 
Am. were mostly very enthusiastic for Iturbide, and at the same time anx- 
ious to rid themselves of the liberal party, whose members he calls an un- 
bridled set of demagogues. Moreover, they wanted to belong to a nation 
having so much credit abroad, and such large resources to aid them. Por- 
venir de Hex. , 252. 

^^ Conde de la Cadena was first in command, but he resigned it on account 
of sickness. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 474-8; Suarez y Navarro^ Hist. M&j.f 
387-8; Filisola d la Junta Soberana, note 3. 


began its march in November 1821; but a large por- 
tion of the men deserted on the way, and the ranks 
had to be recruited in Chiapas; and yet FiHsola finally 
arrived in Guatemala with only 600 men.*^^ 

The junta provisional, after its action of January 
5th, had no further reason for continuing, and so dis- 
solved itself on the 21st of February. Gainza, retain- 
ing the offices of jefe superior politico and captain- 
general, called into life a diputacion provincial.^^ His 
authority, however, was not regarded in Chiapas, 
Honduras, Nicaragua, nor a great part of Salvador. 
Costa Rica still remained aloof and was unmolested. 

During Iturbide's occupation of his rickety throne, 
Central America had deputies in the imperial con- 
gress,"^^ and the orders of the emperor's government 
were generally obeyed. Nevertheless, plucky little 
Salvador kept up the struggle against foreign domi- 
nation. Nearly a majority of its ayuntamientos, to- 
gether with the priest Delgado, the acting political 
chief, had signified their wish to await the action of 
congress; and on hearing of the surrender to Mexico 
by Gainza and his junta, entered a protest and seceded, 
resolving to remain independent till the representa- 
tives of the whole people of Central America should 
decide the question of nationality.*^ 

But even here dissensions fostered from Guatemala 
had their pernicious effects. Santa Ana and San 
Miguel had voted for annexation to Mexico, and to 
uphold this action, seceded from their own province, 
which in that year led to a war between Salvador 

ssSquier, GuaL, 580-1, has it 700. 

»' The 3d. It was installed March 29, 1822. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 
i. 47; Id., Efemdrides, 5. 

^''Among them were Jos6 del Valle, Juan de Dios Mayorga, and Marcial 
Zebadiia. Zavala, Ensayo Hist. Rev. Ilex., i. 187. Suarez y Navarro says 
that Mayorga had a secret mission from Salvador near the Mexican govern- 
ment. Hist. M6j., 387. 

*^ Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11-12. The province was ruled by a junta guber- 
nativa, one of whose members was Antonio Jos6 Canas, one of the most distin- 
guished among Cent. Americans, He soon after became the second in command 
of the 'batallon fijo,' organized to resist Iturbide's pretensions. Salv., Diario 
OHc, Feb. 13 and 19, 1875. 



and Guatemala. The government at San Salvador 
gave the chief command of its forces to Manuel Jose 
Arce, with orders to bring the people of Santa Ana 
to reason, peaceably if he could, forcibly if he must/'^ 

Arce marched on Santa Ana, when Padilla, com- 
manding a portion of the Sonsonate force which had 
been stationed in that city, retreated within its own 
territory. After compelling the town to revoke its 
act of secession, Arce went in pursuit of Padilla, oc- 
cupied Ahuachapam, then an annex of Sonsonate, 
and finally routed that officer in the hacienda El 
Espinal.*^ This was the first act of a bloody war, 
which will be treated in another chapter. 

In Honduras, the districts of Tegucigalpa and 
Gracias, together with the ports of Omoa and Tru- 

Defeat of Padilla. 

jillo, repudiated the union with Mexico.*^ Brigadier 
Tinoco, on hearing that a Salvadoran force had en- 
tered Honduras, resigned his office of governor. 
Comayagua, however, continued recognizing the au- 
thority of Mexico, but not that of Guatemala.*^ 
In Nicaragua, the city of Granada disregarded the 

*^Gainza had meantime stationed troops in Sonsonate, a town which 
hitherto belonged to the province of Guatemala proper, and afterward became 
a part of Salvador. 

^^Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12-13. 

**The rest of the province had accepted that arrangement. Gov. Tinoco 
had made himself master of Omoa, but a revolution released it from his 
grasp. His authority over Trujillo ceased about the middle of January 1822. 
Id., 7-9. 

*^ The inhabitants were influenced to that course by Canon Nicolds Irias 
and Juan Lindo. The diputacion sent Tinoco to Mexico to report the state 
of affairs in Honduras. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., 37. 


authority at Leon, and held relations with Gainza, 
even after Colonel Sacasa had placed himself under 
the orders of the former.^^ Sacasa had surrendered 
his charge in Granada to Cleto Ordonez,*^ who thus 
became the leader of the liberal party in Nicaragua. 
After the act of annexation to Mexico, and Salva- 
dor's act of secession, both Sacasa and Ordonez sup- 
ported the independents. 

Ordonez, finding himself in possession of irrespon- 
sible power, soon gave a loose rein to his bad instincts. 
He began to seize private property, not excepting 
even that of foreigners. Sacasa's person and prop- 
erty did not escape.*^ 

Costa Rica did not fail, though maintaining a neu- 
tral attitude, to manifest her discontent with the 
course of Guatemala. 

*^ There was, in consequence, a bitter correspondence between Saravia and 
Gainza. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am. , 14. 

^ This man was of the lowest class; bad been a common servant, and 
afterward an artilleryman. He was once confined in a dungeon at Trujillo, 
from which he escaped. When he began to figure in politics his wit made 
him popular with the citizens. It was said that he had some knowledge of 
medicine, and had written some creditable poetry. He was, however, given 
to cards and free-love, but abstained from the bottle. He was twice mar- 
ried, but left no children. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14 
Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 73-4. 

*^ Ordonez had Sacasa and others confined in irons in Fort San Carlos, 
Public opinion accused him of being the most active instigator of hatred be 
tween the white and other races. Id., 74; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14; Salv, 
Diario Ofic, Feb. 19, 1875. 




Secession from Mexico — Akzu's Campaign — Prevarication of Salvador — 
Filisola's Victory — His Subsequent Course — Liberal Triumph in 
Costa Rica— Honduras Favors Union— National Independence 
Secured — Labors to Organize a Nation — The Constituent Assembly 
— Provincias Unidas del Centro de America — Abolition of African 
Slavery — Provisional Government — Moderados or Serviles — Li- 
berales or Fiebres — Principles and Aims of Parties — Mexican 
Forces Retire — Seditions Begin — Salvadoran Force in Guatemala 
— Confederacion de Centro AMiiRiCA — Fundamental Law — ^Finances 
—Adjournment of the Constituent Assembly. 

Arce's invasion of territory occupied by Guate- 
mala afforded the latter a sufficient pretext, if any 
were needed, to declare war against her high-spirited 
and troublesome neighbor. Colonel Arzii was there- 
upon despatched on the 19th of March, 1822, at the 
head of a force, which in a few days had been increased 
to 1,000 men, to bring Salvador under subjection. 
Arztfs dilatory movements, however, defeated the 
object of the expedition.^ He lost two months and 
more waiting for reenforcements and artillery, and by 
indecision as to whether or not he should heed the 
protestations of the Salvadorans.'^ The latter em- 
ployed the time thus gained in fortifying their city, 

^ His orders were to take the city of San Salvador on or before the 5th of 
April. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12. 

'^ They claimed that their declaration of independence did not imply hos- 
tility to Guatemala, and in support of it expressed a willingness to furnish 
hostages. Their representations were of no effect, however; 'habiaempefio 
en sojuzgar d San Salvador, y & este interns se sacrificaba todo.' Maruref 
Bo8q. Hist. Cent. Am., 51. 



though short of arms to equip a sufficient garrison. 
Aroused at last by Gainza's positive commands, Arzii 
continued his march,^ and avoiding the fortifications 
of San Salvador, entered the city on the 3d of June, 
taking its defenders by surprise.* Having now every 
advantage, Arzii might have made himself master of 
the place had he not carelessly permitted his troops 
to disband for purposes of plunder. The result was, 
that the Salvadorans had time to rally, and a street 
fight ensued, ending with the total discomfiture of 
Arzii and his force, who with the loss of their arms 
were driven from the city.^ Had the victors made 
the most of their success, they might have annihilated 
the invading force ; but they failed to conduct the pur- 
suit with any skill.® 

Arzu's defeat produced a deep impression in Gua- 
temala, where such a result had been unexpected, the 
expedition having been fitted out with the utmost 
care. Fears began to be entertained that the Salva- 
dorans might become aggressors and invade Guate- 
mala. The friends of Mexico were therefore much 
pleased on hearing that the Mexican commander, 
Filisola, had been ordered to supersede Gainza, who 
was summoned to Mexico.^ With about 600 men 
Filisola arrived in Guatemala on the 12th of June, 
1822, and ten days later took possession of the govern- 
ment. He inaugurated a comparatively good state 

' Against Eilisola's expressed wishes. That general was then in Chiapas, 
and had forbidden all military operations till his arrival. Mem. Rev. Cent. 
Am., 13; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 478; Filisola d la Junta Soberana, note 6. 

*He went in by the road sloping from the volcano to the west, from 
which quarter, owing to the roughness of the ground, no attack had been 

^The casualties were not heavy on either side. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 

^It was chiefly on the superiority exhibited on this occasion that Salvador 
subsequently based her claim to a prominent place in the councils held upon 
Cent. American aflairs. Many of the internal wars which for a number of 
years ravaged the country may be traced to this pretended superiority. 

^ To answer charges preferred against him. Jd.y 15; Marure, Bosq. Hist. 
Cent. Am. , i. 53, followed by Alaman, Hist. Mej. , v. 478. Cuevas, Porvenir de 
Mex. , 253-4, makes the doubtful assertion that Gainza went of his own accord. 
At any rate, he afterward was made a lieut-gen. of the imperial army, and an 
aide-de-camp of Iturbide's. 


of affairs; for though as a supporter of the Mexican 
cause, and specially of the empire, he aimed at con- 
solidation, yet his policy was a conciliatory one.^ 
He endeavored to obtain the assent of Salvador to 
union with Mexico without resorting to force. At 
first his course presented a promising aspect, inasmuch 
as the representatives of the former apparently made 
little objection; and on the news of Iturbide's call to 
the Mexican throne, among the many congratulations 
received by Filisola were those of Salvador, delivered 
by a special deputation. But the object, as it turned 
out, was merely to gain time. The negotiations were 
continued several months, hostilities having been sus- 
pended by both belligerents, till early in September 
it was agreed that further negotiations should be 
carried on directly with the executive and congress 
of Mexico.^ This agreement was not carried out, 
however, owing to new difficulties raised by San Sal- 
vador. Filisola, who evidently would not assume the 
responsibility of war, referred the whole matter to 
Mexico for instructions. Iturbide, who had just dis- 
solved the Mexican congress for its opposition to his 
plans,^^ felt no inclination to permit little San Salva- 
dor to dictate the terms of union, and disallowing the 
armistice concluded by Filisola, ordered him to begin 
hostilities forthwith if unconditional submission were 
refused. ^^ 

Leaving his second officer, Colonel Codallos, in 
charge of the government at Guatemala, Filisola be- 
gan the military operations toward the end of Novem- 

^ His proclamation of July 8, 1822, expressed his desire to be guided only 
by the best interests of the country. M^x.y Gaceta Invp.^ 1822, 657-9. 

^Duly authorized agents of Salvador were to go for that purpose to Mexico 
in Nov. 1822; the districts of San Miguel and Santa Ana being permitted to 
recognize the government at Guatemala till an understanding should be 
arrived at in Mexico. Other clauses referred to the surrender of arms seized 
by Arce in Sonsonate, to the commercial interests of the two provinces, and 
to rules to be observed before renewing hostilities. Marure^ Bosq. Hist. Cent. 
Am., 56-7. 

10 Oct. 31, 1822. See Hist. Hex., v., this series. 

11 Filisola d la Junta Soberanu, notes 9, 10. 



ber, taking possession of Santa Ana and marching 
upon the city of San Salvador, after having routed 
several small hostile detachments which attempted to 
check his progress. At the same time he published 
the decree of the Mexican government of November 
4th, making of Central America, or the former captain- 
generalcy of Guatemala, three comandancias gene- 
rales, namely, those of Chiapas, Sacatepequez, and 
Costa Rica, the capitals being respectively Ciudad 
Real, Nueva Guatemala, and Leon in Nicaragua. ^^ 
The government of San Salvador was in a precarious 
situation ; although disposing of an army whose nu- 
merical force and equipment were not inferior to Fili- 
sola's, yet it had neither discipline nor experienced 
officers. The few encounters which had already 
taken place between the two forces had made it evi- 
dent that the Salvadorans could not cope with Fili- 
sola's military skill. Under the circumstances, the 
authorities of San Salvador resolved upon incorpora- 
tion with Mexico, and demanded that Filisola should 
proceed no farther. They declined to inform him of 
the terms under which they would submit to annexa- 
tion, though offering to lay them before the congress 
in Mexico. They based this action on the ground 
that if their purpose became known in Salvador a 
revolution would certainly follow.^* 

The Mexican commander paid no heed to these 
ambiguous statements, which he considered devices 
to gain time, and continued his march. ^^ 

12 His force consisted of about 2,000 men, chiefly from Guatemala, Santa 
Ana, San Miguel, Sonsonate, and Honduras. 

^^ Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 60-1; Molina, Costa Rica, 93; Squier's 
Travels, ii. 383. The decree never went into efifect, however. 

^* The principal conditions were; establishment in Mexico of a representa- 
tive government; Salvador's absolute independence from Guatemala; partici- 
pation of her delegates in framing the national constitution; continuation in 
office of the present incumbents; and erection of an episcopal see. For less 
important terms demanded on that occasion, see also Mem. Rev. Cent, Am., 
16-17; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 62. 

^^ It seems that he again asked for instructions from the emperor, who 
peremptorily directed him not to lose more time in negotiations. 'V. S. no 
es mas que un soldado que debe atacar la ciudad, posesionarse de ella y 
tratar d los cabecillas como perturbadores del 6rden.* Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 


It was at this critical moment that the congress of 
San Salvador, carried away by hatred to Guatemala 
and Mexico, resolved upon a singular step. On the 
2d of December, 1822, the act of incorporation with 
Mexico was repealed, and the state was placed under 
the protectorate of the Anglo-American states, as an 
integral portion thereof. Solemn protests were made 
in the name of that republic against Filisola's hostile 
acts. A member of the congress, Juan Manuel Ro- 
driguez, was commissioned to make known the incor- 
poration to the government of the United States. ^^ 
For a short time it seems that hopes were entertained 
of an armed protection on the part of the northern re- 
public in favor of the new acquisition; but soon the 
folly of such expectations became apparent. Filisola 
disregarded the protests/'' and after several victorious 
.encounters, routed the Salvadorans under Arce at 
Mejicanos,^^ and entered the city of San Salvador with- 
out further opposition on the 9th of February, 1823. 
Filisola fulfilled the promise he had made the preced- 
ing day to the ayuntamiento, that he would respect 
all rights, and not treat the town as a conquered coun- 
try. The only Salvadoran force remaining w^as com- 
pelled, on the 21st of February, to surrender at Gual 
cince, a town on the other side of the Lempa River, 
This was the end of the war.^^ Arce, who departed 
for the United States, w^rote Filisola from Belize a 
letter full of firmness and dignity, meanwhile thank- 

17. Filisola himself confirmed the above in his address to the junta soberana 
of Cent. Am. of June 24, 1823, note 10. __ 

'^Squier, in his Travels^ ii. 383-4, rather emphatically comi|^flk^ this 
* step expressive of sympathies and sentiments which still existJBP» 

^^ 'With a declaration that he was not waging war on the uTS., he con- 
tinued his operations.' 

18 Feb. 7, 1823. Mem, Rev. Cent. Am., 17-18. 

1' Filisola issued passports to all who wished to quit the country, and even 
furnished them money to leave. To the poor soldiers he afiforded every facil- 
ity to reach their homes. 

^" It must be acknowledged that to the gallantry and constancy of the 
Bons^of this little province. Central America owed to a great extent its exist- 
ence as a sovereign commonwealth. Zavala, Rev. N. Esp., i. 142. See also 
Alaman, Hist. M^j., v. 476; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 47; Suarez y 
Navarro, Hist. M4j., 387; Mem. Rev. Gent. Am., 11-12. 




ing him for his humane conduct. Delgado remaine( 
at his hacienda. The local authorities swore alle- 
giance to the Mexican empire. Filisola now returned 
to Guatemala/^ where he arrived about the 6th or 
7th of March. He had already received the news of 
the movement in Mexico resulting in the overthrow 
of Iturbide. It was this that hastened his return to 
Guatemala, and induced him to adopt a course opposed 
to his last instructions from Mexico. Granada, in 
Nicaragua, had not been reduced to obedience. Gov- 
ernor Gonzalez Sara via had asked for troops to ac- 
complish it, but Filisola declined to employ coercion; 
and after informing him and Juan Fernandez Lindo, 
governor of Honduras,^^ as well as other officials in 
the provinces, of the state of affairs in Mexico, assured 
them that he would take no important step without 
first obtaining their assent. Indeed, after he con- 
vinced himself that the imperial government had 
fallen never to rise again, he arrived at'the conclusion 
that he had no right to keep annexed to Mexico the 
Central American provinces; as the annexation had 
been made solely, as claimed by Mexico and her sup- 
porters, for the sake of securing stability to their 
government, and the respect which would be afforded 
it from a long distance by a great and wealthy coun- 
try. All this prestige had disappeared, owing to the 
revolution at Casa Mata in Mexico,^^ the paper money, 
and other arrangements made by Iturbide with refer^ 
ence to these provinces. 

Being asked to summon a congress of all the prov- 
inces ^j^^ntral America, he complied, issuing a de- 
cree omm^ 29th of March, 1823, with the view of 
carrying out the acta of September 15, 1821, which 
had been annulled by the incorporation of the country 
with Mexico. This was tantamount to a recognition 
of the independence of Central America from Mexico.^* 

^^ Col Felipe Godallos was appointed governor of the province, 
2^ Tinoco had gone to Mexico. 
^^ Hist. Mex., v., this series. 

2* Filisola's course has been open to criticism. Some attributed it to a con- 
HisT. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 5 


His decree was hailed with joy by the party friendly 
to absolute independence. The Mexican or imperial- 
ist party was vanquished, and the people were ready 
to take an active part in the coming elections. Peace 
was not only temporarily restored in Guatemala and 
Salvador, but in Nicaragua and Costa Rica party 
struggles were brought to a close. 

In Granada, Ordonez had continued committing 
many outrages.^^ He had successfully repulsed Sara- 
via, who had come against him from Leon. The latter 
was in the act of preparing another expedition, when 
Filisola's decree was promulgated, and he was sum- 
moned to Guatemala. Nicaragua subsequently con- 
stituted a junta gubernativa of its own.^^ 

In Costa Rica, Saravia, with the aid of Bishop 
Jerez, attempted to force the province into the union 
w^ith Mexico, and with that view endeavored to over- 
throw the provincial government established at Car- 
tago. A conspiracy was planned there, and its authors, 
seconded in Ciudad Vieja, openly espoused the cause, 
of Iturbide on the 29th of March. The men of the 
liberal party fled to San Jose, and after strengthen- 
ing their ranks there and at Alajuela, attacked the 
imperialists on the field of Las Lagunas, near Cartago, 
^nd defeated them.^'' The town had to surrender, 
and was occupied by the victorious independents, but 
the seat of government remained in San Josd.^^ 

viction that Cent. Am. could not be held as a province dependent from a re 
public, which was practicable as a dependence of an empire. Others have 
:supposed that he was prompted by personal ambition. Marure, Bosq. Hist. 
^Cent. Am., 73, and Alem. Rev. Cent. Am., 19, claim that it was the unavoid- 
able result of the situation, which is not exactly true. With th^^^rce at his 
command, he might have maintained supremacy for a consideMpe time at 
least. Filisola himself said that his object had been to avert cml war. In 
his address of July 24, 1823, to the junta of Guatemala, he assured that body 
that his recognition of its sovereignty had been with the sanction of the su- 

Jreme executive government of Mexico, communicated to him on the 18th of 
une. Filisola a la Junta Soberana de Guat., 1-8; Id., El Ciudadano, 16-17. 
^^ Among others, that of seizing, without any legal formality, the Spanish 
vessel Sinacam, whose cargo he sold to procure provisions and other supplies 
for his garrison. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 75; Ayon, Apuntes, 22-3. 
2«It was installed at Leon on the 17th of April, 1823. Marure, Efem., 6. 
" On the 15th of April. Marure, Efem., 6. 

^^ Several of the conspirators were imprisoned at the capital, though only 
for a short time. Molina, Costa Rica, 94; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 12. 


In Honduras, the provincial assembly resolved on 
the 10th of May to enter into the union with the 
other provinces of Central America, with the view of 
constituting an independent nation.^^ 

Central America then, after a fifteen months' con- 
nection with Mexico, was again in the same position 
it had occupied at the time of separation from Spain. 
No advantages had been derived from that union ; but, 
on the contrary, numerous heavy taxes had exhausted 
the country, though the treasury was invariably 
empty. The whole country was suffering from other 
consequences of the internal wars, in the form of 
abuses on the part of unscrupulous political parties 
and military chiefs; none worse, however, than the 
military sway imposed by Mexico.^^ There have not 
been wanting those who believe the separation from 
the northern republic was a false step.^^ The people 
had for centuries lived under the same superior gov- 
ernment, subject only to the Spanish crown. Then 
followed a period when they often faced one another 
as foes. Now they were invited to sit side by side 
and discuss measures for the benefit of the great family 
to which they all belonged. The elections were con- 
ducted with enthusiasm on the part of the republicans, 
the field having been left to them by the imperialists.^^ 

Congress assembled on the 24th of June, 1823,^^ 
under the presidency of Jose Matias Delgado,^* the 

^^According to Marure, Efemdrides, 6, reserving the liberty of recognizing 
anew»Itiirbide as the legitimate emperor, should he be again restored to the ' 
imperial throne. 

^° Deputies from Cent. Am. to the Mexican congress complained of out- 
rages committed by Filisola's soldiers, to which his attention was called to 
correct tl^i by the executive of that republic. 

^^ Cuevas, Porvenir de M4x., 254-6, laments it, considering it an act injuri- 
ous to Cent. America's best interests. 

^-The imperialists *se limitaron ji oponerles algunas maniobras pordas, no 
teniendo dnimo de disputarlas 6. cara deseubierta.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. 
Am., 82-3. The independents 'contrajeron sus planes a ganar las elecciones, 
y d hacer odiosas las tropas megicanas, procurando d toda costa, y por todos 
losmedios posibles hacerlas evacuar la repuljlica.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 20. 

^^The 1st of June had been the date originally fixed upon, but some pre- 
liminary work not having been completed in time, the installation was neces- 
sarily delayed. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 83. 

^* Chiapas was not represented, that province having continued detached 
from Cent. Am. 


installation being graced by the presence of Filisola 
and the municipal council of the city.^^ 

On the 2d of July following it assumed the name 
of Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. The body was 
in session nineteen months, closing its labors on the 
23d of January, 1825. Its work was momentous, 
having to organize a government imbued with the 
prevailing liberal spirit; to improve the imperilled 
finances; to establish relations with foreign powers; 
and, what was of the highest importance, to bring 
unity out of chaos. The first step toward the ac- 
complishment of these purposes was taken on the 1st 
of July, 1823, with the adoption of the ordinance 
which declared the provinces of the former captain- 
generalcy of Guatemala to be free and independent 
states, confederated into a nation under the name of 
Provincias Unidas del Centro de America. ^^ Inas- 
much as a considerable number of representatives 
had not arrived on that date, the ordinance was sub- 
sequently ratified on the 1st of October. ^"^ The new 
confederation was recognized by Mexico only a little 
more than a year after.^® 

Shortly after independence was proclaimed, a divis- 
ion of the powers of government into three branches 
was resolved on; namely, the legislative, to be vested 
in the asamblea; the executive, composed of three 

^5 It is said that Filisola installed the congress, the Mexican troops taking 
part with the native ones in paying honors to the national representatives. 
Till the organization of an executive, the first decrees were address|d to 
Filisola, as superior political chief, for their execution. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 
20. That body, the first as well as the most numerous, was at the same time 
the most enlightened that the republic ever had. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. 
Am., i. 83; Id., Efem.., 7; Guo.t. Recop. Leyes, i. 16-24. * 

^^ The full text with the names of the delegates present appears in Marure, 
Bosq. Hist. Gent. Am., i. xiii.-xviii.; and Rocha, Cddlgo Nic, i. 19-23. Its 
principal clauses were: 'That the said provinces. . .are free and independent 
from old Spain, from Mexico, and every other power, alike of the old and 
the new world, y que no son ni deben ser el patrimonio de persona ni familia 
alguna.' Translations into other languages may be seen in Revue AmAricaine, 
i. 377-97; Democratic Rev., i. 486-7. l^ie act was drawn up by the deputy 
Jos6 Francisco Cordoba, who was a member of the committee to whom the 
matter had been referred. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 21. 

^^Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 24-32. 

*8Aug. 20, 1824. Duhlan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 713; Alaman^ Mem. d 
las Cam., 9. 


members, to be elected by and to be subject to that 
body; and the judicial, to be exercised by the existing 
courts.^^ The executive, as then constituted, was to 
be merely provisional, and until a fundamental code 
should give it a permanent organization. The public 
debt was recoofnized ; the catholic reliction was declared 
to be that of the state; and freedom of the press 

From the moment that the choice of the executive 
occupied the attention of the assembly a division of 
parties became manifest. The friends of absolute in- 
dependence formed a large majority; those of the for- 
mer Mejicanistas were few in number. The larger 
portion of the deputies was composed of the best men 
of the country, whatever their party affiliations, and 
their intentions were upright. Those of moderate 
view^s from all sections formed themselves into one 
party, and went by the name of moderados; their 
opponents applying to them the epithets of servil and 
arist6crata.*^ The radicals formed another organiza- 
tion, and were called fiebres and liberales, their ene- 
mies also giving them the appellation of anarquistas. 

The liberal party advocated the establishment of a 
federal republic, and as a rule was guided by a liberal 
patriotism, and a desire to see the abolishment of 
unjust privileges and antiquated vices in the govern- 
ment. Its opponents, in favor of a centralized govern- 
ment and the continuation of the old fueros, struggled 
against the restrictions that were being put to the 
inliuence of Guatemala. Nevertheless, a liberal spirit 
predominated for a time, and three well-know^n lib- 
erals were chosen to constitute the executive au- 
thority, namely, Manuel Jose Arce,**^ Doctor Pedro 

s^Decreeof July 15, 1823. GuaL, Recop. Leyes, i. 32-3. 

*°Tlic party was mainly composed of members of the so-called noble 
families, Spaniards, civil and military ofl&cers, the clergy, and the most igno- 
rant class of the population. It was therefore the most numerous. Montvfar, 
liescfia Hist., iv. 2o9. 

*^ As lie was then in the United States, the canon Antonio de Larrazdbal 
was to be his substitute during his absence. Larrazabal having declined the 
position, it was given to Antonio Rivera Cabezas. Guat., Jiecop. Leyes, i. 


Molina, and Juan Vicente Villacorta.^^ It must be 
acknowledged that this government was not a strong 
one, the only man of superior talent in it being Mo- 
lina, and he had little experience wherewith to found 
a republic and manage its affairs at such a critical 

A constantly increasing coolness between the gov- 
ernment and Filisola became intensified when the 
deputies from Costa Rica and Nicaragua refused to 
occupy their seats in the assembly while a Mexican 
army had virtual sway over the capital. Complaints 
also came from various quarters, of abuses committed 
by the Mexican soldiers,^^ and demands were made 
for their departure. Some time elapsed in discussions 
and negotiations, partly because of difficulty in rais- 
ing the needed funds. But finally, all obstacles being 
removed, Filisola departed with his force on the 3d 
of August, 1823, leaving behind him a good name, 
which was little affected by charges preferred against 
him at a later date.** 

The liberals now were at greater liberty to carry 
out their plans, which involved, among other things, 
the disappearance of old practices, including titles and 
compellations,^^ not even the hackneyed *don' escaping 

164-70; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 88; /(/., E/em., 8; Mem. Eev, 
Cent. Am., 22. 

*''^The moderados wanted Jos6 Dionisio Herrera of Honduras, in the tri- 
umvirate, to avoid the undue influence Salvador would exercise, having two 
of her citizens in the executive, and because they considered Herrera intel- 
lectually superior to Villacorta. No one thought of Josd del Valle, who was 
then in Mexico. Cuevas, Porvenir de 3Iex., 256-7, erroneously states that 
the supreme authority was offered Filisola and he declined it. He declined 
the office of jefe politico of Guatemala. 

*^ Just in some instances, no doubt; but it became knoMoi that Guatemalans 
disguised as Mexicans committed hostile acts to bring the soldiers into dis- 
credit. Filisola certainly strove to maintain order and discipline. Marure, 
Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 89-93; Filisola, El Ciudadano, 22-8. 

** Jos6 Francisco Barrundia, of whom prominent mention is made in this 
history, severely attacked Filisola's course in a pamphlet, which was replied 
to in a small book entitled El Ciudadano . . . Vicente Filisola d Jose Francisco 
Barrundia, Puebla, 1824, 132 p. The author defends himself, employing strong 
invective against his accuser, charging him with hypocrisy and cowardice. 
The book gives some historical data, but owing to its bitterness, must be re- 
ceived with caution. Filisola after that time figured as a prominent soldier 
of the Mexican republic in Texas, and during the war of the U. S. and Mex- 
ico in 184G-8. 

*^ Guat. Recop. Leyes, i. 877-8. 



Seal of Central America. 

the general reformatory tendency.^^ A coat of arms 

was likewise decreed, showing the national name in 

golden letters/"' as also a 

flag, the latter consisting of 

three horizontal stripes, the 

middle one being white, 

with the national coat of 

arms about half-way from 

the mast, and the other two 


Among other decrees en- 
acted by the assembly in 
1823, the following are 
worthy of mention : One of 
August 21st, to annul all 
acts of the late imperial government affecting Cen- 
tral America; one of August 26th, declaring the 15th 
of September to be the national anniversary, and how 
it was to be observed — this decree was reiterated 
by the legislative assembly on the 15th of October, 
1834; one of October 27th, directing the Central 
American deputies — those of Chiapas excepted — to 
withdraw from the Mexican congress; and one of 
November 15th, to form a general census.*^ 

Another measure adopted was that which author- 
ized the executive to dismiss without formality all 
officials having their appointments from the Spanish 
or Mexican governments. Little discretion was shown 
in this, and discontent resulted, which was made man- 
ifest in the opposition met with by every measure of 
the government, even such as were generally recog- 
nized to be of public utility. Financial and military 
affairs were in the worst possible condition. To im- 
prove the former was a difficult task, the expenses 

*^ Practically, the word * don ' never fell into disuse. The manner of ending 
official letters was changed from the former 'Dios j^uarde d. . .muchos aflos,* 
to 'Dios, Union, Libertad.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 94; /</., 
E/em., 7. 

*^ Decrees of the national assembly of Aug. 21 and Nov. 5, 1823. JRocha, 
Cddigo Nic, i. 162; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 54-5. 

*^Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 33-8, 461-3; Mex., Col. Dec. Sob. Cong., 219. 


being greater than during the colonial period, and 
several branches of revenue, which formerly yielded 
considerable resources, having disappeared with the 
old dependence.*^ As to the army, the greater part 
of it had been disbanded, and only one battalion of 
the regular force and a few bodies of militia formed 
the entire defensive powxr of the republic. The gov- 
ernment was almost at the mercy of a handful of men, 
and it was not long before they exhibited their lack 
of discipline and loyalty. The soldiers had for some 
time past shown dissatisfaction at the neglect of the 
government to pay them their dues. Under the cir- 
cumstances, it was rather easy to prevail on them to 
revolt, and it was done, the leader being Captain Ka- 
fael Ariza y Torres.^^ The authorities, though aware 
of his machinations, had taken no decisive measures 
to defeat them,^^ other than commissioning Ignacio 
Larrazdbal to make an investigation. Ariza, fearing 
that delay might cause the failure of his plan, in the 
evening of the 13th of September assumed the title of 
commander-in-chief of the forces; and the next morn- 
ing®^ volleys of musketry and other manifestations 
apprised the alarmed inhabitants of the insurrection. 
A scene of excitement ensued. The assembly hastily 
met, and amidst the confusion a messenger came from 
Ariza to assure the chamber of his loyal disposition 
toward the government, and to add in explanation 
that the position of commander had been forced upon 
him by the troops. The messenger was peremptorily 
ordered to retire without receiving any answer. A 
number of enthusiastic citizens assailed a portion of 
Ariza's men, only to be driven back to the university 

*^Even the statistics that might have served as a basis for establishing im- 
posts were not to be found. It was said that they had all been forwarded to 
Mexico during the imperial rule. 

^" He was offended at not being appointed commanding officer of the bat- 

^'The author of Me.m. Rev. Cent. Am., 23-7, accused the government of 
allowing the conspiracy to assume serious proportions with the view of obtain- 
ing larger powers, including that of levying forced loans. 

^"^The 14th and IHth had been designated to commemorate the indepen- 


building, where the assembly held its sittings. A 
show of defence was made, there/^ to enable the as- 
semblymen to seek safety in flight. Few of their 
number remained. Negotis,tions were then begun to 
prevent the commission of outrages by the mutinous 
soldiers,^^ and the government finally gave way, and 
conferred on Ariza the title of commander-in-chief; 
he thereupon took the official oath on that day. The 
concession was made only to gain time, hopes being 
entertained that the auxiliaries summoned from the 
surrounding country and other states would soon ar- 

The rebellious captain had in the mean time begun 
to realize his awkward position. Assuming a submis- 
sive tone, he protested his readiness to obey the gov- 
ernment; whereupon he was commanded to leave the 
city and retire to Antigua, where his force dispersed 
before any coercive action on the part of the govern- 
ment and its allies became necessary. Ariza himself 
escaped by flight the punishment which his reckless 
behavior deserved. ^^ 

But the difficulties were not yet over. The feeble 
conduct of the government, and the humiliating con- 
cessions it had made to the rebel, reflected so much 
discredit that the labors of the moderado party for 
the election of a new executive now gave promise of 
fruitful results.^^ On the 4th of October congress re- 
assembled, and the same day Yillacorta, Molina, and 
Rivera tendered their resignations, which were ac- 
cepted; and in their stead, on the 4th of October, 

^3 A number of persons were killed and others wounded in the street fight. 
MarurCy Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 1. 102-3. On the 10th of Jan. following those 
who perished in defence of the assembly were declared 'benemdritos de la 
patria en grado heroico.' Id., Efem., 8. 

^^Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 104, gives the almost incredible ac- 
count that the soldiery behaved in an orderly manner. 

^•^His principal assistant and second in command, Manuel Estrada, was 
imprisoned and executed. An erroneous account of Ariza's revolt is given by 
Puydt and Binckum, Colonisation, 118-19, who place it in 1825, and assert it 
was effected by order of the government in Spain. 

'^^ It found support among some of the deputies who had not been present 
at the election of the members of the executive. Mem. Eej. Cent. Am., 25. 


Manuel Jose Arce was again elected, together with 
Jose del Valle and Tomas O'Horan,^^ and as substi- 
tutes for the two first, then absent, Jose Santiago 
Milla and Villacorta, the sanae person who had re- 
signed. ^^ The new government found at once its at- 
tention engrossed by the troublesome situation, which 
had arisen from the coming of a Salvadoran force, 
called to help against the revolting soldiers. Although 
forbidden to approach the city, and ordered to return 
home, it refused to comply,^^ and on the 12th of Octo- 
ber entered the city of Guatemala, all remonstrances 
to the contrary having proved unavailing. The Sal- 
vadorans occupied the capital three weeks, during 
which rumors were rife of their plans to pillage the 
place in retaliation of Guatemalan troops having oc- 
cupied San Salvador the previous year. Brawls and 
fights between them and soldiers from other provinces 
were of daily occurrence. 

The regular garrison and all the inhabitants breathed 
more freely when at last, on the 3d of November, the 
unwelcome guests departed.^ The same day the 
auxiliary troops from Quezaltenango, who had been of 
good use in keeping others somewhat in checj^, also 
returned home. 

5^ The last named being a foreigner, congress repealed the law which ad- 
mitted only natives to the executive power, jmssed July 8th, when Filisola 
had been proposed as a candidate. Foreigners who had rendered services to 
the republic were made eligible. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 107. 

^^ Villacorta at first declined the position, on the grou;id that to exercise, as 
a mere substitute, the functions he had just been discharging as proprietary in 
the office, affected his honor, 'era un paso que lastimaba su honor.' A unani- 
mous resolution, however, of the congress, directing him to fill the office, in- 
duced him to accept it. Id., 107-8. It has been said of him for his final 
acceptance: *Tuvo la falta de delicadeza de admitir la suplencia.' Mem. Rev. 
Cent. Am., 2Q. ' 

^"^ The Salvadoran commander alleged instructions from his government 
not to go back till he became convinced that the assembly could continue its 
labors without hinderance in the future. In Guatemala it was said that he 
had been prevailed on by the liberal party, somewhat displeased at the last 
elections for executive, not to heed the command to retire. In consequence of 
the events of Sept. 14th in Guatemala, the diputacion provincial at San Sal- 
vador on the 27th of Got. assumed the powers of a junta gubemativa, and 
exercised them till the constituent congress of the state was installed. Ma- 
rure, Efem., 8. 

^ ' No sin algimos aparatos escandalosos y hostiles do parte de los salva.- 
doreflos.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 27. 


The labors of the assembly had been continued in 
the mean time, and on the 17th of December, 1823, 
were decreed arid published the bases of the constitu- 
tion for the republic,^^ adopting a popular, represent- 
ative, federal form of government. Each one of the 
five states, Guatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Nicara- 
gua, and Costa Rica, which were to form the confeder- 
ation of Central America, was to have the same 
division of powers, and with the same functions, in 
its internal administration, as the general government 
with respect to the whole republic.^^ 

The labors of framing the constitution lasted a 
year longer, and were terminated only on the 2 2d of 
November, 1824, when the fundamental law of the 
Central American republic was promulgated, strict 
obedience thereto being solemnly sworn on the 15th 
of April, 1825,^^ and ratified by the national congress 
five months later, namely, on the 1st of September. 
While discussino^ the constitution, both the liberal 
and mod^ado parties used their best efforts for the 
adoption of their respective principles. The former 
triumphed, being especially strong in the provinces, 
wher'^s its antagonists resided chiefly in the capital. 
Although a number of good and able men were among 
the members of the congress, their^good purposes 
were repeatedly balked by party spirit; and thus only 
an imperfect result was obtained in the constitution 
adopted November 22, 1824.^* It was the first 
effort to define the rules for the government of a coun- 
try which at that time was beginning the life of an 

^^ They had been reported to the chamber by its committee on the 25th of 
Oct. Marure, Ufevi., 8. 

^'■^The states had ah-eady constituted their governments by Sept. 1824. 
Chiapas was not included among the new states. Her admission was left open 
for such a time as she should apply for it, the belief in Cent. Am. being that 
the province had not voluntarily attached itself to Mexico. GuaL, llecop. 
Leijes, i. 40-2, 59-62, 68, 90-7; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 27; Marure, Bosq. Hist. 
Gent. Am., i. 120-1, 149; La Tribmia, ii., no. 2. 

^3 Marure, Efem., 12, gives the date as April 10th. 

^^Gent. Am., Informe sohre la Gonstituc, 1-73, and 1-30. This constitu- 
tion has been called 'el bello ideal do copiantes y teoristas que sonaron un 
pueblo para constituirlo, y que no conocian el pais en que nacieron. ' Mem. Rev, 
Cent. Am., 36. 


independent nation. The constitution of the United 
States had been taken as a model; but it had not 
been borne in mind that a difference existed between 
the people of the northern and Central American 
republics at the time when they respectively gained 
their independence. However good the intentions of 
the framers of the Central American constitution, 
they fell short of their object; for in adopting certain 
forms, altogether inappropriate, they also introduced 
contradictory clauses. No provision was made for a 
federal district to hold the national capital. Thus 
Guatemala, where the federal authorities then and 
afterward resided, became also the seat of the state 
government, and in the course of time collisions were 
unavoidable.^^ The constitution further defined the 
rights of property and liberty of thought, as well as 
freedom of the press, and placed the chief authority 
of the republic in the hands of congress,^^ in addition 
to the legislative power with which it was vested. 
Laws were to be enacted by the two houses forming 
the congress, one of which was the senate, whose 
members were also elected by the people, two for 
every state. This body acted as an executive coun- 
cil, with a general supervision to see that the different 
high officials and magistrates faithfully discharged 
their duties. Its president was ex officio vice-presi- 
dent of the republic.^^ A supreme court of justice 

^^ The asamblea, foreseeing this, had designed La Antigua as the meeting 
place of the local congress; but the latter at its first sittings selected for 
future times the capital. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 179. 

'^'^Such as to determine the military and financial budgets, superintend the 
education of the people, declare war and conclude peace, and regulate the 
financial and commercial interests of the country. Its members were to be 
elected at the rate of one for every 30,000 inhabitants. Id., 174-5. There 
were 17 representatives for Guatemala, nine for Salvador, five for Honduras, 
six for Nicaragua, and two for Costa Rica. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13. 
Dunlop, Cent. Am., 164, says Honduras had six representatives. 

^''Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13. Molina, Costa Rica, 19, criticises this or- 
ganization as follows: 'Se establecio un senado nulo, un Ejecutiv^o impotente 
y un congreso absoluto.' Necessarily the greater number of representatives 
of Guatemala would outweigh those of the other states, and thus make the 
constitution only an imperfect copy of that which had originally served as a 


was also created, the members being, like those of 
congress and senate, chosen by popular vote.^^ 

Among the most important laws enacted were 
those of December 31, 1823, and April 17 and 24, 
1824, which emancipated all slaves, and made free 
slaves of other countries coming to Central Amer- 
ica.^^ The slave-trade was prohibited, under the pen- 
alty of forfeiture of the rights of citizenship.'^ Of all 
the nations of North America, to the Central Amer- 
ican republic belongs the honor of having first prac- 
tically abolished slavery."^^ 

The new republic also took a deep interest in a pro- 
ject for the union of all the American states/^ The 
project failed, because of its impracticability. The 
particulars of this subject are given in treating of the 
famous Panamd, congress of American nations. 

The exhausted condition of the treasury appearing 
to be the chief impediment to all projected improve- 
ments, the remedy was looked for in a foreign loan, 
about $7,000,000 being borrowed on rather favorable 
terms from a London firm.'^ The tobacco and cus- 
toms revenues were pledged toward its repayment.'^ 

^^Part of the constitution is given in Rocha, C6digo Nic, i. 37-9; on the 
following pages will be found such clauses of the old Spanish constitution as 
were retained under the new system. See slso Peralta^ Costa R.^ 5; Asta- 
buriiaga, Cent. Am., 13-5. 

^^ 'Se hacen libres los esclavos que de reinos extranjeros pasen a nuestros 
Estados, por recobrar su libertad.' Rocha, CddigoNic, i. 212-13; Guat., Recop. 
Leijes, i. 217-9; Alarure, Bos-j. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 133-5; Id., Efem., 10. 

^"Holders of slaves thus emancipated were to be indemnified. We are 
assured that no one ever applied for such indemnification. 

'^In 1840 Great Britain, would-be champion of the world's high morality, 
on one occasion claimed the return of some fugitive slaves from Belize, and 
supported the demand with the presence of a man-of-war. Notwithstanding 
her weakness, Central America refused to comply, on the ground that under 
her constitution there were no slaves in the country. Crowe's Gospel, 121-2; 
Squier's Travels, ii. 385-6; Revue Am^ricaine, ii. 550; Dunlop's Gent. Am., 
163. According to Molina, the number of slaves thus emancipated was about 

'2 'Una confederaciou general que representase unida d la gran familia 
americana.' Alarure, Boxq. Hist. Cent. Am., 138. 

'^ Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co. , whose agent was J. Bailey. Thomp- 
son's Guat., 266; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 143. 

^*One of the conditions was that the republic should not contract for 
another loan within two years. It was estimated that the debt could be paid 
in 20 years. Asambka Nac, Decreto, Dec. 6, 1824, in Marure, Bosq. Hist. 
Cent. Am., i. 144. That expectation was not realized. Details will appear 
in connection with the finances of the republic, elsewhere in this volume. 


It is understood that a portion of the money was 
apphed to strengthening the fortifications, and the 
remainder was distributed among the states for their 
local requirements. 

The initiation and execution of the different meas- 
ures I have made mention of, and others of less maof- 
nitude, were the work of the constituent assembly, 
which closed its- session on the 23d of January, 1825. 
If all its resohA)ns were not wise ones, allowance 
must be made fOT the many difficulties that were in 
the way, and a full recognition given its members of 
the good faith and assiduity with which they per- 
formed their work.^^ 

" The total number of decrees passed was 137, and of orders 1186. El In- 
dicador de Ouat.^ 1825, no. 16. 




General Elections — Meeting of the First Congress — Manuel Jos6 
Arce, First President of the Kepdblic — Foreign Relations — Arce's 
Prevarications — Conflict with Guatemala — Party Bickerings — 
Liberals Quarrel with Arce — He Joins their Opponents — Bitter- 
ness Engendered — President versus Guatemalan Rulers— Arrest 
of Jefe Juan Barrundia — Riots at Quezaltenango — Murder of Vice- 
jefe Cirilo Flores— Arce as Dictator in Guatemala — War against 
Salvador— Arce Defeated— He Gives up the Presidency, and Can- 
not Recover It — Bloody War of 1826-9 — Morazan the Victor — 
Jose Francisco Barrundia, Acting President — Liberal Measures — 
Peace Restored — Spanish Schemes. 

The first constitutional congress of the Estados 
Federados de Centro Amdrica was installed on the 
6th of February, 1825, Mariano-Galvez being chosen 
president,^ as well as the leader of the liberal party. 
A number of the old delegates had been reelected for 
the new body,^ whose principal duties were the elec- 
tion of a president, and the ratification of the consti- 
tution. The latter, as we have already seen, was on 
the 1st of September; the former proved a more diffi- 
cult task, and was achieved amidst contradictions and 
stormy discussions. The provisional executive power 

^ He is represented as an able man, who had formerly favored the union 
with Mexico, but afterward joined the liberal party, becoming one of its most 
prominent members. The author of Mem. Bev. Cent. -4 w., 39-41, 46, while 
acknowledging his ability, says that he was 'de poca delicadeza. . .de un ca- 
rdcter falso, y afectando una franqueza y una raoderacion que no le es propia.' 

^ The delegates of the different states were in the following proportion: 
Guatemala 17, Salvador 9, Honduras and Nicaragua 6 each, Costa Rica 2. 
The total number being 40, and not 34 as Squier erroneously haa it. Traveht 
ii. 388. 



elected in 1823 had not been harmonious. Arce and 
Valle assumed their duties soon after their election, 
f and before many days had serious differences, which 
ended in Arce's resignation of the presidency of the 
triumvirate. Being replaced by Jose Manuel de la 
Cerda, he departed for Salvador and Nicaragua, ex- 
erting himself in the pacification of the latter. His 
services in this direction won him much good-will, 
and it was proposed to make him the first constitu- 
tional president of the republic, a proposition that met 
with popular favor. Meanwhile his opponent, Valle, 
was also working.^ Since May 1824 the congress had 
been convoked. Both liberals and moderados had 
untiringly worked for their respective candidates. 
The latter seemed to have every prospect of victory; 
of the 79 votes cast, 41 being for Valle, their candi- 
date.* As 42 votes were necessary for a choice under 
the constitution, congress assumed the right of select- 
ing one of the two candidates. A compromise be- 
tween the contending parties was effected, Arce 
pledging himself to remain neutral on certain ques- 
tions upon which the other party was much disturbed.^ 
^ The moderados then voted for Arce, and congress, on 
the 21st of April, 1825, declared him to have been duly 
elected by a majority of twenty-two votes against five 
for Valle. The latter was recognized as the vice- 
president, and having declined the position, Mariano 
Beltranena was chosen in his place.^ The justices of 

' Arce had in his favor the prestige of past services, and his sufferings in 
the cause of independence. Valle had the support of those who objected to 
Salvadoran predominance. Moreover, he had been educated in Guatemala, 
and had property there; from which circumstances it was surmised that he 
would be more in syjnpathy with that state and the so-called serviles. Ma- 
rure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.,i. 150; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 28-9. 

*The total number of votes for the whole republic was 82, but three had 
been rejected by congress for various reasons. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 
i. 210-11; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 40-1. 

^ Salvador insisted on having an episcopal see, in order to be independent 
of Guatemala in ecclesiastical affairs. This was the chief question at issue. 
Arce promised to leave its decision to the next congress. Arce, Mem., 3. 
Valle really had obtained more votes than Arce, and congress defrauded him 
of his election. Montufar, Resena Hist. , i. 2G8. 

® Barrundia had been elected upon Valle's refusal to accept the office, and 
likewise declined it. Valle protested against Arce's election as illegal, in 


the supreme court were elected at the same time, and 
on the 29th of ApriP took possession of their offices. 

The recognition of the Central American republic 
as an independent nation had engaged the attention 
of the supreme authorities at the same time that the 
internal organization was proceeding. The first treaty 
concluded by the new republic was on the 15th of 
March, 1825, with Colombia, Pedro Molina acting as 
its plenipotentiary at Bogotd..^ A few months later, 
at Washington, on the 5th of December, 1825, a treaty 
was entered into with the United States of America, 
with which power there had been formal relations 
since the beginning of the year.^ Antonio Jose Caiias 
represented Central America as her plenipotentiary. 
The United States soon after accredited William 
Miller as chargd d'affaires near the new republic. 
Diplomatic relations with Great Britain and the 
Netherlands were opened early in 1825. Spain con- 
tinued refusing to recognize the independence of Cen- 
tral America, and the pope followed in her footsteps, 
as he had done in reofard to Mexico.^^ 

several writings, apparently to little purpose. El Indicador, 1825, no. 26 et 
seq.; El Liberal, 1825, no. 7, 8; NuUdad de la prim, elec, passim; Marure, 
Boiq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 212-13; Id., Efem., 13. 

^ Arce, Mem., 4, has it April 30th, but in view of the numerous misprints 
in his work, the date given in the text is probably more correct. It is the 
one supported by Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 213; Squier's Travels, ii. 
388; Diiulop's Cent. Am. , 164. Its first president was Tomds Antonio O'Horan. 
This court superseded the audiencia founded in 1544 at Gracias d Dios, and 
transferred in 1549 to Guatemala. Marure„ Efem., 14. 

** It was for a defensive and ofiensive alliance and equal privileges of trade. 
It was ratified by the Cent. Am. govt Sept. 12, 1825. The full text is given 
in liocha, Cddigo Nic, i. 95-9; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xxxviii.- 
xlvii. See also Ayon, Consid. Lim., 28-9; Gaceta de Salv., Oct. 12, 1854. 

' It was therein stipulated that the citizens of both republics should enjoy 
all the rights granted by one or the other to the most favored nation. The 
same rights for political purposes were also agreed upon, that of free exercise 
of religion being included. All clauses of a commercial character were to be 
in force 12 years; the others perpetually. Privileges and rights enjoyed by 
the citizens of either republic were to be also allowed to those immigrating 
from the other. This treaty was ratified by the younger republic on the 28th 
of June, 1826. The text in both English and Spanish may be seen in U. S. 
Govt Doc, U. S. Acts, Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 1, i. 149-70; Am. St. 
Pap., For. Rel., v. 774-82; Gordon's Digest of Laws, 328-35; Marure, Bosq. 
Hist. Cent. Am., i. xlvii.-lxv. 

^"Arce's Mess., March 1, 1826, in JReperiorio Am., i. 274-9; Santangelo, 
Congreno Panama, 73-5. 

Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 6 


The republic being now fairly launched, had Arce 
possessed the ability all naight have gone well. But 
he either overestimated his administrative powers, or 
underrated the magnitude of his task; and after de- 
creeing some wise measures upon the military defences, 
he began to sow dissatisfaction by his vacillating 
policy. A member of the liberal party from the first 
day that he took part in the political affairs of the 
country, he now committed the serious error of 
abandoning the ground upon which he might have 
trod with safety. In his endeavors to please both 
parties, he succeeded in offending the liberals without 
securing the confidence of their opponents, who, though 
willing enough to admit him to their ranks, declined 
rendering implicit obedience. His former friends now 
openly assailed him.^^ 

A conflict sprang up, also, between the federal gov- 
ernment and the local authorities of Guatemala City, 
because the latter refused to take part in celebrating 
the anniversary of the installation of the first assembly 
on the 24th of June, and force was at last brought to 
bear upon them.^^ 

The ill-feeling against Arce became intensified when 
the state government soon after decreed a transfer of 
its seat to Guatemala, and for want of accommodations 
in public buildings, took possession of the property of 
private citizens without their consent. The owners 
claimed protection from the federal congress, and 
serious disturbances were averted only by a compro- 
mise. During this episode the moderados or serviles 
kept fanning the flame of discord between Arce and 
the liberals, extolling his fneasures. When the first 
congress closed its session, on the 25th of December, 

Y Their newspapers, El Liberal and Don Meliton, charged him with par- 
tiality and incapacity. The latter, for its satire and ridicule, was the more 
formidable foe, as Arce himself acknowledges. Mem., 5. 

^''The departmental chief of Guatemala claimed that he was not tinder 
Arce's authority, but under that of the state, then residing at La Antigua. 
Congress empowered the executive to compel the local authorities to attend 
the celebration, and it was done. Arce, Mem., 8. 


1825/^ the political features of the country had notably 
changed. But fortunately the danger to the republic 
from the action of the serviles was avoided, because, 
upon lots being cast on the 1st of October for the re- 
newals of members of congress/* the retiring members 
happened to be chiefly of districts where the servile 
party had majorities before, and were now replaced 
by liberals, the preponderance of the latter being thus 
increased. The second constitutional congress assem- 
bled on the 1st of March, 1826. Among its mem- 
bers was Valle, who, bent on revenge, erelong made 
common cause with the liberals,^^ though he was not 
allowed to exercise a predominant influence in their 

On the day congress opened, the president delivered 
his message detailing the condition of the country, 
but most of it had reference to the relations with 
foreign powers.^^ The impending rupture was finally 
hastened by the president's course toward Colonel 
Nicolas Kaoul, a French officer who had recently ar- 
rived from Colombia, and had been made commander 
of the artillery and a member of the council of war.^^ 
Notwithstanding the considerations and favors con- 
ferred on him by Arce, no sooner had he received his 
appointment than he openly sided with the liberals 
and gave utterances against the government. There- 
fore, when Raoul was summoned by congress to aid 
in the organization of the federal troops, the president, 
to get rid of him, sent him to explore the northern 
coasts. ^^ Arce then undertook to increase the federal 

^^ The total number of decrees enacted was 92, and that of orders sub- 
mitted to the executive 308. For more details, see El Centro Americano, 
1826, 38. 

" One half of the representatives of every state had to retire, according to 
the constitution. 

^^He had at first declined the connection, but afterward accepted it 'para 
dar rienda suelta & sus rcsentimientos y pasiones contra el presidente Arce. ' 
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 48. 

" Text in Repertorio Am., i. 273-80. 

^^He brought letters of recommendation from Pedro Molina, who was 
representing Cent. Am. at Bogota, and had a high opinion of him, as he had 
served under Napoleon. Mamie, JJosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 230. 

^^ After he completed that work he was ordered to remain on the coast till 
further orders from the government. The congress tried in vain to prevent it. 


army to 4,000 men, under the pretext that such a 
force was needed for the pacification of Nicaragua, 
and the defence of the country against a Spanish in- 
vasion, rumors of which were circulating. In order 
to facilitate the operation, he proposed that the mem- 
bers of congress should stir up public enthusiasm in 
their respective states; but instead of acceding to his 
recommendation, several persons known to be hostile 
to the government, among them Kaoul, were selected 
by that body. All remonstrances to the contrary on 
the part of Arce^^ had no other effect than to imbitter 
the liberals against him. Charges were accordingly 
brought forth, such as his neglecting to lay before 
congress an account of expenditures during his ad- 
ministration, and his having squandered a considerable 
portion of the money raised by loan in London. The 
outcry against his conduct was growing louder from 
day to day. 

This unsatisfactory state of affairs determined Arce 
to dissolve congress. Still he was loath to use violent 
means, and in fact, there w^as no need of it. One of 
the clauses of the constitution allowed the admission 
of substitutes for the deputies to congress in certain 
cases, and both parties had taken advantage of it 
without opposition. However, when the question of 
calling the president to account arose, the serviles 
protested against the presence of the liberal substi- 
tutes which gave to that party the majority.^ On 
the 2d of June the deputies from Salvador, under in- 
structions from their government, which was friendly 
to Arce, abandoned their seats, their example being 
followed by those from Costa Rica and most of the 
serviles, thus leaving the chamber without a quorum.^^ 
The session was reopened, however, ten days later, 

^'The reasons adduced by him in his Mem., 22-4, and comments on the 
same in AJarurc, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am.j i. 236-7. 

^"^'Este asunto se renovaba cada vez que d los diputados niinisteriales 
conveuia paralizar algun golpe contra el egecutivo.' Alem. Rev. Cent. Am., 61. 

2^ The deputies of Salvador defended their course in a long argument, 
June 8, 1826, calling it an inevitable result of the unlawful conduct of the 
majority of congress. Doc, in Arc*', Mem., 10-17. 


upon the liberals pledging themselves not to introduce 
any motion against the president or the serviles, and 
thenceforth the discussions were confined to matters 
of a general character till the 30th of June, when the 
session was closed; but the deputies of Salvador and 
Costa Rica had not resumed their seats. 

It was now evident that a collision was unavoidable. 
The state government, controlled by the liberals, be- 
came fearful that the serviles, in their endeavor to 
support the president, might also attack the author- 
ities of Guatemala, and under the pretext of an inva- 
sion threatening from Chiapas, secretly began to make 
military preparations. Salvador and Costa Rica, on 
the other hand, offered aid of troops to the federal 
government. Both parties precipitated the crisis : the 
liberals by their heedless attacks on the clergy,^^ and 
specially by ridiculing its members; the serviles by 
fanning, jointly with the clericals, ill feeling among 
the low, ignorant classes, whom it was easy to per- 
suade that the liberal party aimed at the destruction 
iof their religion. This had now become a matter of 
greater ease, owing to the irritation already existing, 
caused by the forced loans and recruiting for the army 
decreed by the state government.^ Strange though 
it may appear, the serviles had xio suspicion that the 
federal authorities were aware of their intrigues. The 
clash came in May 1826, when Raoul, without having 
fulfilled his commission on the northern coast, tendered 
his resignation, accompanied with a number of invec- 
tives against the executive, which he subsequently 
repeated in a second letter. ^^ He was arrested on the 
17th of July, and subjected to the action of a court- 
martial for disrepect and insubordination. This raised 
a storm of fury in the local legislature, where Raoul's 

22 Restricting the archbishop's powers, and placing him to some extent 
under civil authority; suppressing the subventions of curates, and abolishing 
certain privileges the clergy had till then enjoyed; tithes were reduced, and 
persons under 25 years of age were not allowed to take monastic vows. Ma» 
rurcy Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 244-5. 

2^ The full text of the resignation is given in Arce, Mem., 25-7. 


arrest was consiclered as an encroachment on the state's 
authority. An order of arrest was issued against 
Captain Espinola, the officer who had carried out the 
commands of the federal executive, and the jefe, or 
chief of the state, Juan Barrundia, was authorized to 
raise a sufficient force to seize Espinola's person,^* and 
the pecuniary contingent of the state for federal ex- 
penses was withheld. ^^ 

The troops despatched to arrest Espinola numbered 
300 men, and were commanded by Cayetano de la 
Cerda, who encountered his man near Acasaguastlan. 
To avoid bloodshed, a capitulation was agreed upon 
by both parties until they should obtain further orders 
from their respective governments.^^ 

When news of this agreement reached Guatemala, 
a few days later, simultaneously rumors came to the 
ears of Arce that a coup-de-main was contemplated 
by Barrundia, with the evident intent of effecting his 
removal. To anticipate the blow,^'' on the 5th of 
September Arce secretly ordered the commander of 
the federal forces to arrest Barrundia at an early hour 
the following morning, and disarm the state troops, 
using force if necessary. ^^ This was done, the officer 
meeting with no resistance.^^ The liberals had no 
suspicion of Arce's resolve till after its execution. 

2* * Pondrd sobre las armas toda la fuerza que crea necesaria. . .En caso de 
resistencia repelcrd la fuerza con la fuerza.' Id., 32. 

^ On the ground that only Guatemala had paid such contingent, and even 
more, and the other states had arbitrarily eluded payments. Arce was ac- 
cused, not without foundation, it seems, of allowing such discrimination. 

26 On September 3, 182G; the document merely stipulates a temporary sus- 
pension of hostilities, without further entering into the question. Arce, Mem., 
39. It has been asserted that Espinola held a favorable position, and adds: 
'A pesar de esto, capitul6 vergouzosamente ' — a charge without much founda- 
tion, in view of the numerical superiority of the Guatemalan forces. A fern. llev. 
Cent. Am., 52-3. 

^^Arce, Mem., 39-41, gives a lengthy account of his deliberations, and 
doubts whether it would or not be just, and consistent with his duties, to im- 
prison Barrundia, all of which is at least doubtful. 

"^^Mem, Rev. Cent. Am., 53. Croive'a Gospel, 127, and Squier's Travels, ii. 
395, confound the jefe with his brother Jos6 Francisco. The orders were, 
'Que en el caso de resistencia obre fuertemente hasta concluir el arresto y ocu- 
pacion de las armas.' Arce, Mem., 41-2. 

^^This non-resistance is attributed to treachery on the part of Vera, a 
Mexican commanding the state forces, who subsequentlv entered the federal 
service. Mature, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 254-5. 


The vice-jefe of the state, Cirilo Flores, then forth- 
with assumed the government, and ' being tendered 
the aid of federal troops to support his authority, 
proudly rejected it.^^ 

On the following day the chiefs of the other states 
were apprised of Barrundia's arrest, in a circular from 
Arce defending his course, which he declared to have 
been pursuant to duty under the constitution.^^ Such 
was the position assumed by his friends and by the 
serviles in general; while the radical liberals, taking a 
different view, denounced him as a violator of the 
constitution.^^ However, the energy thus displayed 
by Arce was rather favorably looked upon, perhaps 
from a feeling of relief arising from the supposition 
that party bickerings had been brought to an end, 
more than from any sympathy for Arce. The presi- 
dent might now have strengthened his party, but did 
not, and went on committing serious mistakes. In- 
stead of turning the imprisoned Barrundia over to the 
state assembly, as prescribed by the constitution, to 
be tried upon the several charges that had been osten- 
tatiously preferred against him, he allowed the legal 
time for prosecution to elapse, and then released the 
prisoner under bonds.^^ 

The second constitutional congress was to meet on 
the 1st of October, 1826, and the liberal party had, 
since September, industriously worked to secure a 
majority. But on the appointed day there w^as no 
quorum, the members of the opposition having re- 
fused to take their seats, evidently to prevent the 
adoption of any measures against the president.^* It 

^° Doc, in Arce, Mem., 26. 

^^It is a long doc, giving details, and dwelling specially on the part 
Raoul had played. Id., 27-31. 

^^ Comments and details on the subject in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 
i. 255-8; Hem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53-4. 

2^ 'Este desenlace hizo ridiculo todo lo que dntes habia parecido un golpe 
maestro.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 54. 

^* To save appearances, Arce pretended to induce his supporters to assume 
their positions in the chamber, but there is little doubt of its being mere 
sham. It has been intimated that even some liberals declined to sit, from 
apprehension that an investigation of Arce's conduct might lead to civil war 


was rather suspicious that the government at San Sal- 
vador, always friendly to Arce, had forbidden its del- 
egates to occupy their seats in congress unless it were 
to discuss the expediency of transferring the federal 
authorities to some place distant from Guatemala.^^ 
It soon became apparent that the president's aim was 
to have his own assembly, for on the 10th of October 
he convoked an extraordinary congress.^^ This was 
open violation of the constitution, which vested in the 
senate the authority for convoking, and moreover 
limited representation to only one delegate for every 
30,000 inhabitants. Much indignation was felt by 
the members of congress, who had constituted them- 
selves into an organizing commission, but dispersed 
on the same day that Arce's decree was published.^^ 
Exciting events now followed in quick succession. 
The vice-jefe Cirilo Flores and the state authorities 
had retired on the 8th of October to Quezaltenango, 
where he was murdered a few days afterward — on the 
13th — by a mob of fanatical Indians.^ The act was 

"' Still declaring its allegiance to the federation. Gaz. de Mex. , Jan. 25, 
1827; Arce, Mem., 51. 

"^ The impossibility of obtaining a quorum of members chosen to the 2U 
congress, and impending civil war, were among the reasons assigned for his 
action. The elections were to be made on the basis of two deputies for every 
30,000 inhabitants, and Cojutepeque in Salvador was appointed as the place 
of meeting. This measure was at first well received by the states, but 
afterward rejected in consequence of a decree of the Salvador government on 
the Cth of Dec, inviting the federal deputies to meet at the villa of Ahuacha- 
pan. Marure, Efem., 17; Mem, Bev. Cent. Am., 56. 

"Oct. 11, 1826. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 273; Corres. Fed. Mex., 
Nov. 27, 1826. 

^^He sought refuge in the parish church, but was pursued by the crowd. 
His only safety lay in the pulpit, tlie remonstrances of the religious, and the 
presence of the host. The religious succeeded at times in cahning the rab- 
ble, promising that Flores should be sent into exile. Biit Antonio Corzo, who 
was in the court-yard with a few poorly armed militiamen, fired a volley upon 
the mob, which became still more excited. The women dragged Flores from 
the pulpit, took him out of the temple, *y le inmolaron en im claustro b^r- 
bara y horrorosamente. ' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 57-8. Squier's 2'ravels, ii. 
396, has it that the Indians had been infuriated by the harangues of a friar 
from the pulpit, and that the rabble slaughtered Flores at the very foot of 
the altar, literally rending his body in pieces; the apparent cause of this 
vindictiveness of the priests being that in the general levy of taxes for the 
state the property of the convents had not been spared. 'And thus was the 
movement started by the aristocrats, seconded by their allies, the priests.' 
Ex-president Morazan, referring to that catastrophe, uses these words: *Pues- 
to en manos de un feroz populacho. instigado por las funestas ideas que le 


attributed to Arce and his immediate friends, but 
apparently without much reason,^ though it must be 
admitted that intrigues of the servile party and the 
preaching of hostile priests aroused the fanaticism of 
the populace to such a degree that the slightest cause 
would bring about the commission of outrages. The 
trouble did not end with Flores' death, for many mem- 
bers of the assembly and representative council were 
compelled to flee for their lives. 

The state was now powerless, for even its military 
forces disappeared before the federal troops. The 
liberals in the state and republic saw their hopes 
dashed, and many emigrated.*^ Arce held the execu- 
tive authority of both the federation and tlie state of 
Guatemala; and acting upon the advice of Salvador, 
he began reorganization, decreeing on the 31st of 
October the election of a new executive and legisla- 
ture for Guatemala, from which the inhabitants enter- 
tained hopes of a final restoration of peace throughout 
the republic. But those hopes were frustrated by a 
sudden change of policy on the part of the Salvador 
government, which surprised everybody, all the more 
from the fact that it had heretofore firmly supported 
the president. 

inculcaron sus sacerdotes, pereci6 al pi(5 de las imagenes de los santos, d la 
vista de sns inicuos jueces, y en presencia de la eucaristia, que estos cubrieran. * 
Apuntes, MS., 4. Flores had been noted for his charity to the poor, specially 
to the Indians, to whom he constantly gave medical aid, medicines, and 
other necessaries. The state assembly, after being restored in 18*29, decreed 
honors to his memory, and ordered placed in its hall of sessions an inscription 
in letters of gold, as follows: *A1 inmortal Vice-jefe Ciudadano Cirilo Flores, 
mdrtir de la Libertad, sacrificado en Quezaltenango, e i las aras de la ley. ' 
In May 1831 the name of Ciudad Flores was given in his honor to the head 
town of the district of Peten. Marure^ Efem.^ 17, 28. 

2' The liberals looked upon it as the result of an arrangement of Arce and 
his partisans; the latter declared it to have resulted from an accident, or rather 
from violent acts on the part of liberals in Quezaltenango, such as forcibly 
taking horses in the night from private houses and the Franciscan convent. 
Marure states that he thorougly examined every document bearing on the 
subject, and found no evidence against Arce or his party. Bosq. Hist. Cent. 
Am.y i. 275-85. The author of Mem. Bev. Cent. Am., 58, acquits Arce, 
attributing the act to a sudden popular excitement. See also Astaburuaga, 
Cent. Am., 15; Crowe's Gospel, 127-8; Pineda, in Guat., Eecop. Leyes, iii. 
348; Corres. Fed. Mex., Nov. 9, 1826; Doc, in Arce Mem., 32-3. 

*° There was an efifort toward reconciliation, the liberals offering to make 
concessions, and Arce favoring their proposals; but the serviles haughtily re- 


Pedro Molina arrived at San Salvador from Panamd 
when Arce had in his charge the affairs of Guate- 
mala, and had decreed the new elections for the state. 
Being a political opponent of the president, Molina 
refused to go to Guatemala to report the action of 
the Panamd congress. It was not a difficult matter 
for him to find congenial spirits for an intrigue against 
the federal executive. An estrangement had occurred 
between Arce and Delgado, who aspired to be bishop 
of San Salvador/^ and was a man of great political 
power. Moreover, it so happened that the jefe of 
Salvador, owing to ill health, had to turn over his 
office to the vice-jefe, Mariano Prado, who was under 
the influence of the discontented party. His first act 
was to repeal Arce's decree of October 10th convok- 
ing an extraordinary congress at Cojutepeque.*'^ Then 
simultaneously forces were levied in Salvador, osten- 
sibly to protect congress when assembled at Ahua- 
chapan. Internal difficulties in Honduras led the 
federal government to interfere i*'*^ and thus, at the 
end of 1826, there were a number of forces at work 
to drive Arce from the presidential seat. This state 
of affairs continued till February 1827, when rumors 
of an invasion began to circulate in Guatemala. The 
next month Salvadoran forces, under Trigueros, started 
on their march toward the capital. All doubts about 
the plans of the invading army having ceased, Arce 
displayed unusual activity in his preparations to meet 
the enemy. With the aid of the newly chosen jefe 
of Guatemala, Aycinena, he increased the garrison to 

*^ Owing, it was said, to the publication of a pontifical bull, which, under 
Arce's exequatur, had been restricted to Guatemala by the archbishop, a 
step that Delgado supposed to have been by Arce's instigation, or at least a 
lack of interest on his part for San Salvador. 3Ifm. Eev. Cent. Am., GO. 
Arce himself attributed the estrangement to party intrigues. Mem., CO. 
Dunlop, Cent. Am., 1G5, assigns disputes about the erection of the bishopric 
as the cause of the rupture. 

*^Arce, Mem., 61, finds fault with Prado's act, when his own had been 
just as illegal. 

*^ Colonel Milla invaded the state with a federal force, captured Comaya- 
gua on the 9th of May, 1827, and arrested the jefe of the state, Herrera 
The whole was a wanton proceeding. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., C-9. 


2,000 men, and leaving the executive authority in 
charge of Vice-president Beltranena, took personal 
command of the troops. He made an effort, how- 
ever, to avert an encounter, but without avail;** and 
they fought, a few days later, at Guadalupe, a short 
distance from Guatemala, the invaders being repulsed, 
and the following day, March 23d, utterly routed at 
Arrazola/^ This victory caused great exultation in 
Guatemala, and Arce's prestige grew rapidly. Money 
and reenforcements were cheerfally placed at his 
command, and he allowed himself to be carried away 
by evil counsels to pursue an aggressive policy and 
punish Salvador.*^ 

The federal army marched in April into the state 
of Salvador, and reenforced from Sonsonate and Santa 
Ana,*' reached Nejapa without opposition, that place 
being about twelve miles from the city of San Salva- 
dor. After certain negotiations for peace, which had 
no satisfactory result, Arce attacked the city on the 
18th of May, at the head of 2,000 men, and was re- 
pulsed with heavy loss. His slow movements had 
eriven the Salvadorans time to act/^ His retreat was 


in good order to Santa Ana; but from this place, de- 
sertions having greatly diminished the force, it degen- 
erated into flight, of which the pursuing Salvadorans 
failed to take advantage. Arce reached Cuajiniqui- 
lapa toward the end of May, with only 300 men. 

** The commander of the Salvadorans was unable to explain his illegal 
proceeding. Doc, in Arce, Mem., 45-6. 

*^ Detailed accounts, with copies of the official exaggerated reports, are 
given in Gaz. de Mex., Apr. 26 till May 1 and May 22, 1827; Marure, Efem., 
19; Mtm. Rev. Cent. Am., 62-4. Decree of government of Guatemala on the 
subject, March 28, 1827. Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 250. 

•'^^ Beltranena and several of Arce's officers disapproved the retaliatory 
plan. Aycinena, on the contrary, favored it, though willing to abide by 
Arce's decision. 

*^Both districts had seceded from the state government of Salvador, 
attaching themselves to the federal cause. 

*^ He committed the error of entertaining peace proposals, which were made 
only to gain time. He endeavored to explain it away on the plea of Cent. 
Am. brotherhood: 'Puedoyo dejar de tener un corazon Centro Americano ? 
No es posible.' Arce, Mem., 69. On the same and following pages is a de- 
tailed account of the action, carefully worded and extolling the bravery of his 
Guatemalan soldiers. The official reports are in El Sol., Mex., July 3, 1827; 
Marure, Efem., 19. 


This early failure of a war from which were to flow 
such great results brought odium on Arce; but by the 
efforts of friends, confidence in him was restored, and 
about 700 men were obtained to resume operations by 
taking Santa Ana/^ For several months no events 
of importance occurred. The time was employed by 
Arco in strengthening his force, with which he made 
a fruitless attempt to intercept a Salvador division that 
assailed Sonsonate. Overtures for peace were again 
made by Salvador, but though not absolutely rejected, 
no understanding was arrived at. They gave rise, 
however, to a discussion as to whether the federal 
president was, as he thought himself, authorized to 
decide upon the question of peace or war without con- 
sulting the state government of Guatemala.^*' Piqued 
at the opposition he had met, which he supposed to 
arise from want of confidence, Arce received with 
pleasure a request from Vice-president Beltranena 
to give up the army and return to Guatemala and 
take charge of the government. ^^ Brigadier Fran- 
cisco Cdscaras was thereupon made commander of the 
army on the 12th of October, 1827. Soon after Arce's 
return to Guatemala he took steps to restore peace, 
and issued, on the 5th of December, a decree to con- 
voke a new congress,^^ and at the same time ordered a 
suspension of hostilities. But his commissioner, Juan 

*' The government of Salvador had in May made peace proposals, but the 
federal authorities rejected them. DocSy in ArcBy Mem., 47-57. 

^°It was decided in secret session of the state assembly on the 16th of Oct. 
that the state had a right to intervene, and if it was ignored, and treaties dis- 
pleasing to the state were concluded, the latter should detach itself from the 
federation, and its troops continue occupying the towns they then held. Arce's 
letter of Oct. 17, 1827, to Brig. C^scaras, in Montufar, Reseila Hist., i. 22. 

°^ It may have been of his own seeking, for he must have seen ere this the 
great difficulty of conquering San Salvador with his small force, and that to 
continue longer in the field would only bring him into further disrepute. 

^■■^ Ex-marqu63 de Aycinena, brother of the jefe of Guatemala, called the 
decree impolitic, illegal, and arbitrary. The serviles could see that it would 
restore the old congress, so hostile to them; and with a majority against them 
in both houses, they might have to resort to the dangerous expedient of driv- 
ing away the senators and deputies at the point of the bayonet. It was ridic- 
ulous in them to rail against arbitrariness, when they had arbitrarily deposed 
Barrundia in Guatemala and Herrera in Honduras. It was arbitrary to keep 
the nation without a congress, which was their work. MontiUfar, Besena Hist., 
i. 9, 23. 


de Dios Mayorga, who was to notify the authorities 
at San Salvador of his measures, was not allowed to 
proceed to that city, the Salvadorans, now reenforced 
with officers exiled from Colombia,^^ being more than 
ever opposed to conciliation. Hostilities were re- 
sumed and conducted with alternating success;^* but 
on the whole, disadvantageously for the federal force, 
owing to Cd-scaras' lack of strategy, and the tempor- 
izing policy of the enemy; for the latter, whenever 
pressed, would make overtures of peace, protesting a 
willingness to terminate the war, though breaking 
their promises as fast as they were made.^^ Cdscaras' 
situation was daily becoming perilous, on account of 
the numerous desertions of his troops. At last, on 
the 17th of December, a bloody encounter took place 
in the streets of Santa Ana, w^hich terminated in a 
capitulation, under which both forces were to leave 
the place the next day. Cdscaras left it as stipulated, 
but Colonel Merino with the Salvadorans remained. ^^ 
Cdscaras returned to Guatemela toward the end of 
December, the Salvadorans having regained posses- 
sion of Santa Ana, and of all the other places formerly 
occupied by the federal army. 

Shortly after, with Aycinena's assistance, another 
federal army was. organized, but Arce took good care 
to give positions in it only to trusted friends.^'' As 
soon as the organization was nearly completed, detach- 
ments were sent to check the enemy's raids in Chi- 
quimula, and then, under the command of a foreigner 
named William Perks, the army marched against the 

^ Three brothers Merino, and a Frenchman named Soumaestra. Rafael 
Merino was made commander-in-chief. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.,7o; Arce, Mem.y 

°*Near the hill of La Trinidad the federal forces which had control of 
Honduras were defeated by Nicaraguans and Salvadorans under Lieut-col 
Remigio Diaz. Marure^ Efem., 20. 

^^It is difficult to see how the Guatemalans could place faith on pledges 
so often violated; evidently given to gain time. 

^^ This ended the second campaign between Salvadorans and Guatemalans. 

^^ This army was to be used, first in subduing Salvador, and next Guate- 
mala, where Arce encountered more and more opposition to his plans. Mem» 
Rev. Cent. Am., 81-2. 


Salvadoran headquarters at Ahuachapan. Once moro 
stratagem was resorted to by the wily Salvadorans, 
who made proffers of peace, the farce ending as usual.^^ 
In the mean time troubles broke out in the federal army, 
and Perks, the commander, was deposed by the field- 
officers and sent to Guatemala as a prisoner. ^^ The 
command then devolved upon Colonel Antonio Jose 
Irisarri. Arce tried in vain to have Perks reinstalled, 
and his efforts in that direction only served to increase 
the ill feeling, which grew so strong that on the 14th 
of February, 1828, he turned over the executive 
office, though without a formal resignation, to Beltra- 
nena,^'^ who conferred the command of the federal 
army on Brigadier Manuel Arzu. This officer marched 
at once against the Salvadorans, refusing to listen to 
any overtures for negotiations from their chief, Me- 
rino. The armies met at Chalchuapa on the 1st of 
March, and the federal troops obtained a victory, which 
drove the foe back to San Salvador. ^^ " Arzii followed 
and made an assault on that city, in which both sides 
gave proofs of extraordinary bravery. The assault 
failed; at the end of six hours' fighting the assailants 
had to retreat behind their intrenchments.^^ From, 
this time San Salvador and San Miguel became the 
theatres of war. A series of encounters, none of suf- 

^8 The commissioners, as agreed upon, were to raeeb at Jutiapa. Those of 
the general government went there and waited several days; no Salvadorans 

'"^ The mutiny took place at Xalpatagua on the 9th of Feb. Mature, Efem., 
20; Mem. liev. Gent. Am., 83-5. Aycinena wrote his cousin Antonio, who 
was in the theatre of war, that in order to hinder all peace arrangements, 
measures would be resorted to that were unknown even to Machiavelli. The 
mutiny against Perks was evidently one of these measures. 

*^ He alleged as a reason the unwillingness of Salvador to enter into nego- 
tiations as long as he remained at the head of affairs. Arce, Mem., 84-7. The 
real cause, however, was a resolution of the assembly of Guatemala demand- 
ing his resignation, and he was unable to disregard it. This course of the 
assembly was altogether illegal, but the time for the expiation of Arce's politi- 
cal sins had arrived. According to his own statement, he retired to his 
plantations at Santa Ana. 

^ _ '"'^ This was the most bloody fight of the war of 1826-9, and opened the 
tnird campaign between Guatemala and Salvador. Marure, Efem., 21. 

<^^Their supply of ammunition had been destroyed by fire, and their com- 
mander l)ad received a serious contusion. This fight has been since known 
as the 'ataque del vi6rnes santo,' having taken place on good-fridav, March 
12, 1828. Id., 21. ' o 1 6 .- 


ficient importance to be lengthily described, followed, 
with varying success for either side.^^ The Salvador- 
ans liaving besieged the remnants of the federal army 
under Colonel Manuel Montufar, at Mejicanos, after 
eight months compelled them to surrender, on the 
20th of September. Their commander and general 
staff were held as prisoners of w^ar.^ 

The division of the federal army that occupied the 
department of San Miguel, which had been defeated 
by General Morazan at Gualcho on the 6th of July, 
being intercepted on its retreat toward the Lempa, 
laid down its arms, under honorable terms, at San 
Antonio, on the 9th of October.^^ 

*^ April 13th, action of Quelepa, in which the Salvadorans were defeated. 
With that victory, and another at Guascoran on the 2oth of the same month, 
the whole department of San Miguel was brought under subjection to the 
federal government. June 12th, peace stipulations were signed at the house 
of Esquibel, Manuel F. Pavon acting for the federal government and Mati'as 
Delgado for Salvador, by which the former was to be recognized by the latter, 
a general diet was to meet at Santa Ana, and a federal force occupy San Sal- 
vador; but the Salvador government refused to sanction the arrangement, 
and the war continued with more fury than ever. Details on those prelim- 
inaries are given in J\[em. Rev. Cent. Am., 100-1. July Cth, battle of Gualcho, 
on the banks of the Lempa, in the department of San Miguel, between Hon- 
durans and Guatemalans. The latter, under Col. Dominguez, hitherto vic- 
torious, were utterly defeated. Marure, Efem., 21-2; El Espirltu Pub., Jan. 
18, 1829. 

•^^ Arzii had abandoned them to their fate. Mont'dfar, Resena Hist. , i. 47-5 1 . 

^''Morazan, Apiintes, MS.; Montiifar, Resena Hist., i. 53-4. Thus ended 
disastrously for the federal forces their third invasion of Salvador territory. 
The actions of Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in which the great 
Central American soldier and statesman Francisco Morazan figured as a gen- 
eral. Morazan will stand in history in many respects as the best, and in all as 
the ablest, man that Central America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799, 
his father being a French Creole from the W. L, and his mother of Tegucigalpa, 
in Honduras. His education was such as he could obtain in the country at 
that time; but his quickness of apprehension and thirst for knowledge soon 
placed him far above his countrymen. He was of an impetuous tempera- 
meut, and possessed at the same time great decision and perseverance. His 
bearing was free and manly, and his manner frank and open. These quali- 
ties could not fail to and did secure him the love and respect of his fellow- 
citizens, giving him an immense influence over them. In 1824 he was already 
occupying the position of secretary -general of Honduras, and later was sena- 
tor, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but his temperament soon made 
him turn his attention to martial affairs. He ever after was noted as a re- 
publican of very liberal views. Squier's Travels, ii. 400; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 
170-1; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 17. The writer of 3Iem. Rev. Cent. Am., 
92, says that Morazau had been at one time a clerk in a notary's office at 
Comayagua, where he 'habia dado d conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero 
poco hourosas, para la imitacion de letras 6 firmas.' It has been said that 
Morazan joined the party opposed to the existing federal government at the 
instioration of Pedro Molina. Gaceta de S. Salv., Oct. 3, 1851. A portrait o/ 
Morazan is given in Montiifar, Resena Hist., i. 72. 


The condition of federal affairs was now far from 
encouraging. It may be that Arce, had he been 
replaced, might have turned disaster; but his appH- 
cation had met with a refusal, and he took no further 
part in the political events of the republic.^^ After all 
hostile forces had been either captured or expelled from 
Salvador, Morazan made a triumphant entry into the 
state capital on the 23d of October, 1828.^^ Shortly 
before this a commission had come from Costa Rica 
to mediate between Guatemala and Salvador, but the 
latter demanded too much.®^ Morazan's presence in 
San Salvador greatly strengthened the warlike party, 
and the idea of invading Guatemala gained favor from 
day to day, till it was finally carried out. After peace 
overtures had been rejected by the federal author- 
ities, Morazan began his march toward Guatemala in 
the latter end of November 1828.^^ The news struck 
terror into the hearts of the now defenceless Guate- 
malans, and no steps to meet the emergency could 
be taken, owing to lack of order, official rivalries, and 
party intrigues. It was, as a saving measure, finally 
decided in the assembly to detach the state from the 
federation, though it was never sanctioned or carried 
out. To increase difficulties, a revolution broke out 
in the department of La Antigua, placing it under 
the protection of Morazan ,'^'^ who, at the head of about 
2,000 men, assuming the title of ^ejercito aliado pro- 
tector de la ley,' laid siege to the city of Guatemala, 

^^It has been asserted that he offered his services to Salvador, and was 
slighted, Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.y 97-8, which finds confirmation in Arce's own 
statement. Mem., 88-9. Squier has it that Arce went to Mexico, Travels, ii. 
402; but this seems to be a mistake, for he was in Guatemala in 1829. 

^^ A few days previously, on the 20th, the assembly of Guatemala decreed 
a renewal of all the powers of the state, with the vain purpose of removing 
one of the obstacles to the termination of the war. Marure, F/em., 22. 

^^ Prado and Morazan offered peace to the Guatemalans on condition that 
the federal government should be fully restored. El Espiriiu Pub., Feb. 
14, 1829. 

*• He established his general headquarters in Abuachapan, whence raids 
were constantly made into the enemy's territory. 

"This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829. The sedition, though soon 
quelled, rather hastened the action of Morazan with his allied Salvador and 
Honduras force. 



assailing it from the side of the Garita del Golfo, 
on the 5th of February. He was repulsed after a 
brisk fire.'^^ This was followed on the 15th by a sally 
of the garrison, which annihilated at Mixco a con- 
siderable portion of the invading army.''^ 

In consequence of this reverse, Morazan raised the 
siege of Guatemala, and concentrated his forces at 
La Antigua. The success of Mixco was the last ex- 
perienced by the federal army; for with the same 
neglect which had characterized its operations almost 
throughout the whole campaign, no advantage was 
taken of the victory, nor of several military errors of 
Morazan.*^^ A strong division under Pacheco sallied 
out of Guatemala toward the towns of Zumpango 
and El Tejar, as if to confine Morazan in La Antigua; 
but Pacheco disseminated his force, and was beaten."^* 
Early in March Morazan's troops reoccupied Mixco, 
and when attacked, shortly afterward,^*^ by the federal 
forces at Las Charcas, signally defeated them, and 
the fate of the servile party in Guatemala was thus 

'* The repulse was so unimportant, however, that Morazan does not even 
mention it in his memoirs. Marure, Efem.y 23; MontiifaVy Resefia Hist., i. 61. 

'^'^ Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 123; Marure, Efem., 23, gives the 18th as the 
date. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 14, says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda 
acredit6 en esta derrota su ineptitud y cobardia y el enemigo su crueldad con 
el asesinato de los veucidos. * After that the town was given the title of Villa 
de la Victoria; but later resumed its original name. This defeat was exagger- 
ated in San Salvador, where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in. 
La Antigua, and preparations to meet another invasion were hastily made. 

'^Morazan might have been besieged in La Antigua; for during his stay- 
there he despatched a force to Quezaltenango, that should have been followed" 
by another from Guatemala, and destroyed between the latter and the few- 
forces that Irisarri might have brought against it in the hard roads of Ista-^ 
guacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri retreated toward Soconusco, to ba 
afterward undone and taken prisoner. Morazan's force occupied Los Altos,, 
took many prisoners, levied contributions which Irisarri had failed to get 
from the Quezaltecs, and left the enemy powerless to recuperate. Mem. Uev^ 
Cent. Am., 124; Morazan's Memoirs, quoted in Montufar, lleseila Hist., i. 03. 

"* March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at San Miguelito. MorazaUy 
Apuntes, MS., 15. The place received, for that reason, the name of San 
Miguel Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul, now a general under Morazan, 
figures prominently in the military operations at this time. 

^^On the 15th of March. Marure, Efem., 23; 3[orazan, Apuntes, MS., 15; 
Montufar, Besena Hist., i. 62-3. 

'^^ The federal force that succumbed in Las Charcas was commanded by 
their mayor-general, Agustin Prado, not Col Pacheco, as supposed by some. 
The federals had no general now. Cdscaras had lost his reputation, and was 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 7 


Through the mediation of General Verveer, minis- 
ter from the Netherlands, an attempt was made to 
bring peace to the distracted country. Commissioners 
representing the several belligerents assembled, on the 
27th of March, at the house of Ballesteros, and dis- 
cussed the propositions laid before them, which were 
rejected, and they then retired. Morazan, who was 
anxious for a compromise, specially as he had good 
reasons to apprehend the dissolution of his army by 
the small-pox epidemic w^hich had broken out, urged 
Verveer to invite the commissioners to hold another 
conference. It took place; and those of Salvador, 
Honduras, and Nicaragua presented four propositions, 
which were likewise rejected by the federal and Gua- 
temalan negotiators.'^'' Morazan had felt certain that 

distrusted by the serviles. Arzii would not take the command, or was not 
^trusted on account of his ill success in the third invasion of Salvador. Mora- 
:zan had defeated Milla, Dominguez, Aycinena, Pacheco, and Prado. Id., 

'^ The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-president Beltranena, Pavon 
for Guatemala, Espinosa for Salvador, and Morazan for Honduras and Nica- 
ragua. The last propositions of Espinosa and Morazan were the following, 
namely: 1st. That a provisional government should be formed in Guatemala, 
-composed of the chief of the state Mariano Aycinena, Mariano Prado, and 
Morazan; 2d. That the two armies should be reduced to 1,000 men, Guate- 
malans and Salvadorans in equal parts; 3d. That the provisional government 
should be installed in Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala with that force 
to give it strength and preserve order in the state; 4th. A general forgetful- 
ness of the past. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 5, 16; MontHfar, ResenaHist., i. 65. 
It is claimed, on the other hand, that Morazan really wanted the federal vice- 
president and the chief of the state of Guatemala to throw up their offices, 
the legislative assembly and representative council to cease exercising their 
iunctious; and that of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made Zen- 
teno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme court of justice was to stop acting. 
Meantime, and until new elections took place, Morazan was to be clothed 
"with executive, representative, and judicial powers. Under the pretext of 
restoring the sway of law and constitutional order, a dictatorship, emanating 
from a war treaty, would have been created, whose sole object was to reward 
the victor with an unlimited authority. The commissioners of the federal and 
Guatemalan governments refused to accede, and presented counter-proposi- 
tions of a different nature, namely, to the effect that the existing high function- 
aries should resign their powers, and a provisional government be established, 
with one representative from each state, to govern till new elections and the 
restoration of the constitutional regime. There were also propositions re- 
specting the government of the state of Guatemala. Full details in Mem. 
Rev. Cent. Am., 125-9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in Mora- 
zan, Apuntes, MS., 16. The government of Mexico, at the request of that of 
Guatemala, tendered its mediation on the 20th of February, but it arrived 
too late, and there was nothing left for it to do but to tender the hospitalities 
of the Mexican soil to the victims of persecution. The full correspondence is 
to be found in M^x., Mem. Eel, 1830, 2-3; also in Suarezy Navarro, Hist. M4J., 


those proposals would be accepted, and believed them 
to be exceedingly generous in view of the fact that 
the city could no longer hold out. However, hostil- 
ities were resumed, and on the 9th of April the forces 
under Morazan attacked the city, and a part of it was 
taken and plundered/^ 

Aycinena applied on the 11th to Morazan, as 
commander-in-chief of the allied army of Honduras 
and Salvador, for a suspension of hostilities, in order 
to negotiate a capitulation which he was disposed to 
enter into. Morazan replied at once that he could 
agree to nothing but the unconditional surrender of 
the city, though offering to guarantee the lives and 
property of all persons existing therein. ^^ The fight- 
ing continued, and on the 12th the place capitulated. 
The occupation was effected on the following day,^^ 
and immediately Vice-president Beltranena and his 
ministers of relations and treasury, Aycinena and his 
secretary Pielago, and Ex-president Arce^^ were 

407-14; this authority claims that Mexican mediation might have been finally 
successful in restoring peace but for the opposition of the new chief of Guate- 

^^ A long account of the alleged outrages of Morazan's forces appears in 
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 132-3. Marure, Efem., 24, in referring to the capture 
of Guatemala, makes no mention of any such abuses. 

"'^ Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen. Aycinena, not recognizing the 
latter as chief of Guatemala, Juan Barrundia's term not having expired when 
Arce deposed him, in consequence of which act Aycinena rose to that position. 
The dissolved authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La Antigua, and Mo- 
razan held relations with them. Aycinena had changed his tone; he was no 
longer the man of the manifestoes of 1827, of the proscriptive decrees, nor of 
the stringent military orders of the first months of 1829. He did not now 
call his opponents 'un punado de enemigos del 6rden, descamisados y fora- 
jidos.' Montufar, Besena Hist., i. 72-5, 79-86. 

^" Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 18, erroneously places the surrender on the 
20th. The terms of the capitulation are given in Arce, Mem. , 9S-4; Montufar, 
Resena Hist., i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the inhabitants were 
guaranteed; the vanquished were in all else subject to the good-will of the 
victor. Jos6 Milla y Vidaurre, in his biographical sketch of Manuel Francisco 
Pavon, who figured in these events, claims that the capitulation was con- 
trary to Aycinena's wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot by foot. 
Montufar, quoted above, denies the statement, adding that it was advanced 
solely to make the chief of the serviles and head man of the nobles appear as 
a hero, and refers to the correspondence, which will show Aycinena quite 
anxious to accept the guarantee of life and property. 

^^ According to Miguel Garcia Granados, who in later years was a liberal 
leader and acting president of Guatemala, Ajtcc had remained unmolested at 
his house in sight of the besiegers during the three days' attack. Id., 103. 


placed under arrest. ^^ Morazan, assuming then all the 
powers of state, restored Juan Barrundia to the posi- 
tion of jefe of Guatemala,^^ whereof he had been 
deprived by Arce. The capitulation of April 12th 
was on the 20th declared void, on the ground that 
the federal commander had failed to comply with its 
terms in not giving up all the arms his forces held at 
the time of the surrender.^* Morazan treated the func- 
tionaries, both federal and of the state of Guatemala, 
who had taken part in the revolution of 1826 to 1829, 
with much rigor. ^^ 

A period of reaction, or restoration as it was prop- 
erly called, was now inaugurated. During several 
years the servile party had held undisputed control of 
public affairs in Guatemala, crushing out all opposi- 
tion to the best of its ability. Its policy had been 
one of intolerance, and its downfall was hailed with 
joy. Morazan seemed to have been chosen by provi- 

^2 This was done pursuant to orders from the governments of the states. 
So says Morazan himself, adding that the measure was in consonance with 
his own views, to reduce the number of prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia 
tambien por objeto poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar d los principales 
jefes que habian llevado la guerra d los Estados.' Apuntes, MS., 16-17. 

^^ He took charge of the provisional government at the end of April, Ma- 
riano Zenteno, who had held the position ad int. , was given a vote of thanks 
for his patriotism and courage. Montufar, Heseila Hist., i. 127. 

^*Tho federal authorities alleged that their soldiers only had 431 muskets, 
and not 1,500, as demanded from them. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 236-9. Mora- 
zan says that soldiers were allowed to leave the city with their arms, infring- 
ing the 4th clause of the capitulation, and he could get only evasive answers. 
Apuntes, MS., 17; Arce, Mem., 58-9, 98-103, from which the conclusion will be 
drawn that the charges against the federal party were not unfounded. Mon- 
tufar, Reseria Hist., i. 109-17. On this subject Morazan himself said: *No one 
was put to death, or had money exacted from him by me. The capitulation 
was faithfully carried out, even after being annulled. Duty gave way to mag- 
nanimity, and there was no cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood 
to avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to demand. Among many 
other victims sacrificed, there were, calling for vengeance, generals Pierzon 
and Merino, the one shot, without even the form of a trial, the other taken 
out of a Chilian vessel on which he intended to return to Guayaquil, his 
country, to be murdered in the city of San Miguel. There were, besides, the 
burning and plundering of the towns of Salvador and Honduras, which 
demandeda just reparation.' Apuntes, MS., 10, 17. 

^ He called them to the palace, and some of them mistaking the object of 
the summons made their appearance in full uniform. When all were assem- 
bled they were taken to prison and kept in confinement till July 9th, when 
moat of them were sent out of the country. Marure, Efem., 24. 


dence to inflict condign punishment on those who had 
so cruelly exercised a usurped power. Surrounded 
as he was by so many diverse elements, the severity of 
the blows he dealt must not be all laid to his account. 
The state assembly, which had been dis.^Qlve,<l ia* 
1826, having again met on the 21st of April', 1829,^^' 
with its old president, Nicolds Espinosa, was pr^tij;i<.Vily ; 
a tool in the hands of the victorious general, and en- 
acted several vigorous laws against the vanquished 
party.^'' On the 4th of June the assembly passed an 
act, which was sanctioned by the consejo representa- 
tivo on the 12th, and by Jefe Barrundia on the 13th, 
declaring null all elections made pursuant to the un- 
constitutional decree of the president of the republic 
dated October 31, 1826, and the subsequent ones of 
1827 and 1828. It furthermore stamped as revolu- 
tionists and usurpers all persons who by virtue of 
those decrees had obtained and held office of the 
federation or the state of Guatemala, and as such 
guilty of high treason, and amenable to the death pen- 
alty.^^ On the same day was issued a so-called am- 
nesty law; but the number of exemptions from its 
benefits made its name a piece of irony.^^ The posi- 
tion of the prisoners taken in Guatemala at the time 
of the capture of said city, and others, became a more 
complicated one, in consequence of a decree passed by 
the assembly of Salvador on the 9th of June, declar- 
ing that it would not recognize in the assembly of 
Guatemala any authority to grant, without the assent 
of the other states, amnesty to the factious disturbers 
of public order; and that the capitulation entered 
into between Morazan and Aycinena having been an- 

*^^ Marure, Efem.^ 24. 

'^' Among its acta was one recognizing the services of Morazan, to whom 
was clue i.3 reinstallation. He was voted a gold medal, with the word 'bene- 
m^rito' before his name. A full-length portrait was ordered placed in the hall 
of sessions. The decree, however, was never carried out. Montufavy Eesena 
Hist., i. 129; Marure^ Efem., 25. 

^^ 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales, acreedores a la pena capital.' 
Arce, Mem., 108; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 151; Montufar, Resefia Hist. yi. 130. 

^'♦The text is given in full in /cZ., 131-4; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 253-7i| 
OucU., Recop. Leyes, i. 254-6, 


nulled, the captives were really prisoners of war of the 
allied states. ^*^ A number of the prisoners were, how- 
ever, permitted to go into exile within fifteen days, 
paying first the expenses of their support while in 
prisoi^,, *atnd* 6ne third of the value of their estates ^^ 
into 'the federal . treasury, as indemnification for the 
;4jati^a^'^\tWy J^^ inflicted on the country. That 
privilege was not granted to the president and vice- 
president and their ministers, the former chief of Gua- 
temala, and others. In fact, it was a proscription of 
all the principal men who had sided with the servile 
party.^^ It was also decreed that all salaries paid 
from October 1826 to April 1829 should be refunded. 
Harsh measures were used to force a compliance. 

The federal congress that was dismissed in October 
1826 assembled on the 22d of June,^^ under the pres- 
idency of Doroteo Vasconcelos, and on the 25th Jose 
Francisco Barrundia ^* assumed the office of president 
of the republic, he being the senior senator, and 
having been specially called thereto by the congress, 
though the real power in the country was Morazan. 

The chief point of discussion in congress^^ was, what 
to do with the prisoners. Some members favored 

'° *Y por lo mismo sujetos d la jurisdiccion militar de los mismos Estados.* 
Montiifar, Resena Hist, i. 134-5. 

*^ Crowe, Gospel Cent. Am., 131, erroneously asserts that all their property- 
was confiscated. 

'^Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent protest. He afterward 
boasted that he had bearded the tyrant. The very fact that he dared to send 
such a document, and did not lose his head, proves that Morazan was not 
a tyrant. Arce, Mem., 113-14. Antonio Jos6 Irisarri, Manuel and Juan Mon- 
tiWar, protested before the assembly and government of Salvador, before the 
assemblies of all the states of the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the 
republics of America, and before all the free people of the world. The doc- 
ument was drawn up by Irisarri, who was not a soldier, though a colonel of 
militia; the language was pure and elegant, but it was virulent and full of 
sophistry. Irisarri also in several publications boasted of his courage in 
having sent such a document. He must have known that it would not have 
any effect on Morazan. The latter was a generous man. The effect would 
have been different on Rafael Carrera, whom the serviles at a later period 
made their master, as well as of the whole country. Montufar, Resena Hist., 
i. 135-6. 

"' Marure has it in Efem., 25; Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 137-9. 

•* Portrait in Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 138. 

'^The senate, dissolved in 1826, was reinstalled July 9th. Marure, Efem., 


their execution, and though others disapproved of 
such a disposal of them, none had sufficient courage 
to openly condemn such vindictiveness. The discus- 
sions continued till July 9th, when a number of the 
prisoners were sent under an escort to Sonsonate, to 
be embarked at Acajutla and expatriated.^^ Two days 
later a similar blow was struck at the church, evi- 
dently because of the sympathy of its head men with 
the servile party.^'' During the night between the 
10th and 11th of July, an armed force, acting under 
orders of Morazan, who issued them in accordance 
with the views of the acting president and the jefe of 
Guatemala, seized the archbishop and the friars of 
several orders, and despatched them to the Atlantic 
coast, where they were embarked for Habana. Sev- 
eral of the friars are represented to have died on the 
voyage.^^ Whether there was sufficient cause for so 

'®Arce, Jfem., 122-3, and Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 167-9, assert that they 
were not even allowed to make preparations for the journey, and many had 
furthermore to start on foot. The decree of expatriation was not, however, 
issued till August 22d, and Jos6 del Valle is said to have been its author. The 
persons thus exiled for life were Arce and Beltranena, and their ministers, 
Ayeinena and his secretaries, Cdscaras, Villar, and other high military ofi&- 
cers, Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping governments, and 
many other prominent officers. Others were expatriated for various terms of 
years. Montufar, Resenallist., i. 144-50; Marure, Efem., 26. Arce and Ayei- 
nena left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept. They were required to reside in the 
U. S. of Am. ; embarked at Omoa for Belize, and thence went to New Orleans, 

^^ Dunlop, Cent. Am., Vll, and Squier, Travels, ii. 408, speak of plots 
against the republic as the reason, but it was probably what the liberal 
party alleged. 

*^ This step was subsequently approved by the federal congress. Marure, 
Efem., 25; Bocha, Cddigo Nlc, ii. 373. The friars sent away were the Do- 
minicans, Franciscans, and Recollects. Those of the order of Mercy were not 
banished; they were but few, and had not been active against the liberal 
cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted their time to teaching 
and to the care of convalescents, were also allowed to remain. The author of 
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 170, says that the exiled priests were on the passage 
vilely trfeated, for they were allowed only sailers' rations. Montufar con- 
fesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars had the succulent viands that 
were usually prepared for them in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they 
were so often favored with from the nuns, beatas, and all the daughters of 
confession. As for the archbishop, he journeyed with every comfort. Juan 
B. Asturias, who made the inventory of his property, reported on 31st of Dec, 
1829, that $218 had been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to 
the coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey, and $1,008.50 
were given to the pages for conveying him and his effects. A person having 
all that cannot be said to be unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not 
have needed so much. Resena, Hist., i. 156-7. 


violent a proceeding is doubtful. However, the fed- 
eral congress thanked the executive for his zeal. The 
sentence of expatriation against the archbishop was 
not formally issued till about a year after.^^ On the 
28th of July the assembly of Guatemala decreed the 
suppression of all monastic establishments of men, ex- 
cepting only the Bethlehemite hospitallers, who were 
allowed to remain as secular priests, and prohibited 
in the nunneries vow^s and professions in the future. 
All the temporalities of the suppressed convents were 
declared confiscated to the state. The federal congress 
approved this act on the 7th of September, declaring 
that the nation would no longer receive or recognize 
within its territory any religious orders.^^** 

Peace being finally restored, the large army of 
Morazan was gradually dissolved, and the leader be- 
came a candidate for the presidency. The necessity 
of an energetic man, such as Morazan was, at the 
head of affairs, was quite apparent, for new difficulties 
were threatening from different quarters. Costa Rica, 
disapproving the course of Salvador, declared her se- 
cession from the union, and it w^as only after much 
persuasion that she retracted it. The federal gov- 
ernment, and that of the state of Guatemala, now in 
charge of Pedro Molina,^^^ clashed on several occa- 
sions, and specially when, in 1830, the question of 

** In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been said that it was 
because he accepted a pension of $3,000 from the Spanish government at Ha- 
bana. Archbishop Casaus was later appointed to administer the vacant see 
of Habana, and held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was 
revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June, 1839, and Casaus 
was restored to all his former rights, and recognized as legitimate archbishop. 
He M'as repeatedly invited to return, but never would do so. GuaL, Recop. 
Le7je.o, i. 242-3. 

^^"This declaration was subsequently confirmed by all the states. At a 
later time — Feb. 27, 1834 — a further step was taken to consummate the sup- 
pression of monastic establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not 
retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where they professed. 
These measures continued in force till June 21, 1839, when the second con- 
stituent assembly of Guatemala repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the 
reestablish ment of the suppressed convents. Marure, Efem., 25. 

^°^He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug., 1829. Antonio Ri- 
vera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe. Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 172-4, 
giving also a portrait of Molina. 


constituting Guatemala city as a federal district again 
came upon the tapis. The state rejected the plan, as 
on every previous occasion.^^^ A project of Molina 
to reform the confederation met with the same fate. 
He favored the model of the Swiss republic at that 
time, abolishing the expensive machinery of a federal 
government, which was almost continually at variance 
with the different states.^^^ The failure of this scheme 
brought with it the downfall of Molina, who was 
afterward suspended on iSctitious charges and tried, 
and though acquitted, was not reinstated.' 


The plan of King Fernando VII. of Spain for the 
reconquest of his former American dominions, and the 
steps he was taking to accomplish it, naturally caused 
a sensation in Central America, where that monarch 
would be sure to find elements favorable to his views. 
The so-called nobles, who had endeavored, after the 
downfall of Iturbide and the separation from Mexico, 
to establish, in Central America an aristocratic repub- 
lic, such as that of Genoa or Venice, had been again 
balked in their aims by the successes of Morazan. In 
their disappointment they turned their eyes to Fer- 
nando, and through special agents, as well as through 
Archbishop Casaus, made known to the captain-gen- 
eral of Cuba that the circumstances Central America 
was then in were most propitious for the restoration 
of the royal sway; for, as they asserted, all honest, 
right-thinking men and women in the country yearned 
for it, and the Indians were likewise anxious for the 
change. Therefore, the only opposition thereto lay in 

^°2 Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in the federal con- 
gress would be greatly decreased. Moreover, several of the best public 
buildings in the city would become national property. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 

^^ By his plan a congress representing the entire union was to wield the 
executive powers in foreign afifairs. The scheme fell through, owing to the 
little interest shown by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persona 
holding or aspiring to federal ofl&ces, among the most prominent being Mora- 
zan, Mem. Jiev. Cent. Am., 201-3, dwells extensively and comments on the 

Jt'^Full particulars in MontiUfar, Hesefia Hist., i. 205-17. 


the comparatively small number of aspirants to pub- 
lic offices, who made revolution in order to control 
the public funds for their own benefit. Such reports 
were full of encouragement for the Spaniards who 
were intriguing in behalf of Fernando's interests, 
which were probably also their own. 

Positive information was at last received from a 
reliable source that Spain was preparing, in Habana, 
an expedition to land at Omoa and march on Guate- 
mala, where it expected to find the requisite coopera- 
tion.^^^ This report coincided with the departure of 
the Spanish expedition under Brigadier Barradas to 
Tampico.^^^ President Barrundia, on the 3d of Sep- 
tember, 1829, issued a stirring address; and the con- 
gress, in October and November, with the sanction of 
the executive, passed an act forbidding Spaniards to 
enter or land in Central American territory under any 
pretext. The ports of the republic were closed to the 
Spanish flag, and to the products and manufactures of 
Spain, her colonies, and dependencies. 

There were not a few Spaniards who, together with 
the self-styled nobles of native birth, desired to see 
the flag of the old country waving again over Central 
America. That anxiously wished for day had become 
almost the only subject of conversation in their circles, 
of which the assembly of Guatemala took due warn- 
ing. In November it declared the sequestration of 
all property belonging to Spaniards who dwelt in the 
republic, coupled with the assurance that none should 
be restored till Spain had formally recognized the 
independence of Central America.^ 


105 This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla, commanding the Colom- 
bian district of the Magdalena, dated Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe 
of Nicaragua. It was a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the govern- 
ment and Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the 

^°«See my Hist. Mex., v. 72-6. 

i"*^ Under this decree some of the Spanish property was sold; but after a 
"while, upon the receipt of favorable news from Mexico, and when there was 
a quasi certainty that Spain would not again make such attempts as that 
against Tampico, the law was revoked. But property already sold was de- 
clared to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners should not bo 


indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized Central American independence. 
The texts of both the federal and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in Mont'd- 
far, Resena Hist., i. 182-7. 

Memorias para la Historia de la Revoludon de Centro America. Por un 
Guatemalteco. Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp. The authorship of these me- 
moirs was attributed by well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president 
of Central America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of that 
country, Lorenzo Montiifar, to Manuel Montiifar, who had been chief of staff 
of the first president of the republic, Manuel Jos6 Arce. The work begins 
with the geography and political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country, 
accompanied with data on each of the states and territories; namely, Costa 
Kica, Nicaragua, Poyais, Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, to- 
gether with some remarks on mining and other industries, military defences, 
and financial condition. The political portion, as the author himself acknowl- 
edges, is loosely put together, and lacks many necessary details, which he 
attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went to the press. 
He claims, however, to have impartially and correctly narrated the events 
of Cent. Am. history from 1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; never- 
theless there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in describing the 
events from 1826 to 1829, by the ideas which prevailed in the moderado, 
otherwise called servile, party, in which he was affiliated and serving, and for 
whose acts he, like many others, was driven into exile after the defeat of that 
party on the field of battle. 

Manuel Jos4 Arcs, Memoria de la Conducta P'Ablica y Admlnistrativa de 
. . . durante el periodo de su presidencla. Mex., 1830. Svo, p. 140 and 63. This 
work purports to be a defence of his administration by the first president of 
the republic of Central America, against what he calls the slanders heaped 
upon his name by those who rebelled against the government and the nation, 
with documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been prepared while 
the author was in exile. The book is a disconnected, disjointed patchwork, 
incomplete in its various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's ca- 
reer, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt quotations from 
the old classics and from law-books help to confuse the narrative still more. 



Eevolution in Honduras — Consebvatives Invade the State — Second 
General Elections — Francisco Morazan Chosen President — 
Plots of the Serviles— Arce's Invasion from Mexico— Occupation 
OF Honduras Ports by Exiled Rebels— Spanish Flag Hoisted in 
Omoa, and Aid from Cuba — Salvadoran Authorities in Rebellion 
— Third General Elections — Morazan Reelected — Failure of 
Colonization Plans — Ravages of Cholera — Indian Revolt under 
Carrera — His Early Life. 

It is difficult for us to realize how long it takes and 
how hard it is for progressive man to throw away the 
fetters, temporal and spiritual, which in times past he 
stupidly forged for himself. Intellectual light break- 
ing in on our old savagism finally tells us that the 
hurtful manifestations of nature are not the chastise- 
ments of offended deity; and then we wonder how 
we could have been so stupid so long, with our pope- 
worship and king-worship, and our servility to their 
satellites. Then when we first gain our liberty we 
know not what to do with it. We feel lost without 
the harness, the reins, the whip and spur. The peo- 
ple of Central America, high or low, knew little at 
this juncture of self-government. In times past they 
had observed that rulership consisted largely of per- 
sonal wranglings for place, from king and pope down 
to the lowest aspirant; of wars, political and ecclesi- 
astical, brother against brother, priests and people 
butchering and burning as if the great object of reli- 
gion and civilization was to preserve upon this earth 



as long as possible the hell which we all hope in one 
way or another to escape hereafter. 

Note further in regard to Central America the 
strange union of widely distinct classes in their efforts 
to sacrifice the country for self. Though from some- 
what different motives, we see join hands the highest 
and the lowest, a self-styled aristocracy and the igno- 
rant rabble, aided by the priests who would not see 
their power slip from them in the general overturn- 
ings, all spending their energies and blood in the 
direction of utter destruction for themselves, their 
families, and their country. Fortunately there were 
others at hand whose ideas of self-government were 
different; who earnestly desired that this new plant 
of liberty — a boon which had so unexpectedly dropped 
down to them from heaven — should have in their 
midst a healthy growth, in spite of ignorance, ambi- 
tion, or superstition. 

The legislative assembly of Honduras, pursuant to 
the prescriptive law enacted by the federal congress 
in August 1829, issued a decree of expulsion, and the 
government of the state transmitted to Guatemala a 
list of those who had come within its provisions.^ 
Some exiles from Honduras and other states of Cen- 
tral America went to Belize to carry on their plots 
from that quarter, and soon caused a sedition in the 
department of Olancho. The vice-jefe, Vijil, used 
his best endeavors to bring the seditious to terms 
peaceably, but failed.^ It became necessary then to 
resort to force, and Lieutenant-colonel Terrelonge was 
authorized to move his troops from Trujillo against 
Olancho. The state of Guatemala was also requested 

^ Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed to the over- 
throw of the state government. A number had moved to Guatemala, Salva- 
dor, and elsewhere. The most proniinent in the list were the ex-provisor, 
Nicolas Irias, and Pedro Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the countrj'' 
from the port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent and adviser, and 
brouglit about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his native place. This 
will account for his hostility in after years to liberals, and for his active coop- 
eration with the despots of Guatemala. Montufar, Resena Jdist., i. 190. 

'^ The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate tax established 
by the legislature; the real object was to bring on a reaction. 



to send its force stationed in Chiquimula to Gracias, 
for the purpose of aiding in the preservation of order. 
The assembly of Guatemala, on the 24th of Novem- 
ber, 1829, directed that 500 men, subject to the orders 
of the chief of the state, should repair at once to 
Honduras and quell the insurrection. The wording 
of the decree caused a disagreement between the 
president of the republic and Jefe Molina. The lat- 
ter insisted that the 500 men to be sent to Honduras 
should be under his orders. President Barrundia 


could not accede to it, because the command of a mil- 
itary force operating out of the state belonged by law 
to the federal government,^ and through his minister 
of war, Nicolds Espinosa, applied to the Guatemalan 
legislature for a change in the decree. Espinosa's 
communication caused much sensation, and the assem- 

^ The friendship existing between fearnindia and Molina, from the earliest 
period of their political life, previous to the independence, became weak- 
ened, threatening a disruption of the liberal party. The disagreement was 
increased by Molina's opposition to the federal government remaining in 


bly repealed the act of November 24th, and in its 
stead provided that the money needed to muster in 
and equip 500 men should be furnished the general 
government out of the state treasury. 

Morazan, jefe of Honduras, and general-in-chief of 
the Central American forces, had marched with a di- 
vision upon the departments of Olancho and Opoteca, 
and to him were despatched the troops newly raised in 
Guatemala. Colonel Vicente Dominguez was one of 
the chief promoters of the revolution of Honduras.* 
Morazan's military reputation made easy his road to 
victory. He encountered no great difficulties. The 
year 1830 was inaugurated with new triumphs. The 
Olancho rebels surrendered to him at Las Vueltas del 
Ocote, and on the 21st of January solemnly bound 
themselves to recognize and obey the government.^ 
Morazan next, on the 19th of February, routed the 
insurrectionists of Opoteca.^ Morazan, after pacifying 
Honduras, intended marching into Nicaragua, if po- 
litical measures should prove insufficient to establish 
regularity there. He first despatched Dionisio Her- 
rera to the seat of Nicaraguan differences, who ful- 
filled his trust with zeal, and Morazan had no need of 
going to the state. Herrera had been chosen jefe, and 
was duly inducted in his office on the 12th of May. 

The time for renewing the supreme federal authority 
having arrived, elections were held throughout the 
republic. Congress opened its session with due so- 
lemnity on the 27th of March, 1830. The supreme 
court of justice was likewise installed.'^ The elec- 
tion of president of the republic had been also made. 

* The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered Gen. Merino at 
San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho. 

^ Marure, Efem., 26. 

^ Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio Rivas, were sen- 
tenced to military duty in the castle of San Felipe for five years. Father 
E-ivas, after serving out his term, said that he was an innocent victim and au 
martyr of religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions of the 
108th psalm. Montiifar, Resena Hist., i. 196. 

^ Composed of the citizens Nicolas Espinosa, Jos6 Antonio Larrave, Ma- 
nuel Jos6 de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa. 


Morazan, Josd Francisco Barrundia, Jose del Valle, 
Antonio Rivera Cabezas, and Pedro Molina obtained 
votes; but by far the largest number of them had been 
polled for Morazan and Valle. ^ 

The votes were counted in June. Morazan had 
the largest number; but in order to ascertain if the 
election had been legal, it was necessary first to de- 
clare if the basis was to be the number of votes which 
the citizens of the republic had the right to poll, or 
that of the votes actually given and counted. If the 
former, there had been no popular election, and congress 
had to decide the point between Morazan and Valle; 
in the latter case, Morazan had been popularly elected.^ 

The congress consisted for the most part of friends 
of Morazan, and he was declared president. He made 
a triumphal entry into Guatemala on the 14th of Sep- 
tember, and should have been inaugurated on the 15th; 
but it was decided that Barrundia should turn over 
to him the executive office on the 16th, in the midst 
of the festivities of national independence. This was 
done by Barrundia with that republican simplicity 
which had ever characterized the man. All the states 
sent their congratulations to Morazan, and to Bar- 
rundia for the good judgment and success of his ad- 
ministration.^^ Mariano Prado, the distinguished 

* Barrundia did not want the position, and did not work for it. He wished 
Morazan to be elected. Morazan had in his favor the prestige of a victorious 
general. He was somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when he returned 
from Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of Central 
America; none could compete with him in literary or scientific attainments. 
In politics he was always an opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his 
memory, and even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But 
we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia, an uncompromising 
opponent of all governments not based on democracy and republicanism. He 
compromised with the Mexican empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress, 
where he made a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who 
sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the emperor's over- 
throw, Valle maintained that the provinces of Central America were free to 
act their own pleasure. He was a popular man, but Morazan's victorious 
sword eclipsed all else just then. Id., 268. 

•It was the same question that occurred in 1825 between Arce and Valle. 
The congress at that time, in order to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the 
former. Valle published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the 
congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments. 

'"Among the warmest were those of the legislature of Guatemala. The 
spokesman for the committee presenting them was Alejandro Marure. 


citizen of Salvador, who did such good service to the 
liberal cause as vice-jefe of that state during the cam- 
paign that ended in April 1829, was elected vice- 

One of Barrundia's measures that did him honor 
was his saving the island of Koatan to Central 
America. The British had driven away the few in- 
habitants and small garrison and taken possession. ^^ 
Barrundia made energetic though courteous remon- 
strances, and the island was restored after Morazan 
had become president. 

The country now required peace. Morazan exerted 
himself to foster education and national industry. 
Agriculture and trade began to revive; but it was 
not to be continued long, for the demon of political 
strife was let loose again. The servile party, though 
defeated, had not remained inactive. In 1831 it pre- 
pared a plot for the destruction of the liberals, which 
had ramifications everywhere. Arce was to invade 
the republic from Mexico through Soconusco. Do- 
minguez was to occupy Honduras with elements gath- 
ered for the purpose at Belize. Meantime, Bamon 
Guzman seized the fort at Omoa with 200 negroes.^'^ 
Arce effected his invasion with about 100 men, exiled 
and discontented Central Americans,^^ and was de- 
feated at Escuintla de Soconusco, on the 24th of 
February, 1832, by the forces under General BaouL 
He succeeded in escaping with a few men into Mexico- 
again. ^* Guzman, being hard pressed at Omoa by the 
government troops under Colonel Terrelonge, hoisted 
the Spanish flag over the fort, and despatched, on the 
10th of August, the schooner Ejecutivo, whose name 
had been now changed to General Dominguez, to ask 
assistance from the captain-general of Cuba, offering 

^^ This was a common course with our brethren across the Atlantic. Ma- 
rurCy Efem,, 27; Squier's Travels, ii. 414. 

^^ This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m. 

^^Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80; Morazan and Carrera, MS., no. 3, 9, say 
troops from Mexico, which is doubtful. 

" Details on this campaign are given in Montii/ar, Eesena Hist., i. 348-65. 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 8 

114 ' CIVIL WAR. 

himself and those with him as subjects of the Spanish 
king. But the vessel was captured on her return 
with supplies, and the rebel garrison surrendered on 
the 12th of September, after a siege of five months. ^^ 
Almost at the same time that Omoa was seized by 
the rebels, the port of Trujillo was occupied by Vicente 
Dominguez, who had in his company Pedro Gon- 
zalez.^^ The Central Americans had two armed 
schooners at Izabal, besides two national vessels 
under Terrelonge, and an armed schooner at Belize. 
Duplessis, a Frenchman, commanding the national 
vessel Fenix, was captured by Dominguez, taken to 
Omoa, and shot in the plaza. ^^ 

Dominguez' vanguard reached Yoro on the 7th of 
March, 1832, and was defeated at Tercales on the 9th, 
and again at Olanchito. He fled to Trujillo, leaving 
behind 200 muskets, other arms, some money, and 
other things.^^ He then transferred himself to Omoa, 
and with 600 men, on the 26th of March, attacked 
the government troops at Jaitique, being defeated. 
He was again routed at Opoteca, pursued in all 
directions, captured, and taken to Comayagua, where 
he was put to death on the 14th of September. ^^ The 
rebel plot thus defeated was a formidable one. Arch- 
bishop Casaus from Habana moved his clergy. Bishop 
Fray Luis Garcia of Chiapas favored Ex-president 
Arce, whose friends confidently asserted that he also 

^5 The national armed schooner Deseada took the Ejecutivo. The Spanish 
flags that waved over the fort and the latter vessel were dragged through the 
streets of Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the national 
anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa on the 13th of Sept., by 
order of Col Agustin Guzman, who commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden 
by a serious illness. Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 377-81; Marure, Efcm., 29. 

^^A man who, though amenable to exUe under the law of expulsion, had 
been pardoned at his repeated supplications. 

^^ Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a murder, similar to that 
of Gen. Merino. Both instances served as an example of what the liberals 
might expect if the serviles got the upper hand again. 

^^Among them were a number of rosaries and prayers to the virgin of 
Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of benumbing the enemy in the 

^' He is said not to have shown at the hour of his execution that courage ' 
which was manifested by his victims at the scaffold. 


had the support of the Mexican government.^^ Arce's 
plans were also in combination with the jefe of Salva- 
dor, Jose Maria Cornejo.^^ The fallen party would 
not admit that they had been vanquished, that their 
principles were antiquated and repugnant to the people; 
they still believed that a reaction was not only possi- 
ble, but right and natural. 

Cornejo's intrigues led to a disturbance of the peace 
in Salvador. The state assembly had been installed 
in February 1831, and the tendencies of its members 
elect, together with Cornejo's workings, had awakened 
mistrust among the liberals of Guatemala. The as- 
sembly of the latter state directed the executive, in 
congratulating the Salvador assembly upon its instal- 
lation, to remind it of the necessity of harmony and 
of upholding liberal principles."^ 

On the news of the invasion of Honduras, already 
described, reaching Guatemala, Morazan decided to 
establish his headquarters in San Salvador as a more 
convenient centre for future operations. His relations 
w^ith the authorities of Salvador were anything but 

2° It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands that though often 
requested to make Arce reside farther in the interior, the Mexican authorities 
never did it. Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built forts 
undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the other hand, exerted them- 
selves to hinder the action of the government forces. 

2^ This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly had secret relations 
with the invaders; as was shown in the proclamation of Dominguez and 
Father Herrera, in the praises the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. 
MontufaTy Reseiia Hist., i. 334, 382. 

2^ It is understood they were jealous in Salvador of Guatemala's influence 
in the federal policy. Cornejo claimed that what he wanted was reforms in 
the national constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they had 
been adopted in good faith by the states, the union might have been saved. 
The executive had no participation in the framing of laws, either directly or 
indirectly; he had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend. 
It was the senate, as the council of the government, that sanctioned the laws. 
That body, elected very like the chamber of deputies, was the judge of min- 
isters and other functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same 
time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers. The president of 
the republic had no independent place of abode, and was ever at the mercy 
of the state where the federal government had its seat; at best, he was the 
object of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he was the 
target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of localism for or against 
that state. It was therefore evident that a federal district was a necessity; 
one which the states would look upon as common property, and would foster 
and advance. 


harmonious; neither could they be harmonious under 
the circumstances. Mariano Galvez, jefe of Guate- 
mala,^^ desiring to avoid conflicts, despatched Colonel 
Nicolas Espinosa with letters to Cornejo, advising 
him that his agent was instructed to use his best 
offices to settle the differences between him and Mo- 
razan. Espinosa, when near Atiquizaya, heard that 
orders for his arrest had been issued, and therefore 
went back. Galvez became justly indignant at the 
conduct of Cornejo's agents. 

The president of the republic started from Guate- 
mala on the 29th of December, 1831, accompanied by 
his ministers, and journeyed toward San Salvador 
without any military force other than his body-guard ; 
consequently Cornejo had no cause to apprehend any 
sudden blow at his authority.^* Nevertheless, on the 
6th of January, 1832, Cornejo broke out in open re- 
bellion, commanding the national executive, then at 
Santa Ana, to quit the state forthwith or he would 
be driven away. Morazan, having no means of resist- 
ance, obeyed. This insult to the republic was fol- 
lowed next day, January 7, 1832, by an act declaring 
the suspension of the federal compact and the seces- 
sion of the state of Salvador. Congress then em- 
powered the executive to repel invasions. The jefe 
of Guatemala admitted the obligation of his state to 
aid the general government with all its means.^^ The 
assembly of Nicaragua, backed by the jefe Dionisio 
Herrera, who was a stanch friend and supporter of 
Morazan, passed an act disallowing the legitimacy of 

23 Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many liberals. He had be- 
longed to the imperial party, and had been leagued with the aristocracy. He 
was a patriot, it is true, but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not 
embrace all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, witli his 
portrait, by Montufar, in Reseiia Hist. , i. 296. 

'•'' Besides, Cornejo had oflSlcially said that Morazan had neither supporters 
nor prestige in Salvador. 

'■^^ Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel invaders, but leaving 
Cornejo, though he disliked his indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan 
was, on the contrary, impressed with the idea that Comejo's deposal was a 


the Salvador authorities and their acts, and providing 
means to support the federal government.^^ 

Costa Kica, through her minister of state, Joaquin 
Bernardo Calvo, in a note from San Jose of March 3, 
1832, to the government of Guatemala, signified her 
readiness to support the laws, and with that end to 
place at the disposal of the federal executive all the 
aid in her power. A Guatemalan force was stationed 
on the frontier of Salvador, first under Colonel Cdrlos 
Salazar, and afterward under Colonel Juan Prem, a 
distinguished ofEcer of the campaign of 1829. Even 
now Galvez hoped to avert war, sending commis- 
sioners to confer with Cornejo at Ahuachapan. The 
latter received them, and appointed his own to con- 
tinue the conferences; but they were suddenly brought 
to an end without results. ^^ Further efforts on behalf 
of peace were useless; the contest had to be decided 
by war.^** 

Morazan with a force of Salvador and Honduras 
men marched from the river Lempa to Portillo. Cor- 
nejo had 600 men in Jocoro of the department of San 
Miguel. The latter were signally defeated on the 
14th of March, losing 500 men in killed, wounded, 
and prisoners.^^ This was soon followed by pronun- 
ciamientos in several departments against Cornejo and 
in favor of Morazan. The latter lost no time in 
marching upon San Salvador, which he took by 
assault on the 28th of March, notwithstanding the 

2^ The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled from Nicara- 
guan territory should uphold the authorities of Salvador. Correspondence 
with the enemies of the country, or any expression, verbal or written, favor- 
ing them, were made punishable by death. Mont'vifar, Eesena Hist., i. 338. 

2^ Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the force on the frontier 
to be controlled by Guatemala; but on ascertaining that it was under Mora- 
zan's orders, and that Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being 
recreant to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the conferences 
under various pretexts. 

^^ It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given the state time to re- 
flect, when it might have gone back quietly to the union. As it was, liberals 
were for the first time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood 
begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles, of course, gladly 
fanned the flame, 

*In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The president's casualties 
were trifling. Marure, Efem., 30; Mont'Afar, Reselia Hist., i. 340. 


obstinate resistance of Cornejo and the garrison, the 
assailing force beipg made up of Nicaraguans and 
Hondurans.^^ The state authorities were deposed, 
sent to Guatemala under a guard, and subsequently 
tried by a special court created ex post facto, with the 
name of jurado nacional.^^ Morazan then assumed 
control of Salvador until constitutional authorities 
should be reorganized.^^ This step, illegal as it was, 
gave dissatisfaction, not in Salvador alone, but in the 
other states, which subsequently seceded from the 
union; and though later retractions took place, it 
may be said that the confederation was dissolved at 
this period.^^ 

Meantime, the federal congress had continued its 
sessions, striving to promote the welfare of the coun- 
try by a liberal policy. Among the acts adopted at 
this time, and deserving special mention, was that 
of May 2, 1832, abolishing the exclusiveness of the 
Roman religion, and recognizing freedom of conscience 
and of worship.^* This law, though practically of 
little effect, inasmuch as there were but few foreigners 
in the country, showed that a spirit of toleration was 
gaining ground. Another important measure was the 
adoption of Livingston's Lousiana code, and trial by 

^"The following facts are taken from Bo$q. Hist. Cent, Am.y lib. iii., 
chap. 14. Filisola in 1823 needed 2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. 
In 1827-8, Arce, Arzii, and Montufar failed to do it with an equal, if not a 
larger force. In 1832 Morazan with only 800 men made himself master of the 
place in less than two hours. The object of these remarks was to show that 
no credit should be given to Morazan 's detractors in their attempts to lessen 
his military reputation. Montufar, liesena Hist.j i, 343. 

^^ There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio J. Canas. 

^2 The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of the victor, de- 
clared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832 to have been illegitimate, and 
organized courts for the trial of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and 
July 28, 1832, were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the same 
animosity displayed in enacting them. Marure, Efem., 30. 

3^ Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27, 1833; Salvador 
repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833; Honduras and Costa Rica sepa- 
rated themselves, respectively, on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. 
Marure, Efem.y 32; Guat., liecop. Leyes, i. 42-3; Astaburuaga^ Cent. -4m., 20; 
Dunlop's Cent. Am., 184; Crowe's Gospel, 134; Squier's Travels, ii. 417. 

'^ ' Todos los habitantes de la republica son libres para adorar d Dios segun 
8U conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional les proteje en el ejercicio de esta 
libertad.' Marure, Efem., 31. JosiS F. Barrundia is said to have effectively 
fathered this resolution. Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854. 


jury. This form of trial was not understood by the 
people, and fortunately fell into disuse. 

Notwithstanding the acts of disunion passed by the 
several states, there was no serious disturbance during 
the remainder of 1832 or in 1833. In the middle of 
the latter year^^ congress adjourned, and there were 
fair prospects of peace. Indeed, the liberals had been 
made to see the folly of disunion. The states, relin- 
quishing their antagonisms, quietly returned to the 
confederacy. The federal government, on the 20th of 
April, 1833, convoked a new congress to adjust differ- 
ences. But now a new element of discord appeared. 
This was the jealousy felt by the smaller states toward 
Guatemala, which being larger in extent and popula- 
tion, naturally had a corresponding influence in the 
national congress.^^ These states demanded an equal 
voice in that body, and insisted that this right should 
be recognized before proceeding to the elections.^'' 
Guatemala, heeding the anxiety of the liberal leaders, 
assented to the demand. Some of the states pro- 
ceeded with their elections, but it soon became obvious 
that the plan of compromise could not be satisfactory 
or permanent, and it was dropped. The proposed 
congress accordingly did not meet.^ 

Rumors w^ere current for some time in 1833 of an 
intended invasion of Salvador by Arce, by sea from 
Acapulco,^^ but they proved to be unfounded. The 


"'^ July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in closing the congress is given in El 
Centro Americano, July 11, 1833, 57-69. 

3^ This jealousy had developed during the states' rights agitation. 

3^ Guatemala rejected this convocation by an act of June 2, 1833. Guat.y 
Recop. Leyes, i. 240-1. A project appeared in the Centro Americano of June 
11, 1833, 28-30, to terminate the question of equal numerical representation 
in congress for the five states. It was proposed to divide the territory into 
three states of about the same population each, the executive authority to be 
alternately held by the presidents of the three states. The plan was im- 

^'^ The adoption of such a plan by the federal congress could not be secured 
until July 18, 1838. The decree of convocation issued on that date was gen- 
erally accepted, and yet the diet never met till March 17, 1842. Marure^ 
Efem., 33. 

^' The correspondence between the state governments for the strict vigi- 
lance on the coast of that state appears in El Centro Americano, Oct. 18, 
1833; Mont'dfar, Resena Hist., ii. 41-2. 


federal government transferred its seat on the 5th of 
February, 1834/*^ first to Sonsonate, and later to San 
Salvador, which for the time being quieted the jealous 
feeling of the several states against Guatemala. But 
after a few weeks the dissensions between the federal 
and state governments, of so frequent occurrence when 
the former was in Guatemala, were renewed in San 
Salvador. On the 23d of June, 1834, a fight took 
place between troops of the two parties, and the affair 
ended in another overthrow of the local authorities^^^ 
who were proscribed under ex post facto laws.^^ The 
state government went first into the hands of General 
Salazar, who called himself jefe provisorio, and after- 
ward into those of the vice-president of the republic. 
Neither had any legal authority in the premises. This 
state of affairs caused dissatisfaction in Salvador. 
Political disturbances were also experienced in other 
states. The flame of discord was fanned everywhere 
by the oligarchs, who found their task made easier by 
the extreme religious liberalism of the ruling party. 
Their influence was felt when, on the 7th of February, 
1835, after San Salvador, together with a few sur- 
rounding towns, was constituted a federal district,^^ 

*" Pursuant to a resolution of the national congress of June 25, 1833. 
As early as 182G the government of Salvador had tried to have the federal 
authorities reside at least 40 leagues from Guatemala. Similar requests had 
been subsequently made by other states; and even in the legislature of Guate- 
mala reiterated motions had been presented to the same efiect. But the fed- 
eralist party, as long as it was in the majority in congress, strenuously 
opposed the removal, believing that it would bring about, as it actually did, 
the downfall of the federal system, and the dissolution of the federal author- 
ities. Marure, Efem., 34. Montiifar, lieseua Hist., ii. 58-9, remarks that 
Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of his Bosquejo IRstdrico was 
a liberal; in his E/emerides. written later, he speaks like a conservative. The 
change of tone is attributed to the iron influence of the government from 
whom he had a salary as a professor. Lastarria, in La America, 250, errone- 
ously attributes the transfer to Morazan's action to break up the influence of 
the oligarchical party in Guatemala. 

*^ The aflfray lasted five hours; the federal force being under Gen. Salazar, 
and that of Salvador under Col Jos6 D. Castillo. Marure, Efem., 36. 

^"^ Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834. 

*^ The legislature of the state had made a cession of the territory for the 
purpose on the 28th of Jan., 1835. On the 9th of March, 183G, the district 
was enlarged by the addition of Zacatecoluca. The national government 
had its capital in San Salvador till Ihe 3d of May, 1839, when the assembly of 
San Salvador resumed possession of the whole territory that had been ceded. 
Id., 37; Monti'ifar, BeseuaHist., ii. 165-7. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 187, says that 


a new constitution, based on the former one of 1824, 
was generally rejected.^ 

Elections for supreme authorities of the republic 
were decreed on the 2d of June, 1838. The end of 
Morazan's term was approaching, and his popularity 
was to be again put to the test. There was really 
but one man that could compete with him, Jose del 
Valle, who was leading a retired life devoted to scien- 
tific and political studies; but his reputation was a 
national one, eminently Central American, and a 
large portion of the people summoned him to ruler- 
ship. He was elected, but died before the certificates 
of election were opened. 

The death of Valle occurred on the 2d of March, 
1834. The highest honors were paid to his memory.*^ 
This untoward event necessitated another election to 
carry out the decree of June 1833, and Jose Fran- 
cisco Barrundia having declined to be a candidate, 
Morazan encountered no opposition and was reelected. ^^ 

the district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of territory surrounding 
it. Squier^s Travels, ii. 419; Growers Gospel, 136. 

** The opposition came not only from the serviles, but from not a few lib- 
erals. It contained many liberal and equable modifications. Marure, Efem., 
37, says it did not contain 'las alteraciones sustanciales que reiteradas veces 
se habian propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,' for which reason it 
was not accepted by the states, except Costa Bica, which expressed assent 
May 7, 1835. Squier, Travels, ii. 422, also says that only Costa Rica ex- 
pressed an acceptance of the proposed constitution, adding that the opposing 
states wanted different, and in most cases irreconcilable, reforms. Montufar, 
Besena Bist.y ii. 169-73, giving details, asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa 
Rica accepted the reforms. 

^5 The assembly of Guatemala decreed, aftpr hearing several eulogistic 
motions, that all the state oflficials residing in the capital should wear the 
badge of mourning three days; that the bells of the churches should be tolled 
morning, noon, and eve of each day; that a portrait of Valle, contributed by 
the members of the legislature, should be placed in its hall of sessions; and 
that the other states should be requested to make manifestations of sorrow 
for the loss of their distinguished statesman and savant. Salvador, on the 9th 
of Apr., 1834, decreed similar honors. Marure, in his Efemerides, 35, bestows 
the highest praise on Valle. 'Perdi6 Centro America, con el falleciraiento 
del licenciado Jos6 del Valle, uno de sus mas distinguidos hijos.' This re- 
mark is followed by a sketch of Valle's career, which has been given by me 
elsewhere. Montufar, Helena Hist., ii. 95-9, also eulogizes Valle and gives 
his portrait. 

*^It was so formally declared by the federal congress, Feb. 2, 1835, with 


For the office of vice-president, no one having ob- 
tained the constitutional number of votes, congress, 
on the 2d of June, 1834, chose from among candidates 
having forty votes and upward Jose Gregorio Salazar, 
to be inducted in office on the 16th. Mariano Prado, 
the former vice-president, had been as such at the 
head of the federal executive authority in 1831; but 
he was chosen jefe of the state of Salvador, and took 
charge of that office on the 25th of July following. 
The vice-presidency and the office of a state jefe were 
incompatible. He chose the latter, and was most un- 
fortunate in the discharge of its duties. There being 
then no vice-president, Jose Gregorio Salazar had 
charge of the executive in 1834 as the senior senator, 
Morazan having for a time, and with the permission of 
the senate, absented himself. Upon being elected on 
the 2d of June, Salazar continued in charge, and it was 
by his order that the federal authorities transferred 
themselves to the city of Santa Ana during San 
Martin's insurrection against the national government. 
The day after the inauguration of Morazan for the 
second presidential term, congress closed its session.*^ 
No important event affecting the confederation oc- 
curred during the remainder of 1835, but the atmos- 
phere was filled with folly and misrule, foreboding 
the storm which was to make of Central America for 
many a day the theatre of the bloodiest of civil wars. 

It has been shown that the party in power pursued 
in general a liberal policy — too liberal, in fact, as later 
events proved. In view of the tardy development of 
the country in the old way, inducements were offered 
for foreign immigration, and an English company was 
organized for the purpose of fostering colonization in 
the department of Vera Paz.*^ Settlers were sent 

the clause that he should be placed in possession of the office on the 14th. Id,, 

"Feb. 15, 1835. El Correo Atldntico, May 9, 1835. 

*' The first colonists, 63 in all, arrived from London on the schooner Mary 


out, and several hundred thousand dollars expended, 
but the scheme failed because of unskilful and dis- 
honest management.*^ Nevertheless, the servile party 
turned this incident to account, filling the minds of 
the lower classes, especially the Indians, with prejudice 
against the government, which it accused of an intent 
to exterminate the native population by throwing 
open the country to foreign influence, religion, and 
administration of justice. The innovations in this 
last respect had, more than anything else, Embittered 
the natives, and on the 6th of March led to an out- 
break at Ostuncalco, where the Indians had become 
irritated at being compelled to work at the construc- 
tion of prisons. ^^ An armed force was sent to quell 
the disturbance, out of which the judges and some 
officials had great difficulty to escape with life. 

Scarcely was this trouble over when a worse one 
stole in — the cholera. The scourge began its ravages 
in Central America early in 1837,^^ and soon spread 

Ann Arabella^ tinder a Mr Fletcher. Their settlement took the name of Ab- 
botsville. Marure, Efem.j 38. 

^^Many of the immigrants died, while others returned to England or went 
to the West Indies, but few remaining. Dunlop, Oent. Am., 191, makes ap- 
propriate remarks on the 'infatuation in Europeans to attempt colonizing on 
pestiferous shores, under a burning sim, where no native of a temperate re- 
gion, not even those of the interior of the same country, can enjoy tolerable 
health. ' See also Astaburuaga's comments on the undertaking. Cent. Am. , 25. 
A glowing and favorable account of the enterprise was issued as late as 1839. 
See Cent. Am., Brief Statement, 1 et seq. 

^oQn the 6th of March, 1837. Marure, Efem., 39; Montufar, JResena Hist., 
ii. 353. 

5^B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe of Guatemala, to report on 
the origin and progress of the disease, wrote from Aceituno April 3d: ' There 
can be no doubt that cholera came by way of Omoa to Gualan, thence went 
to Zacapa and to Esquipulas, this last-named town being the focus whence it 
has irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present infested.' Esqui- 
pulas is a species of Mecca which people from all parts of Central America 
and Mexico visit in January of each year, to worship an image of Christ, to 
which countless miracles have been attributed. In the Boletin de Noticias del 
C6lera of Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, *En San Sur ban muerto 
muchos romeristas de Esquipulas.' Id., 351-3. The fact is, that the disease 
had been doing havoc in the towns near the northern coast since Feb., and 
gradually spread throughout the rest of the state and republic till toward the 
end of the year, when it abated. The first case in the city of Guatemala oc- 
curred on the 19th of April. The mortality in that city during the invasion 
was 819, or a little over the 44th part of the population, which was much 
smaller than in other less populated cities. Marure, Efem. , 40. See also Dun- 
lop's Cent. Am., 193-4; SaLv. DiarioOfic, Feb. 14, 1876; Bocha, Cddigo Nic, 
i. 215-16; ii. 163-4. 


throughout the towns of the republic. The govern- 
ments of the different states, and notably that of 
Guatemala, used the utmost efforts to relieve suffer- 
ing. Physicians and medical students, provided with 
medicines, were despatched to the several districts. 
But their efforts were largely frustrated by the oppo- 
sition of the servile party, which never ceased its work 
even in these days of awful distress. Determined to 
bring to an end the influence of the liberals, the servile 
party hesitated at nothing. All means to that end 
were made available. The priests made the ignorant 
masses believe that the waters had been poisoned in 
order to destroy the natives and make way for for- 
eigners.^^ Their deviltry was crowned with success. 
The low murmurs of hatred soon swelled to loud cries 
of vengeance against the government and foreign res- 
idents. Several physicians became the victims of 
popular fury, being put to death with cruel tortures. ^^ 
Others barely escaped death. The greatest violence 
was in the district of Mita, where it assumed the 
form of a general insurrection. The government de- 
spatched a body of troops to dissolve a large assem- 
blage of insurrectionists. The instructions were to 
use gentle means to allay the disturbance, resorting 
to force only in case of necessity. The magistrate of 
the district, having imprudently left the strong body 
of infantry behind, had no sooner attempted to ex- 
plain his mission than the mob fell upon him and his 
guard of forty dragoons, killing a number of them and 
putting the rest to flight. This was on the 9th of 
June.^* The leader of the mob on this occasion was 

^^Squier's Travels, ii. 427-8. Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 370-2, gives 
copies of the documents that were circulated. 

^^ Such as making them swallow the contents of their medicine-chests, or 
pouring water down their throats till they died, a circumstance that was al- 
ways looked upon as an evidence of guilt. Crowe's Gospel, 141. Montgomery, 
GuaL, speaks of an Englishman who was nearly killed by the water torture 
inflicted by an enraged Indian mob. 

^* On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa Rosa, accompanied with impreca- 
tions against the ley de jurados and the so-called 'envenenadores.' It was 
the beginning of a struggle which, in less than two years, wrought a complete 


Rafael Carrera, a mixed-breed, who now for the first 
time, at the age of twenty-one, possibly a few years 
older, appeared on the stage, to become afterward the 
bitterest foe of the liberal party, and eventually the 
dictator of the country. 

Rafael Carrera was a native of Guatemala, of In- 
dian descent, of a violent, irascible, and uncommuni- 
cative disposition, base-born, ignorant, though gifted 
with talents, bold, determined, and persevering. From 
common servant he became a pig-driver, and while 
such obtained much influence among the lower class 
of Indians — an influence which was due no less to 
his blood connections and the force of circumstances 
than to his bravery and capabilities.^* 

Carrera was at first a mere tool of the priests, and 

change in public aflfairs. Marure^ Efem. ,41, copied by MorUiifar^ Besena Hist. , 
ii. 353; Squier'a Travels, ii. 428. 

"Tempsky, Mitla, 337, says that Carrera was born in Santa E«sa, misled 
probably by the circumstance that the first Indian outbreak under his lead 
occurred there. He was bom about 1815 or 1816, and was the illegitimate 
offspring of Antonio Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families of 
Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the paternal mansion. 
Through the influence of the Aycinenas he was immediately after his birth 
adopted by one Juana Rosa Turcios, whose husband's name of Carrera the 
boy subsequently was given. Such is the version of the author of a manu- 
script written in July 1844, and entitled Ori(jen de Carrera, in Morazan y 
Carrera, no. 4, 1 et seq. , the authenticity of which is made doubtful by some 
inaccuracies in other statements, the object evidently being to give Carrera's 
descent a little respectability. Stephens, Cent. Am., 1. 225, says that in 
1829 he was a drummer-boy, leaving the army after the capture of Guate- 
mala by Morazan, and retiring to Mataquescuintla, where he became a 
pig-driver, or, as Montgomery, Guat., 143-4, has it, a dealer in hogs, 
having risen in the federal army as high as corporal. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 
195, followed by Crowe's Gospel, 141, and Squier's Trav., ii 429, essentially 
confirms Stephens' statements. Belly, Nic. , i. 75, adds that Carrera was for 
a time employed in the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier, near 
La Antigua. Montufar says of him: * Un joven como de 25 anos, sin nin- 
guna educacion, ni conocimientos de ningun j6nero, pues no conocia siquiera 
el abecedario. Los primeros anos de su vida los emple6, ya de sirviente 
domestico, ya de apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de 
campo.' The same authority refers to Milla's eulogies of Carrera, where 
the words occur, 'Carrera d pesar de su falta de educacion, y de los hdbitos 
de la vida del campo,' which might have secured for Milla lodgings in the 
dungeons of the castle of Guatemala. The same writer repeats the assertion 
often made against the Jesuit Paul, later bishop of Panama, and raised to the 
position of archbishop of Bogotd, that he said at Carrera's death, in his 
funeral oration, that the man whose corpse was descending into the tomb was 
on the right side of God the father. All repentant villains are given some such 
post-mortem place by sympathizing ministers of the gospel. 


seemed to have been a believer of the Hes they had cir- 
culated. After he became powerful, they and their 
allies, the so-called nobles, humored his idiosyncrasies, 
and often had to put up with his insults and abuse. 
He had upon them the heel of insane revolt. ^^ 

** In the early days they assured the Indians that he was their protecting 
angel Rafael, and resorted to tricks to favor the delusion. Squier's Travels, ii. 




Campaign against Careera — Several Departments op Guatemala in 
Eebellion — Jefe Galvez Deposed — Carrera Takes Guatemala — 
Murder of Salazar— Carrera Accepts Money to Leave the City 
— Dictatorship Offered Morazan by the Aristocrats and Refused 
— Carrera's Second Rebellion — The Republic in Peril — Morazan's 
Efforts to Save It — Nicaragua and Honduras Forces Invade 
Salvador — Morazan Defeats Them — His Retreat to San Salvador 
— He Embarks — Is Refused Hospitality in Costa Rica — Goes to 
South America— The Republic is Dead— Salvador at the Mercy 
OF Carrera. 

Only a week after the success of the insurgents on 
the field of Ambehs, a numerous armed force was sent 
against them by the government, which achieved 
victory near Mataquescuintla.^ The revolution might 
have ended here but for the excesses of the govern- 
ment troops, which roused the Indians, and rendered 
reconciliation impossible.^ Henceforth the war was 
one of races. Carrera, upheld as he was by the 
priests, found no difficulty, in his visits from village to 
village, to induce the native population to join the 
revolt, which, notwithstanding the triumphant lan- 
guage of the military ofiicers in their reports — calling 
the rebels cowards and themselves intrepid and in- 

^On the 15th of June. Marure, Efem.y 4L Gen. Carrascosa's report of 
his victory, with details, in Moniufar, Resena Hist. , ii. 356-9. 

' Among the sufferers was Carrera's wife, which circumstance, it is said , 
awakened in him an implacable hatred. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 226; Growers 
Gospel^ 142. Montgomery, Guat., 144, states that Carrera was then command- 
ing a few men of the military cordon established because of the epidemic, 
which he induced to rebel. 



vincible — was fast spreading. Carefully avoiding 
encounters with the regular army, Carrera succeeded 
in getting together a large force, which, though raw 
and undisciplined, often surprised and defeated detach- 
ments of the regulars, seeking a refuge when pursued 
in the inaccessible mountain fastnesses.^ 

To make matters worse, the departments of Saca- 
tepequez, Chiquimula, and Salamd declared them- 
selves independent of the government, and the rebels 
of the first district,* concentrating at La Antigua, 
threatened to attack the capital. In the latter place 
a division had occurred in the liberal party,^ some of 
whose members from this time sided with the serviles; 
which circumstance made it more difficult to place 
the city of Guatemala in a proper state of defence. 
A mutiny of the federal troops in the city ^ increased 
the danger, but it soon was quelled with the execution 
of the ringleader. On the 27th of January, 1838,^ 
Galvez despatched the vice-president, Jose Gregorio 
Salazar, and the secretary of relations, Miguel Al- 
varez, as commissioners, to confer with General Car- 
rascosa, the commander of the rebel forces, and bring 
about an amicable arrangement. The commissioners 
signed at Guarda Viejo^ a convention containing the 

' The hostilities now carried on partook more of the character of highway- 
robbery than of orthodox war, both parties being plundered; but the liberals 
were the greater sufiferers. 

*The provisional government constituted at La Antigua placed itself 
under the protection of the federal authorities. Marure, Efem,, 42. 

* The division was created by Jos6 Francisco Barrundia. It is said that 
he joined the discontented because the jefe Galvez refused him a high office 
for one of his relatives. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 227. But looking over the 
correspondence that passed between them in June 18H7, the conclusion is 
that the cause of the disagreement was not a personal one. Barrundia op- 
posed the convocation of the assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees 
enacted by it. The correspondence produced much sensation. Galvez ended 
accusing Barrundia of having adopted, when he was president of the repub- 
lic, some measures similar to those he had now censured. The most serious 
charge against Barrundia was his persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the 
former answered that the priest had been at the head of the insurgents who 
proclaimed the Spanish domination on the Atlantic coast, and though out- 
lawed for that ofiFence, was not executed. Montufai\ Resena Hist., ii. 377-407. 

*The battalion La Concordia mutinied on the 2Gth of January. 

^Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in February, but he is evidently 
mistaken. Marure, Efem., 43, gives the 29th of Jan. as the date, 

8 At 4 p. M. of Jan. 28, 1838. Id., ii. 543. 


following stipulations: 1st, resignation of Galvez; 2d, 
occupation of the capital by the forces of Sacatepe- 
quez; 3d, the forces in the capital to go out, and place 
themselves under the orders of General Morazan ; 4th, 
the forces of Sacatepequez to guarantee the persons 
and property of all; 5th, the commissioners would 
arrange the manner of evacuating the city; 6th, upon 
the ratification of these clauses, they were to be car- 
ried out within twenty-four hours. Nothing was 
done, however,^ and after four hours' waiting, Carras- 
cosa continued his march toward the gate of Buena- 
vista, where he met the government commissioners, 
who assured him, wdth great mortification, that the 
convention had not been ratified. ^^ 

Sacatepequez' force, 800 strong, entered the capital 
during the night of the 29th of January, from the 
Calvario side, reaching the plazuela de San Francisco, 
afterward known as plaza de la Concordia. The roar 
of artillery apprised the inhabitants at 1 o'clock in 
the morning that the struggle had begun. Generals 
Prem and Gorris, colonels. Yanez, Arias, Mariscal, 
Cerda, and C6rdoba, and the other officers of the 
garrison, made a stout defence. Their troops, though 
inferior in number, were for their discipline 'more effi- 
cient than their assailants, who were mostly raw 
recruits. It was quite evident that Carrascosa and 
his colleague Carballo would waste their effi^rts unless 
they were strongly reenforced. But the opponents of 
Galvez were resolved to depose him,^^ even if they 
had to make use of Carrera to accomplish their pur- 
pose. It was a fatal thought. ' 

Jose F. Barrundia was authorized by President Mo- 

^ Galvez well knew of the relations existing between Carrera and the revo- 
lutionists of La Antigua. The convention of Guarda-Viejo would have saved 
the situation. Had the forces of the city, consisting of 411 men, been placed 
under Morazan, they with those of Sacatepequez would have been too strong- 
for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the idea that a powerful party 
looked to him for aid. 

^•^ Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa's correspondence given in Montu- 
far, Besena Hist., ii. 589-97. 

^^ Among them were Miguel Garcia Granados, the brothers Arrivillaga> 
and their relations the Zepedas, together with the Barrundias, 
HiBT. QsjXT. Am., Vol. HI. 9 


razan to enter into peaceable negotiations with Carrera, 
and the clergymen Jose Maria de Castilla, Manuel 
Maria Zecena, and Jose Vicente Orantes. Barrundia, 
together with Manuel Arrivillaga, started for the 
hacienda of La Vega to confer with Carrera; but at 
Ojo de Agua they ascertained that he was at Mata- 
quescuintla, and declined to hold any conferences, and 
yet an arrangement with other opponents had been 
signed at Santa Rosa. This document, which was 
shown by Father Duran to Barrundia, stipulated the 
immediate coming of a bishop, the abolition of the 
code and of other liberal measures decreed by Barrun- 
dia, and that Carrera should become the commander 
of the reform forces, or in other words, the arbiter 
of the country, which was what the clergy wanted. 
Barrundia was indignant, but he had to submit and 
keep calm, else he might lose his life. He merely 
said that the arrangement needed some discussion, 
which might lead to the adoption of some amend- 
ments. Duran had not worked to promote Barrun- 
dia's nor Molina's ideas, but his own interests. He 
coolly replied that the matter had been well consid- 
ered, and admitted of no changes. 

Barrundia wrote Carrera, asking for an interview to 
explain Morazan's views, but Carrera appeared angry 
;at the mention of Morazan's name, and declined the 
invitation, saying that the time for negotiations had 
passed, and that his march against Guatemala was in 
order. ^^ He became much mollified on receiving from 
La Antigua a request for his cooperation,^^ and was 
now satisfied that the fate of the country was in his own 
hands. Three days after Carrascosa's failure, Carrera 

^^ He was in all this affair guided by the priests. Barrundia was accused 
throughout Central America of having brought about Carrera's invasion of the 
capital. The serviles, who were responsible for all Carrera's iniquities, have 
endeavored to place some of the odium on that patriot, who had nothing to do 
with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone to Carrera's headquarters, he would 
probably have been shot. Montufar, Resefia Hist., ii. 573; Squier's Travels, 
ii. 432. 

^ The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become convinced of their inability to take 
the city, or even to properly besiege it. 


joined him with a numerous force of Indians, and after 
some fruitless negotiations, marched into the city on 
the 1st of February,^^ at the head of about 10,000 
men, women, and children, the troops of the govern- 
ment having retreated in an opposite direction. The 
result of this was that Galvez ceased to be the jefe of 
the state, and was succeeded by the vice-jefe, Pedro 

The entry of Carrera's hordes into Guatemala might 
well create consternation. Outlaws and robbers were 
among the leaders; the soldiers were in rags,^^ and 
equipped with a variety of arms, -from the rusty 
musket down to clubs, and knives secured at the end 
of long poles, while others carried sticks shaped like 
muskets, with tin-plate locks. Conspicuous among 
the mass of followers were thousands of women hav- 
ing bags to carry away the booty, and who gazed with 
amazement on the fine houses.^^ Shouting 'Viva la 
religion! Mueran los extranjeros!' the invaders en- 
tered the main plaza. After a few hours the work of 
rapine began. ^^ No regard was paid by Carrera and 

i*Dunlop, Cent. Am.., 198, and Crowe, Gospel, 143, erroneously say it was 
on the 30th of January. 

^^Marure, Efem., 43, places this event on the 2d of Feb., 1838. 

^''Carrera himself is described as having on a pair of coarse frieze trousers, 
and a fine coat with gold embroidery belonging to Gen. Prem, which had been 
taken by Monreal. For a chapeau the new general wore a woman's hat with 
a green veil, the property of Preni's wife, who was known as La Colombiana. 
In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his breast a number of 'escapulariosdel 
Carmen,' symbolizing the religion he had come to protect. Mont'dfar, Resefia 
Hist., ii. 574. 

^^ It seems that a large portion of the men and women had never seen a 
city before. 

13 The physician Quirino Flores, who belonged to the opposition party, 
and was an intimate friend of Carrascosa and Carballo, believing that his 
house would be a place of safety, induced the vice-president and his family to 
use it. It so happened that a small force of Galvez entered the house, fired 
upon the invaders from the windows and retired. The men fired upon were not 
of the force from La Antigua, but some of Carrera's savage horde, called from 
that time ' cachurecos, ' who rushed into the house, fired upon the family, wound- 
ing one of the women and a child, and killing Jos6 Gregorio Salazar, the vice- 
president. Salazar was born in San Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers, 
Cd,rlos, the general, and Francisco, who as a captain was killed in action on 
the 23d of June, 1834. Jos6 Gregorio Salazar was one of the leaders in whom 
Morazan reposed the highest trust. As senator, president of the senate, jefe 
of Salvador, vice-president of the republic, and acting executive at such 
times as Morazan assumed personal command of the troops, Salazar unswerv- 
ingly supported progressive principles. His portrait shows a fine and intelli- 


his hordes to the wishes of the vice-jefe Valenzuela, 
who had asked that only the force from La Antigua 
should occupy the plaza. 

The leader of the opposition urged Carrera to leave 
the city ; but he manifested much indignation at such 
a request, and several of his chiefs refused compliance. 
Carrera himself wanted to sack the city/^ and it was 
only with great effort that he was prevented. In 
lieu of pillage he was given $11,000/° $10,000 for his 
troops and $1,000 for himself. He was also flattered 
with the commission of lieutenant-colonel and the 
appointment of comandante of Mita. A number of 
those who had defended the city having voluntarily 
joined the Sacatepequez force, Carrascosa was now 
better able to meet emergencies. He at once, by 
order of the vice-jefe, made known to Carrera that 
the interests of the public service demanded that he 
should repair to Mita and take charge of the coman- 
dancia there. He made no resistance, and went away 
w^ith his horde,^^ the inhabitants again breathing 
freely for a time.^^ Thus were the serviles balked 
once more. Carrera was sent away from Guatemala, 
Valenzuela remaining in charge of the state execu- 
tive. Morazan was at San Salvador recognized as 
the chief magistrate of the republic, and Vijil held 
the executive office of that gallant little state. 

gent face. The murder of the vice-president, instead of calling for execration 
on the part of the priests, Duran, Lobo, Nicolds Arellano, Antonio Gonzalez, 
and others, only brought out their diatribes against the victim. Id.y 576-9. 

^'It was found at first difficult to elicit a satisfactory answer from him. 
The pillaging, though not officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in the 
houses of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S. consul at Guatemala, has been 
highly praised for his intrepidity in protecting from the infuriated Indians 
the foreign residents and their property. Montgomery's Ouat. , 146; Stephens' 
Cent. Am.,L 233-4. 

^° There being no money in the treasury, it was borrowed from private 
persons. Stephens* Cent. Am., i. 227 et seq., copied by Larenaudi6re, Mexi- 
que et Guat., 298-9. The facts appear in the records of the asamblea. 

^^ Had he resisted, the reenforced troops of La Antigua would in all prob- 
ability have defeated his undisciplined rabble. This would not have suited 
Father Duran and the other priests, who expected their own triumph through 
Carrera's success. Those same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela to rid 
the city of himself acid his men. Montufar, Besena Hist., ii. 584. 

^^ The priest who seemed to exercise the greatest influence on Carrera was 
named Lobo, a man of dissolute character, who always accompanied him as a 
sort of counsellor. 


Carrera and his supporters continued, however, 
their menaces, creating no little alarm, which was 
quieted on receipt of the tidings that Morazan was 
marching toward Guatemala with 1,500 men. On 
his arrival he found not only that the serviles had 
been deriving advantages from the disturbed political 
situation, but that the western departments of Los 
Altos, namely, Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, and So- 
lold, had declared themselves, on the 2d of February, 
a separate state under an independent government. ^^ 
Without interfering with those arrangements, Mo- 
razan endeavored to secure by peaceful means the 
submission of Carrera, or rather, the disbanding of his 
force; failing in which, he opened, on the 30th of 
March, the campaign against him. Three months 
of military operations ensued, the federal arms being 
victorious at every encounter, but without obtaining 
any definitive result, for the enemy defeated in one 
place rallied in another, continually increasing in num- 
bers, and never crushed.^ Morazan returned at last 
to Guatemala, where in the mean time servile influence 
had become predominant.^'^ The most strenuous 'ef- 
forts, even to fulsome sycophancy, were used by the 

^^ Los Altos, Jfanif. Document., 1-28. The federal congress ratified the 
separation on the 5th of June, 1838; the departments were, however, rein- 
corporated a year after. Marure, Efem., 43; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 198; Asta- 
buruaga, Cent. Am., 28. Montiifar, Resena Hist., iii. 9-23, furnishes a 
detailed account of the events preceding and following the separation. The 
provisional government then established was a triumvirate formed by Marcelo 
Molina, Jos6 M. Galvez, and Jos^ A. Aguilar. 

2* Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 239-42, details some of the military movements, 
which are not of sufiScient interest to reproduce here. Marure, Efem., 43-4, 
says that Morazan attacked the rebels on the hill of Mataquescuintla; 'pero 
despues de tres meses de combates, marchas, contramarchas, y todo g^nero de 
maniobras, el ej^rcito de operaciones tiene que replegarse d la capital. . .sin 
haberse adelantado nada en la paciiicacion de aquellos pueblos.' 

'^^On the 18th of June, 1838, the vice-jefe Valenzuela, and the deputies Pedro 
Molina, Josd Gdndara, Jos(S F. Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro Amaya, 
Felipe Molina, and Mariano Padilla, laid a paper before the federal congress 
on the war and its consequences. In this document they say, among other 
things, that it had been moved in the asamblea of Guatemala to authorize the 
restoration of the archbishop and of the religious orders, to abolish divorce, 
and to declare void the decrees of 1829, 'decretos que sostuvieron entonces 
la revolucion en favor de las instituciones y de la libertad.' They accuse the 
serviles of perversely attempting to render the representatives of liberalism 
and progress hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace. Montufar, Resena 
Hist., iii. 47. 


serviles to win him to their side, and to prevail on him 
to accept the dictatorship.^^ 

The president returned in July to Sail Salvador to 
quell a revolt. A few weeks later, on the 20th of 
tfuly, 1838, the eleventh and last federal congress of 
Central America, presided over by Basilio Porras, 
closed its session.^^ Subsequent efforts to bring it 
again into life proved unavailing, and from this time 
the dismemberment of the republic made rapid prog- 
ress. Two days after the adjournment of congress, 
on the 22d, the state government of Guatemala was 
also dissolved, and was temporarily intrusted to the 
federal authorities,^^ though the executive office finally 
was assumed by Mariano Rivera Paz, as president of 
the. council, which satisfied the people, and peace was 
unbroken, it being understood that a constituent 
assembly would be summoned at once. 

As soon as Morazan was at some distance from 
Guatemala on his way to San Salvador, Carrera, the 
supposed beaten rebel leader, for whose capture a lib- 

2* Arguments, cajolery, entertainments, and every other possible means 
were employed to induce him to swerve from the principles he had always 
upheld. Barrundia looked aghast on their proceedings, and describing them, 
says it is imposible to realize *el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin de este partido 
noble aristocrdtico. ' The haughty patricians, represented by Pa von, Batres, 
Aycinena, and their confreres, fawned at his feet, covered him with flowers, 
disgusted him with their flattery, feasted him to satiety, and patiently bore 
his contemptuous rebufis as long as they hoped to win him over. After their 
failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and abuse were heaped upon him and his name. 
Had Morazan 's morals been equal to those of the serviles, he might have ac- 
cepted the dictatorship, assumed the full powers, and then crushed them; 
but he was an honest man, who always acted in good faith. Id., 175-9. 

2^ On the 30th of May it passed an act declaring the states free to con- 
stitute themselves as they might deem best, preserving, however, the popular 
representative form of government. This amendment to the 12th art. of the 
constitution of 1824 was accepted by all the states, excluding the restrictions 
contained in the federal decree of June 9, 1838, which was rejected by a 
majority of the legislatures. Marure, Efem.y 44-5. The federal congress 
passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as follows: 'The federated states of 
Cent. Am. are, and by right should be, sovereign, free, and independent po- 
litical bodies.' Guat., Recop. Leyes^ i. 69. 

2^ It was the spontaneous act of the citizens of the capital, who, in view of 
the progress made by the rebels of Mita, deemed it necessary to provide for 
their own safety. Valenzuela resigned, on the 23d, the executive office into 
the hands of the asamblea. Marure, EJfem., 45; Montufar, Resena Hist, iii. 
181-5. Crowe, Gospel, 144, attributes to Morazan the authorship of the act 
adopted by the citizens. 


eral reward had been offered/"^ began to show signs of 
rallying. He gathered a numerous force, with which, 
about the middle of August, he defeated the federal 
troops, first at Jalapa and next at Petapa. He then, 
unresisted, took possession of La Antigua, a portion of 
which was pillaged, and forthwith started on his march 
for Guatemala.^^ A general clamor for Morazan was 
aroused ; but it was impossible for him to reach Guate- 
mala in time, and the danger was imminent that Car- 
rera w^ould not only take the city, but also carry out 
his threats of burning every house in it. In this 
emergency. General Carlos Salazar, with, the garrison 
of 900 men, sallied forth, and aided by a thick fog, 
surprised Carrera at Villanueva, where the latter was 
concentrating his forces, now about 2,400 strong, with 
the plunder secured at La Antigua. A battle ensued, 
the bloodiest that occurred in 1837 or 1838, and Car- 
rera was routed,^^ with the loss of 350 killed and 24 
prisoners, one of whom was the notorious Father 
Duran, the representative and agent of the aristocrats 
near the person of Carrera ;^^ besides giving up a 
number of federal prisoners and losing three pieces 
of artillery, 305 muskets, and a large number of other 

^On the 20th of July, 1838, he was required to give himself up; failing to 
do so, a reward was offered for his apprehension, alive or dead— ^1,500 and 
two caballerias of land, besides a full pardon for any offences against the laws 
his captor or captors might have committed. Stephens* Cent. Am., i. 242. 

2°Squier, Travels, ii. 435, says that Carrera entered Guatemala; he prob- 
ably meant Old Guatemala, or La Antigua. Carrera, at Jalapa, had 2,000 
men, while his opponent, Col Manuel Bonilla, had about 500. The latter 
were nearly annihilated. The few oflficers and soldiers who escaped with 
life found refuge in Salvador territory. Carrera's excesses at this time knew 
no bounds. He not only ravished women, but amused himself cutting off their 
tresses and ears. Some of these earless women entered the city of Guatemala, 
and their stories produced great indignation. Montvfar, Resena hist.y iii. 204; 
Marure, Efem. , 45. 

^^ This action took place early in the morning of Sept. 11th. Salazar at 
once despatched a courier to Guatemala with the news of his success, which 
caused the utmost joy. Montufar, Resena Hist, iii. 206-8; Marure, Efem.y 
46. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 201, asserts that no mercy was shown by the federal 
troops in this encounter. By a decree of Sept. 13, 1838, pensions were granted 
to the wounded, and to the widows and orphans of the slain federals. Badges 
of honor were also conferred on the survivors. Ouat. , Recop. Leyes, ii. 636-7. 

''^This man's life was then spared, but some time afterward he was shot, 
for which the serviles called Morazan a murderer. Montufar, Resena Hist, 
iii. 208. 


arms, besides ammunition. A portion of the defeated 
forces fled to La Antigua, and a smaller one joined the 
rebel Mangandi, who had 500 men. The latter, being 
ignorant of Carrera's mishap, approached Guatemala 
on the 11th, at 10 o'clock in the morning, causing no 
little commotion; but on learning of his leader's defeat, 
he retired to the mountains. The war might have 
ended here had the victors followed up their success; 
but petty annoyances prevented Salazar from doing 
so, and he threw up his command in disgust,^^ though 
he was afterward induced to resume it. 

The greater part of the clergy friendly to Carrera 
never forsook him. It was not so wdth the aristocrats, 
Manuel Pavon, Luis Batres, and Pedro and Juan 
Jose Aycinena, who feared at times that they could 
not control him. After his defeat at Villanueva they 
called him an ^antrop6fago sediento de sangre hu- 
mana.'^* At that time they asked the vicar-general, 
Larrazdbal, to fulminate censures against Carrera, 
which he did.^^ Friar Bernardo Pinol also railed 
against him from the pulpit in the cathedral.^^ How- 
ever, not long afterward Carrera was called from that 
same pulpit 4iijo predilecto del Altisimo.' 

The lack of energy on the part of the authorities 
after the afiair of Villanueva^' enabled Carrera to re- 

2^ His resignation was made before the body of his officers, which im- 
plied a disregard of the authority of the government. The officers eluded 
all responsibility, alleging that they had nothing to do with his resignation. 
The government then revoked the extraordinary powers conferred on him 
two months previously. Marure, Efem., 46. 

'*In the Ohservador and the Ap6ndice. 

^^ Exhortacion cristiana que el vicario capitular. . .dirige d los pueblos, etc., 
17 p. 

^* Text of his funeral oration on the 14th of Sept. in honor of the" slain on 
the government side at Villanueva, in MovMfar, hesefia Hist., iii. 216-21. 

^^ Jos6 Francisco Barrundia, who fought in that action, said: ' He [Carrera] 
•could have been captured or annihilated had he been forthwith pursued; but 
no advantage was derived from such a glorious victory, and in a few days 
vaiidalism became again menacing.' Salazar was blamed, Montiifar thinks 
unjustly. According to him, the victorious troops were not in condition to 
pursue. This authority, partly on the testimony of Gen. Carballo, lays the 
blame on Rivera Paz, who had no interest in destroying a faction on which 
his party relied in the emergency of Morazan refusing his aid to the scrviles. 
Morazan, on the 24th of Oct., declared martial law in portions of Guate- 
mala, peremptorily refused to listen to the proposals of the recalcitrants, and 
marched to Guatemala, leaving the government in charge of the vice-prcsi- 


organize his forces, with which he made a successful 
raid, in the latter part of October, against Ahuacha- 
pan and Santa Ana,^ returning afterward to Guate- 
mala, when, on the 4th of November, he was attacked 
in Chiquimulilla bj Colonel Carballo, defeated, and 
driven back to the mountain recesses of Mita.^^ Mo^ 
razan had in the mean time concentrated forces in 
Guatemala, and aided Carballo's operations by march- 
ing against the Indian chieftain from a northern di- 
rection. But all efforts to crush the enemy failed, 
though the federal troops were everywhere victorious ; 
many of Carrera^s followers were taken and shot, but 
he alwa3^s managed to escape.*^ This w^arfare, or 
rather chase, was kept up nearly two months. At 
last a capitulation was concluded, on the 23d of De- 
cember, at Kinconcito. Carrera and his followers 
were to surrender their arms *^ and recognize the gov- 
ernment, which in turn w^as to confirm the former in 
his office of comandante of the district of Mita, and 
respect the lives and property of its inhabitants.^^ 
Thus was Carrera a second time given a legal stand- 
ing. General Guzman, who treated with him, seemed 
to place on the treacherous and barbarous mountaineer 
the same faith as if he were a civilized man and a re- 
specter of treaty stipulations.*^ The agreement was 
not carried out by Carrera, for he delivered only a 
small portion of useless arms, and kept his force under 
the pretext that the safety of his , district demanded 

dent, Diego Vijil, whom congress had chosen to succeed the murdered Sala- 
zar. Id., 223-6. 

5^ His hordes committed all sorts of outrages in these departments of Sal- 
vador. Bah'undia, in El Progreso of S. Sal v., 1850, no. 3. 

^'*Les caus6 un descalabro de entidad la division del coronel Carballo.' 
Marure, Efem., 46. 

*° Once he was almost starved to death on the top of a mountain, sui 
rounded at its base by a large force; but owing to some neglect he escaped. 

"Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 244, erroneously has it that the delivery was to 
be of only 1,000 muskets. 

*2 The president of the republic ratified the agreement on the 25th of Dec. 

**The fact was that the arrangement at Rinconeito was prompted to Gen. 
Agustin Guzman by Manuel Pavon, whom he believed to be a friend that 
would give him nothing but honorable advice. He had good reason at a later 
date to think differently, when he was taken into Guatemala in rags, tied on 
a mule, as a trophy of Carrera's success. Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 228-9. 


it. The government not only had the weakness to 
enter into this arrangement, but also that of not en- 
forcing its fulfilment to the letter. This rendered 
the renewal of hostilities but a question of time. 

I have mentioned the congressional decree of May 
30, 1838, granting the states the privilege of acting 
as best suited their views. This was tantamount to 
a dissolution of the union ; and when Morazan's second 
presidential term expired, on the 1st of February, 
1839/* not even an outward tie remained to hold to- 
gether the several states. Morazan, and he alone, did 
not relinquish all hope of restoring the republic, and 
without delivering up an office which had ceased to 
exist, the strife was continued under his leadership. 
His efforts, supported by force though they were, met 
with resistance on the part of Nicaragua and Hon- 
duras, united by a treaty of alliance since January 
18, 1839, which had been entered into for the pur- 
pose of maintaining the independence and sovereignty 
of the two states.^^ Similar agreements were made 
in the following months between nearly all the other 
states, always protesting a willingness to form a fed- 
eral convention of the Central American states, but 
opposing the idea of confederation.*^ 

**After that Diego Vijil represented the unity in the federal district as 
vice-president. The conventicle of the four nobles, Pavon, Batres, and the 
two Aycinenas, had, however, during Rivera Paz's rule in Guatemala, arranged 
matters to their own satisfaction, in order to break up the union, having at 
their disposal the requisite number of municipal districts. Their emissaries 
supported the separation in Honduras and Nicaragua. Costa Rica was gov- 
erned by Carrillo, a declared foe to Central American nationality. They were 
now working with Riviera Paz's successor, Gen. Cdrlos Salazar, with almost a 
certainty of carrying their point. Salazar was a good soldier, but as a poli- 
tician, without guile, and easily deceived, /dl., 241-3. 

*^ And also to protect other states against all interference on the part of 
th*e late federal government. Full text of the convention in Cent. Am. Con- 
stitutions, no. 4, 1-5. By virtue of this arrangeraen'^, the combined forces of 
the two states invaded Salvador. Marure^Efem., 47. This treaty brought 
about Morazan's ruin, and the disruption of the federal union. Francisco 
Ferrera, commander of the forces of Honduras, himself made it known to 
Carrera, and it prompted the latter's rebellion on the 24th of March, 1839, 
and his march against Guatemala. It enabled Pavon, Batres, and the Ayci- 
nenas to take Carrera in triumph into that city on the 13th of Apr., 1839. 

*^The jefe of Guatemala, on the 17th of April, 1839, declared the federal 
compact dissolved, and the resumption by the state of its absolute sovereignty. 
This declaration was ratified by the constituent assembly on the 14th of June 


A conciliatory spirit, to bring to an end the war 
against Salvador, and to act as mediator, was effected 
in these treaties ; but it had no influence for good, 
and the hostilities continued between Nicaragua and 
Honduras on the one part, and Salvador on the other. 
Troops of the two former states entered Salvador ter- 
ritory in March 1839, and surprising a federal party 
at the crossings of the Lempa Kiver, called Xicaral 
and Petacones, took without resistance the town of 
San Vicente; but having advanced to the heights of 
Xiboa, were repulsed and beaten by Colonel Narciso 
Benitez.*^ The allies were signally defeated at Espi- 
ritu Santo, near the Lempa, by the Salvadorans, called 
federals, under Morazan, on the 6th of April.^^ 
Equally successful were Morazan's operations during 
the rest of the year. His officers invaded Honduras, 
took the capital and Tegucigg>lpa, and routed the allies 
in several encounters.*^ 

of the same year. Guat. on the 11th of May entered into a treaty of amity 
and alliance with Honduras; on the 5th of June, 24th of July, and 1st of Aug., 
made similar treaties with Salv., Nic, and Costa R., respectively. July 1st, 
Hond. and Costa R. for the first time made a treaty of friendship and alliance 
as sovereign states. Aug. 10th was signed at Quezaltenango the first treaty 
of a similar nature between the new state of Los Altos and Salv. Marure, 
Efem., 48-50. Costa Rica had in Nov. 1838 assumed the plenitude of her 
sovereignty. In obedience to a decree of Braulio Carrillo, the supreme chief 
of the state, dated Aug. 4, 1838, her representatives and senators had left 
their seats in the federal congress. The state recognized its share of the fed- 
eral debt and paid it at once. Carrillo's decree shows that the Costa Ricans 
were dissatisfied with the inequality of their representation in the national 
lower house, where Guatemala had 19 more deputies than Nicaragua, 17 more 
than Honduras, 15 more than Salvador, and 23 more than Costa Rica, which 
had only four representatives in the ' congreso, ' as the lower house was called. 
The representation in the senate was equal to that of the other states; but if 
the latter chamber refused its sanction to any bill adopted, the former could, 
Tinder the 83d art. of the constitution, make it a law by three fourths of the 
votes present. Thus was Costa Rica made a nonentity in the legislative body. 
There were other reasons for complaint. By a good management of her 
finances, Costa Rica always had available resources, and punctually paid her 
contingent to the national treasury La money. She was therefore taxed 
while virtually without representation. Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 266-73, 
310, 313-41. 

*^ It was a force from Leon, under Col B. Mendez, who had entered by the 
frontier of San Miguel. Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 292-3. 

*^ The allied commander was Francisco Ferrera, an Hondureno, who had 
been connected with the incendiaries of Comayagua. This victory was mainly 
due to Morazan's daring. He was seriously wounded in the right arm. Col 
Benitez, who was a Colombian, was slain. Mature, Efem., 48; Montufar, 
Resena Hist., iii. 293-5. 

** Brigadier Cabanas occupied the capital Aug. 28th. He defeated the Hon- 


But affairs underwent a change against him early in 
the following year. A joint force of Nicaraguans and 
Hondurans, under Manuel Quijano,^^ attacked the 
federals under Cabanas at the hacienda del Potrero, 
on the 31st of January, 1840, and forced them to leave 
the state of Honduras.^^ A formidable servile coali- 
tion was being formed against Morazan. Nicaragua 
was resolved to drive this jefe of Salvador from the 
executive chair. Honduras, under Jduregui, was con- 
trolled by Quijano's sword. Los Altos had become 
again a department of Guatemala, which was subject 
to Carrera's will. This chieftain, in his pronuncia- 
miento of March 24, 1839, had avowed his intention 
to champion the sovereignty of the several states as 
concordant with his own ideas.^^ Morazan thought 
the situation might be saved with an extraordinarily 
bold move, attacking the serviles in their headquar- 
ters, and made preparation to bring matters to a final 
issue in the city of Guatemala. The serviles, on their 
part, pursuing their aim of overthrowing Morazan, 
entered into a league with Carrera, and invited him 
to take possession of Guatemala. 

Morazan convoked the assembly of Salvador, and 
caused the vice-jefe, Silva, to assume the executive 
office of the state, in order to enable himself to take 
command of the forces for the campaign in Guate- 
mala, which at first amounted to 900 men. He- was 
afterward joined by many who had been persecuted 
by the aristocrats, who pledged themselves to con- 

durans at Cuesta Grande Sept. 6th, and then entered Tegucigalpa. On the 
25th, after quelling a revolt which took place on the 16th, in San Salvador, 
Morazan was again victorious at San Pedro Perulapan with 600 Salvadorans 
over a double force of Hondurans and Nicaraguans, who, under Ferrera, had 
entered that town on their way to San Salvador, to destroy the 'simulacro de 
gobierno federal que existia aun en aquella capital.' Cabanas triumphed 
again at Soledad on Nov. 13th. Marure, Efem.y 48-51; Moniufar, Reseiia 
Hist., iii. 354-6, 446. 

60 Ferrera was without a command for some time, owing to his continual 
defeats. Quijano was another ' notabilidad del partido servil aristocrdtico. ' 

^' Cabailas' official report of Feb. 3d from San Antonio del Sauce says 
that the enemy's force being superior, he had resolved to retire to San Miguel 
in Salv. Montufar, Rcsena Hist., iii. 451-2. 

^■^ Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 245, quaintly remarks, ' It must have been quite 
new to him, and a satisfaction to find out what principles he sustained. ' 


quer or perish at his side, and faithfully carried out 
the promise.^^ Morazan marched upon the city of 
Guatemala, and his movement created the greatest 
alarm when he neared Corral de Piedra. Consterna- 
tion then seized the serviles.^* Preparations were 
made, however, for defence. All men capable of bear- 
ing arms were called to the service,^^ and Carrera 
established his headquarters at Aceituno, his plan 
being to catch the men of Salvador between the forti- 
fications of the city and his own force.^'^ The plan 
failed. Morazan entered the city on the 1 8th of March 
at sunrise, by the Buenavista gate, and after some 
fighting, made himself master of it, and of all the 
defences.*^^ Liberals who were in the prisons were 
set free. Among them was General Agustin Guz- 
man, whom Carrera had outrageously treated, confin- 
ing him shackled in a dungeon. Guzman hailed the 
victor who returned him to freedom, but was unable to 
afford any aid; the shackles had made him a cripple. 
The numerous prisoners taken were all treated with 
every kindness. Such had always been his practice. 
However, it was not destined that he should enjoy his 
victory. Carrera attacked him on the next day — the 
19th — and after a fight of twenty-two hours, com- 
pelled Morazan to retreat.^ His forces had been shat- 

53 Among them were Mariscal and Del Rio. War had been declared be- 
tween Guatemala and Salvador. The fiction of Atescatempa, Carrera's procla- 
mations against Morazan the chief magistrate of Sal v. , the movement of the 
16th of Sept., 1839, against the lawful authorities of Salvador prompted and 
aided by Carrera, the destruction of Los Altos the friend and ally of Sal v., 
and many other causes, constituted a real state of war. Montufar^ Eesena 
Hist., iii. 456. 

5* Their head men sought refuge with the nuns of La Concepcion. 

5^ Made up exclusively of Indians, as Carrera wanted no white soldiers or 
officers. Stephens' Cent. Am., a. 111. 

5^ The worshippers of Carrera have said that he intentionally allowed 
Morazan to enter the city, with the view of besieging him, which is absurd. 
The city was full of war material, and was plentifully supplied with meat. 

" His officers who distinguished themselves in the operations were Gen- 
erals Cabanas and Rivas, colonels Antonio Eivera Cabezas and Ignacio Ma- 
lespin, and Lieut-col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas. 

&8 Carrera's official report is dated at Guatemala on the 23d of March. He 
does not speak of the assassination of Col Sanchez, Morazan's aide-de-camp, 
by order of his brother, Sotero Carrera; nor of the wanton massacre of many 
others; nor of the maltreatment of women, followers of the Salvadoran camp, 
which caused the French consul to raise his voice in protest. Carrera gave 


tered at the Calvario, The number of assailants, known 
as cachurecos, was overwhehiiing.^^ At 4 o'clock in 
the morning he left the city by the plaza de Guada- 
lupe with upwards of 400 men, and was far away 
before the escape became known. No pursuit of the 
fugitives was attempted. ^° 

On arriving at San Salvador, Morazan found the 
tables turned against him. He was openly insulted 
in the streets; and becoming convinced that it would 
be impossible to raise a new army and continue the 
war, he concluded to cease the struggle and leave the 
country. He accordingly called a meeting and made 
known the necessity of such a course in order to save 
the state from anarchy. On the 5th of April he em- 
barked at La Libertad upon the schooner Izalco, to- 
gether with Vice-president Vijil and thirty-five of his 
supporters.^^ The vessel reached Puntarenas, where 
the chief of Costa Kica, Braulio Carrillo, who had 
congratulated Guatemala on the defeat of Morazan, 
refused him residence in the state, though it was 
granted to some of his companions.^^ Morazan and 

full sway to his ferocious instincts on that day, taking the greatest delight in 
butchering the vanquished. Many of the jDursued sought an asylum in the 
house of Chatfield, the British consul, and a word from him on their behalf 
would have saved their lives; but he did not utter it, and they were put to 
death. Id., 460-7; Marure, Efem., 52. 

^* Their hatred against Morazan was shown in their cries, accompanying 
those of • Viva la religion ! Guanacos, entreguen d, ese canalla, entreguen 4 
ese hereje; nosotros, defendemos d Dios y d, sus santos.' They called their op- 
ponents 'guanacos, pirujos, malvados, ladrones,' and declared that they were 
going to bring back the archbishop, and the friars who were sent away in 

*° Stephens, 'vho was then on his way from San Salvador to Guatemala, 
met the defeated troops, and in his Cent. Am,, ii. 69 et seq., gives a graphic 

^^ Miguel Alvarez Castro, Jos6 Miguel Saravia, Isidro Menendez, Cdrlos 
Salazar, Maximo Orellana, Nicolds Angulo, Trinidad Cabaflas, Enrique Rivas, 
Gerardo Barrios, Pedro Molina, with his sons Felipe and Jos(?, and his son-in- 
law Manuel Irungaray, Antonio and Bernardo Rivera Cabezas, Jos6 M. Silva, 
Mdximo, Tomds and Indalecio Cordero, Antonio Lazo, and others. Pedro 
Molina refused to go at first, but was prevailed on by his sons and son-in-law, 
who saw that his fate would be sealed if he remained. Montufar, Resena 
Hist., iii. 484. 

*' Pedro Molina and his sons Felipe and Jos6, Manuel Irungaray, Isidro 
Menendez, Gen. Enrique Rivas, Doroteo Vasconcelos, Gerardo Barrios, Inda- 
lecio Cordero, Jos6 Prado, Ddmaso Lonza, and others. They were made after- 
ward the objects of abuse on the part of Carrillo and his coarse wife, Froilana 
Carranza. Id., iii. 600-1. 


his remaining companions continued their voyage to 
South America, where he remained about two years. 
After a time, touching at David, in Colombia, he 
issued a stirring manifesto to the Central American 
people.^^ He was the last champion of the ^Con- 
federacion de Centro America,' whose establishment 
had been greeted with so much joy on the 1st of July, 

The governments of Nicaragua and Honduras, 
which had promised Guatemala aid to resist Morazan, 
on hearing of his downfall congratulated the victor on 
the defeat of the * common enemy of all the states.' 
They thought that with the fall of Morazan, Central 
American nationality would be revived. They could 
not yet see that they had been the dupes of the aris- 
tocrats and their clerical allies in Guatemala, who, 
while holding out the promise of reuniting Central 
America, had been all along working for the -destruc- 
tion of federal nationality. 

After the departure of Morazan and Vijil, Anto- 
nio Josd Canas, by virtue of his position as a council- 
lor of state, assumed the rulership of Salvador, and 
called the assembly to hold a special session. It was 
expected that, Morazan being out of the way,^^ with 
so honorable and upright a man as Canas at the head, 
concord would be restored. But Salvador was still 
the subject of abuses, and on the remonstrances of 
Canas, the government of Guatemala despatched a 
diplomatic mission to San Salvador. It was com- 
posed of the former pig-driver Rafael Carrera, and 
Joaquin Duran, and had for an attache Francisco 
Malespin, a military officer whose sword had been dyed 
in the best blood of Quezaltenango.^^ A convention 

^July 16, 1841. He details the acts of the serviles, enemies of their 
country's independence and freedom. Carrera's career of crime is also fully 
discussed. Morazan, Mani/., in Id., 585-96; /cZ., in Cent. Am. Pap., no. 3. 

^* The serviles had said that they waged war, not against Salvador, but 
against Morazan. 

^^ The embassy brought an escort of 200 men, and Salvador had to pay all 
the expense. See the note of Minister Manuel Barberena to the minister-gen- 
eral of Guatemala, dated May 18, 1840. Carrera was lodged in one of the 


was concluded on the 13th of May, 1840, placing Sal- 
vador at the mercy of Guatemala, Canas having to sub- 
mit to the conditions imposed.^^ The most humiHat- 
ing condition of the understanding was not mentioned 
in the convention, namely, that the attachd Francisco 
Malespin should remain in San Salvador, with the 
office of comandante de armas. This treaty convinced 
the people of Salvador that they could expect no favor 
from the aristocracy of Guatemala, their implacable 

best houses of Salvador, and his deportment clearly indicated what his early 
training had been. His first diplomatic utterances were threats, and the gen- 
eral conduct of himself and his soldiers was so abusive that the people of the 
liberal district of Calvario in San Salvador finally resolved to fall upon and 
annihilate them. Canas saw the danger, and called to it the attention of 
Duran, who prevailed en his colleague to leave the state with his troops. 
Mont'Afar, Resena Hist., iii. 487-8, 492. 

*^The convention was signed by Joaquin Duran, secretary of the sup. gov., 
and Lieut-gen. Rafael Carrera, on the part of Guatemala, and by Manuel 
Barberena and Juan Lacayo for Salvador. Under art. 1st Salvador was not 
to have in office any man who had cooperated with Morazan. Art. 2d required 
of Salvador to surrender to Guatemala a number of persons, named in a list 
furnished, to be retained until Salvador should be fully reorganized. Art, 3d 
forbids Salvador to permit the return to its territory of any of the persons who 
went away with Morazan. Should any return, they must be given up to 
Guatemala, as prescribed in the 2d article. Art, 4th and 7th refer to the re- 
turn of certain armament and of prisoners of war taken in the action of 18th and 
19th of March last. Art. 5th says that the constituent assembly of Salvador 
having been called, her government must see at once to the appointment of 
deputies to the convention which was to organize the republic. Under art. 
6th Salvador agreed that Guatemala and the other states should appoint 
agents, who, together with her own, were to have in their charge the archives 
and other effects of the federation. Id.. 489-91. 




State Govebnment of Guatemala— Barrundia's Radicalism— His Over- 
FALL OF THE Liberals in Guatemala — Aristocratic Leaders Exiled 
— Jefe Molina — His Differences, Impeachment, and Acquittals 
— Rivera Cabezas' Reforms — Earthquakes — Galvez' Rule and its 
Benefits — Party Opposition to Him — Indian Outbreaks — Carrera 
Captures Guatemala— Galvez Resigns— Subsequent Rule of the 
Aristocrats — Guatemala again Independent — Honduras' State 
Government — Jefe Dionisio Herrera— Early Dissensions— Coma- 
YAGUA Assaulted by Rebels — Morazan in the Field— Honduras Se- 
cedes from the Central American Confederation — Federalism 
Rooted out of her Territory. 

Having sketched the life of Central America, first 
as an appendage of the Spanish crown, next as a por- 
tion of the short-lived Mexican empire, and lastly as 
a confederation of states, embracing the period from 
1801 to 1840, it is well now to glance over the inter- 
nal affairs of each state separately, for the period after 
its accession to the federal union down to 1840, be-^ 
ginning with Guatemala as the most important. 

I have said elsewhere that the states were organ- 
ized on the same principle as the confederation, 
namely, under a popular, democratic, representative 
government. The first constituent congress or as- 
sembly of the Estado de Guatemala was installed at 
La Antigua on the 16th of September, 1824,^ under 
the presidency of the clergyman Josd Maria Chacon, 

* Ouat. Recop. Leyes, i. 42, 62-9, 178. 
Hisx. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 10 (U5) 


and its first act was to call Alejandro Diaz Cabeza de 
Vaca to be the provisional chief of the state.^ On 
the 30th, the votes for jefe and vice-jefe having been 
counted, and neither of the candidates having the 
requisite majority, the congress named Juan Barrun- 
dia to be jefe and Cirilo Flores to be vice-jefe, the 
former assuming the reins of government on the 12th 
of October, and at once inaugurating a radical policy, 
which tended to widen the breach between liberals 
and serviles.^ No person opposed to him in politics 
was allowed to have a voice in public affairs. How- 
ever, no open rupture occurred, even during a tumult 
in February 1825, when the Franciscan friars of the 
college de propaganda fide refused to take the oath 
recognizing the constitution of the republic. The 
rabble supported the friars,* but owing to the ener- 
getic attitude of the state government, the priests had 
to submit. 

The assembly continued its labors. A coat of arms 
was decreed tfanuary 20, 1825, and on the 2d of 
May took place the installation of the executive 
council, whose prerogatives and duties were similar 
in state matters to those of the federal senate in na- 
tional affairs. On the same date was also installed 
the superior court of justice. The framing of a state 
constitution was not completed till the 11th of Octo- 
ber, on which date it was decreed.^ After passing a 
law for the political division of the state into depart- 
ments,^ the assembly adjourned sine die one month 

^ The title given the chief magistrate was that of jefe. That of president 
was not decreed till Nov. 29, 1839. Marure, Efem., 51. 

' He is represented as a man of excitable temperament and harsh manners. 
He was a brother of Jos6 Francisco Barrundia. 

*The prelate of the order was summoned to the palace of the federal gov- 
ernment, and a compromise was agreed to. Meantime the mob had assem- 
bled, shouting, 'Mision queremos! Viva la religion! Muera la heregia! 
Mueran los que no quierenmisiones!' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am,, i. 182-3. 

* It was solemnly promulgated Dec. 26, 1825. This constitution was in 
full force till the meeting of a second constituent assembly, when it ceased to 
rule. Marure, Efem., 15; Guat., Eecop. Leyes, i. 201-2. 

®Vera Paz with Peten; Chiquimula, Guatemala, and Escuintla; Sacate- 
pequez with Chimaltenango; Suchitepequez with Solold; Quezaltenango and 
Soconusco; Totonicapan and Huehuetenango. ,Id., 463-70. 



later. Clouds had already appeared in the political 
horizon, the state authorities having transferred the 
seat of government from La Antigua to Guatemala, 
against the opposition of the national executive. 

The liberal party has been accused of having, with 
the connivance of the jefe Barrundia, committed 
frauds at the elections held in January 1826 for a 
partial renewal of the representative council. In the 

Arms of Guatemala. 

first ordinary legislature, which met on the 1st of 
February, a law was passed for new elections to fill 
the council. But these and other arbitrary measures 
of the liberal party gave rise to such warm discus- 
sions in the assembly, that Barrundia at last ignored 
the authority of the council as then existing.'' The 

^ Barrundia induced seven of the deputies to abandon their seats, and to 
protest against resolutions enacted by the legislature after they had quitted 
it. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 242. 


latter then denounced him, and called the vice-jefe to 
assume the government. But through the mediation 
of commissioners of the federal government, harmony 
was restored. This harmony was not to last long, 
new complications arising from another quarter. I 
have, in detailing federal affairs at this period, spoken 
of the plans attributed to president Arce to overthrow 
the liberal party, and the events which culminated 
with the deposal of Barrundia from his position as 
jefe of the state. The first resolution taken by the 
legislature and representative council was to remove 
the capital to Quezaltenango. The new jefe, Flores, 
was at the same time empowered to organize a mili- 
tary force, raise funds, and adopt other proper meas- 
ures to uphold the state's sovereignty.^ Flores had 
advocated the removal of the state capital, but stren- 
uously opposed the selection of Quezaltenango as an 
unfit place for the seat of government of a liberal 
state.® The assembly paid some heed to his remon- 
strances, and tarried a while at San Martin Jilotepec, 
where it was resolved that Barrundia should resume 
the reins of government; but he declined, pleading 
ill health. ^^ The assembly remained at that place till 
the 29th of September, and then concluded to repair 
to Quezaltenango, considering Jilotepec not quite safe. 
Flores, accompanied by a few deputies, arrived at 
Quezaltenango on the 8th of October, and was re- 
ceived with a shower of flowers. He at once set 
himself to complete the defence of the district, which 
had been already begun by Colonel Josd Pierzon,^^ 
who had mustered into the service of the state sev- 

"This step was taken Sept. 6, 1826. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 260; 
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53-4. A demand from the fed. gov. to muster out the 
troops was refused in round terms. 

• He had once been a resident there, and knew it to be the most bigoted 
place in all Cent. Am. Liberal ideas had not taken much root there, and 
fanaticism ruled. 

*° He afterward attempted to recover his office, but the course events had 
taken impeded it. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 57-8. 

^^ A Creole from Sto Domingo, who had been formerly a federal officer; but 
having been arbitrarily removed from the position, he joined the state cause. 


eral hundred men.^^ Having reason to apprehend an 
attack from the federal authority, Pierzon was or- 
dered to Patsun to watch the enemy. It was during 
his absence that the events occurred leading to the 
murder of Jefe Flores by an ungovernable fanatical 
mob, of which a description is given elsewhere. Upon 
hearinof of those occurrences, and of the friars at 
Quezaltenango having called the Indians of the neigh- 
borhood to take up arms for the common defence, 
Pierzon retreated to Totonicapan,^^ encountering the 
Quezaltec rebels on the 18th of October near Salcajd, 
and easily defeated them. He gave no quarter. He 
demanded the immediate surrender of all arms in 
Quezaltenango, guaranteeing the lives of the inhab- 
itants, otherwise he w^ould destroy the place.^* The 
rebel authorities had to submit, and on the following 
day Pierzon recovered possession of the place. Sev- 
eral draconic ordinances were issued to keep in check 
the spirit of rebellion.^^ The leaders of the riots had, 
however, fled, thus escaping the punishment they so 
richly deserved. 

Juan Barrundia now made another effort, from 
Solold,, to resume his former authority, but his pres- 
tige was lost, and most of his friends had forsaken his 
cause.^^ Pierzon abandoned Quezaltenango on the 
25th of October, and was pursued, overtaken, and de- 
feated by the federals, under Brigadier Cd,scaras, at 

^^ Near Quezaltenango he endeavored to capture his former command, now 
tinder Manuel Montiifar, but the latter escaped. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 55-6. 
He had been forewarned by some serviles of Quezaltenango of the ambuscade 
prepared for him. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 262. 

1^ Abandoning the plan he had formed of attacking the federals under 
Francisco Cdscaras. 

^*He allowed four hours for the surrender: 'si en el t^rmino de cuatro 
horas, no efectiian Vds lo referido, la hermosa ciudad de Quezaltenango desa- 
parecerd.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 288; Id., Efem., 18; Mem. 
Bev. Cent. Am., 57-8. 

^^ Among them, one of Oct. 19, 1826, to punish attempts at propagating 
sedition among the soldiers; another, of Oct. 25th, to impose the penalty of 
death on all Guatemalans taking up arms against the state government. Gaz. 
de Mex., Dec. 14, 1826; El Indicador de Ouat., of same year, no. 106; Guat.., 
Becop. Leyes, i. 248-50. 

1*^ Afraid of falling into the hands of the federal troops then marching 
toward Los Altos, he retired to E-etalhuleu, where he lived till 1829. 


Malacatan.^'^ Pierzon, together with his friends Saget 
and Fauconnier, escaped, and were proscribed, but 
they managed to cross into Chiapas.^^ But it seemed 
that it had been preordained that he should perish at 
the hands of his foes. On his way to San Salvador 
to take part in the war against the federal govern- 
ment, he was taken prisoner, brought to Guatemala, 
and shot, on the 11th of May, 1827, without a trial.^^ 
Another body of liberal troops, under Cayetauw de 
la Cerda, not being aware of Pierzon's defeat at Ma- 
lacatan, prepared to march from Los Altos to Guate- 
mala, but the soldiers were induced to rebel, and thus 
the last armed force of the state disappeared. The 
members of the assembly and council who were not 
in prison either secreted themselves or emigrated, and 
the state was left without authorities. The federal 
president assumed power, and replaced the jefes poli- 
ticos and military commanders with his own creatures. 
He published, on the 31st of October, a decree for 
new elections of state authorities. The new assembly 
met on the last day of the year, and on the 1st of 
March, 1827, Mariano Aycinena was chosen by pop- 
ular vote chief of the state.^*^ It is hardly necessary 

^' Oct. 28, 1826. Cdscaras' vainglorious report is in GuaL^ Oac. Gob. , Nov. 
2, 1826, and M^x. Gac. Gob., Dec. 14, 1826j Marure, Efem., 18; Mem. Rev. 
Cent. Am., 59-60. 

^^ All persons affording them aid were declared, on the 5th of March, guilty 
of high treason. GuaL, Recap. Leyes, i. 250-4. Decree reiterated March 28, 
1827; Marure, Efem., 19. 

^' All authorities agree that the execution was efifected upon the mere order 
of Aycinena, the then jefe of Guat., and without legal formalities. Arce, 
Mem., 68; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 70; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 16; Squier's 
Travels, ii. 397. This last-named writer severely condemns the affected piety 
of Aycinena, who made confession before a priest and took the communion 
before signing the death-warrant. In 1829 the liberal party awarded extraor- 
dinary honors to Pierzon's memory, ordering that his name should be placed 
by the side of Cirilo Flores, with this inscription, * Viva el ilustre Coronel 
Pierzon en el corazon de los buenos patriotas.' Marure, Efem.., 19. 

*° Aycinena retained his position uninterruptedly till the 12th of Apr., 
1829, when he was deposed by Morazan. A legislative act expatriated him, 
and he was in exile till early in 1836, when he returned to the bosom of his 
family; but a second legislative order compelled him to leave the country 
again. Finally, an amnesty decree of July 25, 1838, restored him to his coun- 
try in Sept. Marure, Efem., 18, 61. Mariano Cordoba was chosen, in March 
1827, vice-jefe, and when he resigned the oflSce, Manuel Montufar was called 
to succeed him. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., GO. 



to state that the elections were wholly controlled by 
the servile party, whose views were reflected in the 
new jefe's policy. Lest the existing courts should not 
deal to the liberals subjected to criminal prosecution 
such punishments as their enemies desired, a military 
court, with three voting members, was created, to ad- 
judicate verbally upon all causes for treason.^^ Dur- 
ing the seven months of its existence — to the 29th 
of October, 1827 — it sentenced to the death-penalty 
upwards of ten persons, but the sentence was carried 
out in one case only.^'* 

The history of Guatemala during Aycinena's rule 

Guatemala Medal of about This Date. 

was identical with that of the federal government, 
this jefe being a supporter of President Arce, and 
affording him all possible aid in his warfare against 
Salvador, all of which has been narrated. Toward 
the end of 1828, however, the successes of the arms 
of Salvador, together with certain alleged false steps 
of Aycinena,^^ aroused such a spirit of discontent 

*^It was the first of its class in Cent. Am., but by no means the last. 

22 Lieut Isidro Velazquez was executed March 30, 1827. 

^ Leniency toward the proscribed Antonio Rivera Cabezas, whose death- 
penalty he had commuted to exile, and prohibition of certain books, pursuant 
to decrees of the ecclesiastical authorities, were among the chief causes which 
alienated him many of his former supporters. JtfoTiii^/'ar, Resena Hist., i. 236; 
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 114. On the 6th of December, 1828, he ordered such 
books to be burned. Marure, Efem. , 22. 


against him and his administration, that on the 20th 
of October the assembly passed an act for the renewal 
of all the chief authorities of the state. ^* Soon after- 
ward the project was entertained of detaching Guate- 
mala from the federation. Neither of the plans led 
to the proposed results. The latter was disapproved 
by the representative council, and the former was 
useless, as the incumbents were continued in office.^*^ 
This caused the breaking-out of a revolution at La An- 
tigua in January 1829,^^ which, though easily quelled, 
hastened the march of the liberal forces under Mora- 
zan from San Salvador upon Guatemala. ^^ After this 
leader took the city, on the 13th of April, 1829, 
Aycinena and the other chief men of his administra- 
tion being thrown into prison, Juan Barrundia was 
placed at the head of the government,^^ and the 
authorities of La Antigua were transferred to Guate- 
mala.^^ The deposed congress ^° of 1826 also reassem- 
bled on the 21st of April.^^ It must be remarked, in 
connection with the state's affairs at this time, that, 
though nominally in the hands of Barrundia and the 
assembly, they were virtually under Morazan's con- 
trol. To meet his constant demands for money to 
support his forces, a number of financial schemes were 
devised, the property of the serviles being almost ex- 

2* It purposed with this measure, which turned out to be unavailing, to 
remove one of the obstacles to the termination of the war by means of a peace- 
ful arrangement. 

^^ They were reelected, though succeeding events prevented the counting 
of the votes. Mem. Rev. Gent. Am., 115. 

'•'A revolt at Quezaltenango, Nov. 5, 1828, had been summarily suppressed. 
Marure, Efem., 22. 

2" The districts of Sacatepequez and Escuintla recognized the authorities 
that were installed in La Antigua. 

28 His brother Jos6 Francisco having been made acting president, he re- 
signed for the second time the office of jefe, urging obvious reasons, but he 
was required by the assembly to continue discharging his duties till the 
election should have been effected. Montufar, Reseiia Hist., i. 167-9. 

^The dispersed representative council of 1826 had been reorganized at La 
Antigua Feb. 11, 1829, and its senior member, Mariano Zenteno, recognized 
as acting jefe of the state. 

80 "pi^jg body voted Morazan a gold medal, and declared him a benemd- 
rito. It also decreed that his portrait should be placed in the hall of ses- 
sions. This, however, was a spark of enthusiasm which died out. 

"^ Nicolds Espinosa presided, as he had done at the last sitting at San 
Martin Jilotepec, Sept. 26, 1826. 


clusively affected by them. Their property, as well as 
that under control of the church, was taxed severely.^ 
Not satisfied with depleting the resources of the 
enemy, under the decrees of June 4th and August 
2 2d, the late officials were made amenable to prose- 
cution in a summary manner, though finally a sort 
of ironical amnesty was granted them, involving ex- 
patriation, which was enforced on the 28th of August.^^ 

New elections . for state authorities resulted in the 
choice of Pedro Molina asjefe,^* and he was inducted 
in August 1829. His subsequent disagreement with 
the temporary president, Jose Francisco Barrundia, 
the novel ideas he suggested for remodelling the fed- 
eration, and the intrigues of his opponents, among 
whom has been named the vice-jefe Rivera Cabezas, 
brought on his overthrow, when he was superseded on 
the 9th of March, 1830, by said vice-jefe.^^ 

During the administration of Rivera Cabezas the 
state of Guatemala enjoyed the blessings of peace. 
There was only an encounter between the people of 
Ilotenango, now Quiche, in SoloM, and those of Chi- 
quimula in Totonicapan, upon land questions. There 
were a few wounded. Rivera Cabezas arranged the 
matter to the satisfaction of both towns. He also 
accomplished many reforms, ascertained the amount 
of the state debt, and introduced a proper economy 
in the expenditures.^^ 

"2 Cayetano de la Cerda was the administrador de recursos, and he acted 
without restriction. Mariano Galvez, Barrundia's secretary of state, is 
credited with the invention of the financial schemes by the author of Mem, 
Rev. Cent. Am., 136-7. 

^^Montiifar, Resena Hist., i. 131-3, 143-51. 

2* Antonio Rivera Cabezas was chosen vice-jefe in March 1830. He was 
succeeded by Gregorio Marquez in Feb. 1831; Francisco X. Flores was conse- 
jero Aug. 1831. 

^^ Molina was impeached on trivial and inconsistent charges by the legisla- 
tive body. Twice tried and twice acquitted; but meantime the term for 
which he was chosen had expired, and new elections were ordered. Marurey 
Efem., 61. Full details of the trials in Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 205-17, 

^^ Rivera Cabezas wielded a powerful pen, and in a playful way ridiculed 
the servile party. His Don Meliton dialogues did it more harm than Jos6 
del Valle with his grave and erudite speeches in congress. He won himself 
the bitter hatred of that party. The political change of 1839 placed him in 
the hands of his enemies, and he lost much of his property. He left the 


While internal dissensions were exciting the people 
of Guatemala, they were forced to undergo, on the 
23d of April, 1830, the tribulations resulting from one 
of the severest shocks of earthquake experienced in 
the country.^ Nearly all the inhabitants passed the 
night in the streets, public squares, or in the open 
fields. The assembly adjourned the following day, 
and the state authorities removed to Jocotenango. 
Fortunately, no more shocks occurred, and the public 
alarm gradually subsided, the damage done being less 
than had been supposed.^^ The clergy made use of 
the earthquakes to arouse the rabble against the 
liberals. ^^ 

After the removal of the national seat of government 
to San Salvador, Guatemala found itself in a great 
measure freed from the constant bickerings between 
the federal and state authorities. The servile party 
gained by it; but for all that, the liberal spirit of the 
federal administration was still felt. Pursuant to a de- 
cree of the assembly at Jocotenango, elections for state 
authorities were made, and Josd F. Barrundia was the 
popular choice for jefe, and Gregorio Marquez for 
vice-jefe. Barrundia declined the office, pleading a 
previous election as senator. The assembly refused 
his resignation, and Barrundia reiterated it, till his 
wishes were granted.^^ The vice-jefe Marquez then 

country, but family affairs necessitated his return some years after. In his 
last years his intellectual faculties declined, and the servilesno longer feared 
hun, but their hatred remained, and their insults and abuse hastened his 
death. His portrait is also given. Montufar, Renena Hist.y 1. 235-7, 246. 

'^ The most violent felt since 1773. Marure, Efem., 26. 

"^ Several buildings were damaged, among them the churches of Santa Te- 
resa, San Francisco, and Recoletos. Since the end of March shocks had been 
experienced in tlie vicinity of the Pacaya volcano, several villages being al- 
most entirely reduced to ruins. lb. 

"^ The nun Teresa called them the effects of God's displeasure for the ban- 
ishment of the archbishop and friars. Montiifar, Resena. Hist., i. 225-6. 

*'^ The liberals were certain that with Morazan at the head of the federal 
government, and Barrundia as chief of Guatemala, there would be no dis- 
agreements. Barrundia now made a cession for the benefit of public instruc- 
tion of nearly $7,000— due him for salaries during the time he acted as presi- 
dent. This was a generous act on the part of a man who had no private 
fortune. He later ceded one half of his senatorial pay for the same purpose. 
Montii/ar, Resena Hist., i. 273-6. 


assumed pro tempore the executive office, and retained 
as his secretary-general the clergyman of talent, An- 
tonio Colom. New elections were called for, to be 
made by the same electoral bodies which had effected 
the last, and Mariano Galvez was chosen jefe, assum- 
ing office in August 1831/^ This chief of the state 
endeavored to steer a middle course in the manage- 
ment of public affairs, but he was only partiall}^ suc- 
cessful.*^ Several important measures were adopted 
to relieve the burdens of the people, and to advance 
their intellectual development/^ 

Galvez was not content with encouraging science 
and literature; he also directed his efforts to the ad- 
vancement of arts and industries, and the improvement 
of towns, public health, etc. Friars who had become 
secularized were granted the rights enjoyed by other 
citizens, and could, therefore, bequeath and accept 
inheritances.** At Galvez' suggestion, the assembly 
passed the act of February 27, 1834, to enable nuns 
to abandon their convents, if they so desired, taking 
the dowries they brought with them. Later, mar- 
riage was declared to be a civil contract that could be 
dissolved.*^ The measures affecting the clergy in 
their privileges and revenues, the introduction of the 

*^ Galvez was reelected Feb. 9, 1835, and held the position till Feb. 2, 
1838, when he was forced to resign it. During his first term Simon Vascon- 
celos was vice-jefe, and Juan Ant. Martinez consejero; during the second, 
Pedro J. Valenzuela, who superseded him; Mariano Sanchez de Leon was 
consejero in 1836, and Mariano Rivera Paz in July 1838. The latter also 
held the executive office. Salv.y Oac.y Oct. 12, 1854; Marure, Efem., 43, 45, 

*'■* Galvez was not in league with the clergy or aristocracy, on one side; nor 
with Barrundia or Morazan, on the other. He wanted to form a party of 
which he should be the sole chief. This prompted him to oppose all parties, 
and brought upon him many reproaches. 

^^ In July 1832 tithes were abolished. On the 16th of Sept. an academy 
of sciences, to take the place of the old university, was established, and to it 
were attached the colegio de abogados, and the protoraedicato. This acad- 
emy was suppressed March 6, 1840, and the university of old was restored. 
Marure, Efem.^ 32. Among other measures were the reduction of holidays to 
seven, aside from Sundays, and the prohibition of religious processions in the 
streets on working days. Montiuifar, Resena Hist., i. 307-19, ii. 76-84. 

*' Even the ofispring of priests were to be reputed as legitimate in cases 
of inheritance, where the father had died intestate. Id., ii. 346-7. 

■'^ This blow at the church was not favorably received by the people, and 
in July 1838 the resolution was suspended. 


Livingston code with trial by jury, and the coloniza- 
tion by an English company at Vera Paz, gave rise 
to displeasure among the ignorant, which the clergy 
and the serviles did not fail to fan into a flame that 
erelong became a conflagration.*^ Added to this was 
the jealousy engendered by San Salvador having been 
made the national capital.*'' 

The first outbreak occurred in March 1837, when 
the Indians of San Juan Ostuncalco rebelled. It was 
at once quelled, but the ravages of cholera caused in 
June the uprising at Mita. It has been shown in an- 
other place that here, at this juncture, Rafael Carrera 
made his first appearance in the political field, inaugu- 
rating the war that eventually dissolved the republic, 
and through its consequences brought Guatemala to 
the verge of ruin. On the 16th of June, 1837, the as- 
sembly met in extra session, but was unable to effect 
any favorable change in the situation. There were 
two bitterly opposing parties striving for control. To 
make matters worse, insurrections broke out in several 
parts,*^ ending with the capture of the capital by 
Carrera on the 31st of January, 1838, and the re- 
placing of Galvez by Valenzuela on the 2d of Febru- 
ary. That same day the departments of Los Altos, 
namely, Solold, Totonicapan, and Quezaltenango, de- 
clared themselves detached from Guatemala to consti- 
tute the sixth state of the federation, under the name 
of Los Altos.*^ A constituent assembly was installed 

*^ They made the Indians believe that the cholera was the eflfect of Galvez 
and his friends having poisoned the springs, * para destruir hombres que de- 
testaba y poblaciones que aborrecia.' Id., ii. 349. 

*^ It was constantly brought forward that while other states had seceded 
from the confederation, Guatemala alone had contributed to the common 
budget, and furnished the national executive arms and money to wage war 
against the rebellious states. 

*^ Martial law was proclaimed Jan. 16, 1838, in the departments of Saca- 
tepequez and Guatemala. Two days later La Antigua rebelled, appointing a 
provisional government, and subsequently Chiquimula and Salamd followed 
the movement. Marure^ Efem.y 42-3; Squier's Travels, ii. 431; GuaL, Becop. 
Leyes, i. 858-9. 

** The provisional government was placed in charge of Marcelo Molina, 
Jos6 M. Galvez, and Jos6 A. Aguilar. The assembly of Guatemala simply 
referred the matter to the federal congress, which recognized the new state. 
Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 9-23; Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 43. 



at Quezaltenango on the 25th of December, and 
Marcelo Mohna elected first jefe of the state. He 
was inducted in office on the 28th.^^ 

The constituent assembly adopted, May 26, 1839, 
a constitution which was democratic and representa- 
tive, with the Koman catholic as the religion of the 
state.^^ Later, it passed instructions to guide the ex- 
ecutive in his relations with the other states. They 
were based on equity and justice, and prompted by a 

Los Altos. 

spirit of fraternity. ^^ The state concluded with Sal- 
vador, on the 10th of August, a treaty defensive and 
offensive, but it came to naught, for reasons that will 
be explained. 

«> Mai'ure, Efem., 47. 

*^ The state qomprised, on the north, the districts of Huehuetenango, Saca- 
pulas, Malacatan, Tejutla, Cuilco, Jacaltenango, and Solold, together with 
all the territory between the river Pasion and Chiapas, to where it touched 
the undefined boundaries of Tabasco and Yucatan; on the west, Ostuncalco 
and San Mdrcos; on the south, Cuyotenango and Mazatenango; on the east, 
Atitlan, Solola, Joyabaj, Quich^; and in the centre, Totonicapan and Quezal- 
tenango. Montufar, Reseiia Hist., iii. 391-3. 

52 Dated July 12, 1839. JcL, 394-7. 


The jefe, Molina, was an honest man and an able 
jurist. He loved Los Altos, and considered it a 
necessary organization for the greater lustre of the 
Central American republic; but he had little knowl- 
edge of human nature, and was easily deceived. The 
government of Guatemala pursued toward him, since 
April 13, 1839, a machiavelian policy, and led him 
into the fatal belief that it really desired the prosper- 
ity and happiness of the new state, which had become 
the residence of the liberals who had left Guatemala, 
fleeing from Carrera,^^ and constantly published severe 
strictures against Carrera and the aristocratic clique 
which surrounded him. Molina had been persuaded 
that the Guatemalan authorities w^ere friendly toward 
the state of Los Altos, though requiring that it should 
discourage the attacks of the exiled liberals. How- 
ever, Molina, abiding by the constitutional clauses 
declaring freedom of the press to be inviolable, an- 
swered that the government of Guatemala had the 
right of prosecuting the writers before the courts of 
Los Altos for libel. This ill feeling was all that Pa- 
von, the Guatemalan machiavelian minister, desired 
for future hostile proceedings. The opportunity was 
not wanting, and the state of Los Altos was destroyed 
by Carrera on the 29th of January, 1840, and rein- 
corporated with Guatemala.^* Molina, though cred- 
ulous and vacillating, at the last moment showed him- 
self to be possessed of a brave heart. He well knew 
that his administration had been a just one, that all 
charges against his government, on the part of 

^ Galvez, Jos6 F. and Juan Bamindia, Simon Vasconceloa, and others. 

^ On the 28th of Jan. a body of Quezaltec troops, under Colonel Corzo, 
was defeated by the Guatemalans, under Gen. Monterrosa. It had been sta- 
tioned in the hacienda of Bejucal, with the double object of guarding on the 
coast side the territory of Los Altos, and of forming a combination with the 
men of Salvador, who were about to invade Guatemala from the river Paz 
frontier. The treatment of the fugitives by the Indians was shocking. Corzo 
and Lieut-col Cdrdoba perished at their hands. Carrera, after defeating, on 
the 29th of Jan., the Quezaltec troops that attempted to check him on the 
heights of Solold, entered Quezaltenango unresisted, and put an end to that 
state. Its towns were taken under Guatemalan protection, on the fiction of 
their voluntary annexation, by decree of Feb. 26, 1840. Marure, Efem., 52; 
Ouat.f Recop. Leyes, 1. 43-50. 


Guatemala, by Pavon and his fellow-aristocrats, were 
false. He did not forsake his post. Carrera grossly 
insulted him, and sent him as a prisoner to Guatemala. 
General Guzman was reviled, forced to wear rags, 
beaten, and his hair and beard pulled out. Other 
citizens were shamefully treated, and their homes 

Affairs in Guatemala had undergone a great change 
since the removal of Galvez from the position of jefe. 
His successor, Valenzuela, was deposed July 22, 1838, 
by a popular movement, and Mariano Rivera Paz 
placed at the head of affairs. ^^ His first official act 
was one deserving of special commendation, as it ex- 
hibited a conciliatory spirit which, unfortunately, had 
been a stranger in the country during many years 
past. Three days after being installed, at his special 
suggestion the state assembly nullified all acts of pro- 
scription, and decreed a general amnesty for all per- 
sons implicated in political offences since September 

^^ It was claimed that Carrera could not prevent these abuses, which were 
committed by the \'ery people of Los Altos who rose against the partisans of 
the government. The fact is, they were savage Indians under Carrara's pro- 
tection. This chief returned in triumph to Guatemala, and was received 
amid the plaudits of his clerico-aristocratic supporters and the rabble. His 
victorious army brought in the rear the armament and spoils of Quezaltenango, 
and upwards of 100 prisoners, among them Guzman, Mariscal, and Soto. The 
first named was wounded, and tied to a mule. The rabble made him the 
special object of their scoff. Mont'Afar, Besena Hist., iii. 439-41. 

^^ Deprived of the oflSce Jan. 30, 1839; restored Apr. 13th of the same year; 
held it till Dec. 13, 1841. May 14, 1842, he assumed for the third time the 
executive office, with the title of president of the state. Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 
175; Marure, Efem., 61-2. Stephens, who saw Rivera Paz in 1840, speaks 
well of him, saying that *in all the trying positions in which he was afterward 
placed, he exhibited more than ordinary prudence and judgment.' Cent. 
Am., i. 201. 

^''The 3d and last art. contained these words: *Un olvipo general sobre 
todos los acontecimientos politicos desde el quince de Setiembre de mil 
ochocientos veintiuno hasta la fecha; y se prohiba rigurosaraente removerlos 
conningun motivo.' Further than this, Jos6 P. Barrundia had moved that 
the initiative should be made urgent, and voted on without being referred to 
a committee. Montufar, who gives full details on this affair, blames Barrun- 
dia for his excessive generosity and abnegation, which, he declares, always 
turned to the prejudice of that statesman and his party. He wanted his en- 
emies pardoned, and to enjoy all personal guarantees, but there was no spirit 
of reciprocity on their part. When the serviles assumed the reins of power, 
they invariably abused and persecuted Barrundia. He was not only sent into 
exile, but insulted there in publications they would forward him. Besena 
Hist., iii. 188-90. 


From the moment Rivera Paz was made the pro- 
visional head of the state government, reaction set in 
and went on with flying colors. Measures in conso- 
nance with the wishes of the retrogressionists were 
adopted one after another as fast as they could be 
drawn up/^ These decrees should have satisfied Car- 
rera and his supporters; but it seems that they did 
not; his faction became more and more recalcitrant. 
He found himself closely pressed; but, unfortunately, 
General Guzman was persuaded to enter into arrange- 
ments with him at El Rinconcito. This, however, 
did not bring peace to the state for any length of 

In the latter part of January 1839 Rivera Paz was 
deposed by Cd-rlos Salazar, military commander of 
Guatemala,^^ but reinstalled by Carrera on the 13th 
of April.^^ This disturbed condition lasted some time 
longer. The state declared itself independent on the 
1 7th of April of the same year, and the only form of 
union maintained with the other states was by special 
treaties of allowance,^^ in which the states mutually 
acknowledged their independence and sovereignty, 
and pledged themselves to reconstruct Central Amer- 
ica. All efforts, however, to reestablish order were 

^^ The executive was authorized to support the petition of the clergy ia 
order that the diocese should have a bishop, and permitted that he should 
appropriate a portion of the public funds to that end. No mention was made 
of the person who was to be bishop. The idea was to flatter the several 
clergymen who were with Carrera hoping to earn a mitre. July 25th the 
people were called to elect a constituent assembly, of not less than fifty mem- 
bers, to reform, add to, or retain in whole or in part the constitution of Guate- 
mala. This decree was supported by the liberals, who foolishly believed that 
their party would have the power to reconstitute the state. The serviles 
hailed it, being sure of controlling the situation with Rivera Paz at the head of 
the government, and three servile wings as his counsellors. Reactionary 
deputies would be plentiful in the constitutional convention. The capitation 
tax was reduced to four reales. The assembly, now converted into a law- 
maker by steam, on the 26th of July revoked the laws establishing civil 
marriage and divorce, freedom to bequeath property, reduction of the num- 
ber of holidays, and the further admission of religious vows. Id.y 190-2. 

^* He ruled 2^ months, at the end of which he had to seek safety in flight, 
on Carrera occupying the capital. Marure, Efem. , 48, 62. 

*" The former political order of affairs now came to an end, and a new era 
began under Carrera's auspices. Guat.^ Recop. Leyes, i. 207. 

*^ The texts of the several treaties may be seen in Convencion, in Cent. Am, 
Constituciones, 5-25, 28-31; Otiat., Recop. Leyes, i. 382-95. 


in vain, owing to the political complications caused by 
Carrera's rebellion in March 1839. His capture of 
Guatemala on the 19th of March, 1840, and the end 
of the struggle between him and Morazan, which has 
been narrated, did not materially change the state of 
affairs ; at all events, resolutions subsequently adopted 
by the assembly had little weight.^'^ The only im- 
portant ones were the restoration of the fuero ecle- 
siastico,^^ and the creation of a medical faculty in the 
university. Thus, after sixteen years of continual 
strife, Guatemala found herself again an independent 
and impoverished state. Neither of the parties which 
had striven for supremacy had gained anything. The 
commonwealth w^as practically under the dictatorship 
of an Indian chieftain, whose will even those who had 
helped him to attain his position dared not dispute. 

From the moment that the plan of a Central 
American confederation was contemplated, Honduras 
manifested her willingness to be one of its members; 
and upon the federal constituent assembly fixing, on 
the 5th of May, 1824, the basis of organization for 
each separate state, a local assembly of eleven dep- 
uties was assigned to Honduras. The state con- 
stituent assembly met at the Mineral de Cedros,^* and 
on the 16th of September Dionisio Herrera was 
chosen jefe del estado, and Jose Justo Milla vice-jefe. 
In July 1825, the territory was divided into seven 
departments,^^ and on the 11th of December the state 
constitution was promulgated. This ended the labors 
of the constituent body, which four months later was 
replaced by the ordinary legislature, the installation 

^2 Honors were paid to Carrera and Rivera Paz. Their portraits were to 
be placed in the hall of sessions. Marure, Efem., 53. A few days later the 
19th of March was decreed a civic feast-day. Guat.y Recop. Leyes, iii. 348. 

63 Act of Nov. 9, 1840. Id., 286. 

6* Not at Aguanqneteric, as the federal congress had decreed. Astaburuagay 
Cent. Am., 13; Marure, Efem., 10. The last named, in his Bosq. Hist. Cent. 
Am., 148, gives the name as Leypateric. 

^Comayagua, Tegucigalpa, Gracias, Santa Barbara, Olancho, Yoro, and 

HiBT. Cent. Am.. Vol. III. 11 



of which at Tegucigalpa was followed by that of the 
representative council at Comayagua. 

Honduras was not allowed to enjoy a long term of 
peace. The assembly ordered new elections for chief 
of state, on the ground that Herrera's tenure of office 
had been intended to be merely provisional; but he 
held to a different opinian, and refused to surrender 
his authority. Matters were made worse by the 
enmity existing between Herrera and Iriap, the gov- 
ernor of the diocese.^^ Anarchy now prevailed, 
some of the departments, especially Gracias, refusing 
- Herrera recognition. This state of things was mainly 
instigated by the president of the republic, A^rce, who 
strove to overthrow the liberal party in Honduras. 
.__ Under the pretence that Santa Rosa, in the depart- 
ment of Gracias, out of which the federal government 
drew a revenue from tobacco, needed protection, Arce 
despatched there 200 men under Milla, the vice-jefe,^'' 
who, after a short encounter with Herrera's force, 
marched upon Comayagua,^^ arriving there early in 
April 1827. The town had been hastily fortified, 
and energetically resisted thirty-six days; but not 
receiving timely reenforcements, succumbed on the 
9th of May, 1827.^^ Herrera was sent as a prisoner to 
Guatemala, and new elections were ordered in Hon- 
duras.*^^ A new legislature on the 13th of September 
chose Ger6nimo Zelaya jefe, but he was recognized as 
such only in Santa Barbara. All liberals were dis- 
missed from office. Francisco Morazan, who had 

^^Irias excommunicated Herrera, and the latter had him arrested. Both 
had mr.ny adherents. 

''^Arce claims that Gracias had called for the protection. Mem., C4-5; 
Mem. Eev. Cent. Am., 61. The truth is, he had no right to exercise jurisdic- 
tion there, the place not being on the frontier nor on the coast. Morazan, 
Apuntes, MS., 6. 

'^ Herrera had a force to defsat Milla, but refrained from using it, in order 
that Honduras should not be accused of beginning hostilities against the 
national government. Id. , 7. 

'■'Marure, Efem., 19, gives the 10th as the date. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 169, 
gives March 10th. Morazan attributes the surrender to the commander's 
treachery. Apuntes, MS., 8. 

^° Cleto Bandana was made jefe provisional in Sept. 1827, Francisco Mora- 
zan being consejero in Nov. of that year. Maruve, Efem., 63. 


been imprisoned, notwithstandiDg the safe-conduct 
given him after the fall of Comayagua, managed to 
escape, and subsequently rendered efficient aid to 
defeat the federals at Trinidad.'^^ The government 
installed by Milla disappeared, Morazan temporarily 
assuming the reins in November. The further inter- 
ference of the federal government in the internal 
affairs of Honduras has been fully narrated else- 
v^here. The country was not exempt from internal 
troubles from the close of 1829"^^ to the beginning of 
1833, requiring nearly always the final intervention 
of the federal government to bring them to an endJ* 
Momzan^s^ ascendency awakened in Honduras more 
liberal ideas than had ever prevailed in the country, 
as was evidenced in the laws then enacted."*^* During 
the following years Honduras was comparatively tran- /^"^ 
qui], the political agitations of the republic scarcely ^—^ 
affecting her. There was a local sedition in Decem- 
ber~18'367^nd the early part of 1837, contributing 
to render much worse the financial condition of the 
state, which had been bad enough before.^^ The 
friends of the federation decreased from day to day. 
Honduras accepted the act of the federal congress 
authorizing the states to constitute themselves as they 
liked; and in June 1838 the legislature and executive 
called for a constituent assembly to do so, which 
met at Comayagua on the 7th of October."^ 

"See his Apuntes, MS., 9-10. 1 

'* There was a sedition of the serviles, headed by Father Rivas and others, \ 
which was concluded by a peaceable arrangement with Morazan. Moiitiifar, \ 
Heseiia Hist., i. 191-3, 196. J 

'3 Martinez and Cori, implicated in a plot with negroes of Belize and Baca- 
lar, and others were executed May 25, 1833. Montufar, Besefia Hist., ii. 132. 

^* They mostly affected the clergy. Marure, Efem. , 23-7, 35-6. 

'^Resulting from various causes. A law providing for a provisional currency 
checked foreign trade. In the interior it was at 50 per ct discount. A de- 
cree establishing a single tax never could be carried out. The abolition of 
tithes was a measure which caused trouble. Timid or fanatical rulers were 
afraid of 'cuatro canonigos viejos de Comayagua que amenazaban con el 
salmo 108 y las penas del infierno,' and fanaticism soon brought about the 
restoration of the tithes. Alontufar, Resena Hist., iii. 277. 

'''> This was the second constituent assembly, and its first president was 
Josd Santiago Buezo. The town of Tegucigalpa demanded absolute inde- 
pendence, declaring itself seceded and under the protection of Nicaragua until 


The declaration of independence was solemnly pro- 
mulgated in a single sentence on the 26th of October, 
1838.'^'' All further efforts on the part of Morazan 
and his fellow-federalists to restore the disrupted re- 
public proved unavailing, as we have seen.^^ At the 
end of January 1840, the secessionists were victorious, 
and federalism was rooted out. 

1 append a list of Honduras rulers after Mora- 
zan 's short provisional administration in 1827-28.^^ 

it should be declared. This was the work of the returned reactionists. Id., 

'^'^ 'Art. Unico. El estado de Honduras eslibre, soberano, 6independiente.' 
It was published by the acting jefe, Leon Alvarado. The declaration being 
deemed insufficient by the secessionists, another act was passed on the 5th of 
Nov., to say that Honduras was independent of the late federal government, 
•of the governments of the other states of Cent. Am., and of any other gov- 
ernment or foreign power. Id., 282; Marure, Effm., 47. 

^^Tegucigalpa had been twice taken, and Comayagua once, by the federal 
forces. Id., 50-1. 

'9Ger6nimo Zelaya, primer jefe, June 1828. His authority was never 
recognized outside of Santa Barbara. His election was finally declared null, 
liko all others effected pursuant to the convention by the president of the re- 
public. Diego Vijil, vice-jefe, Apr. 1829. Juan Angel Arias, consejero, Dec. 
1829. Jos6 Santos del Valle, consejero, July 1830. Jos6 Ant. Marquez, 
jefe, March 1831. Francisco Milla, consejero, March 1832. Joaquin Rivera, 
jefe, Jan. 1833 to Dec. 31, 1836. During his term, owing to illness, the exec- 
utive was temporarily in charge of F. Ferrera, the vice-jefe, in Sept. 1833, 
and of J. M. Bustillo, consejero, in Sept. 1835. The latter was again in 
power as acting president in Aug. 1839. Ferrera again held the executive in 
Jan. 1841, with the title of president of the state. J. M. Martinez, consejero, 
Jan. 1837. Justo Jos6 Herrera, jefe, May 1837. Leon Alvarado, consejero, 
Oct. 1838. Felipe Medina, Jos6 Alvarado, and Lino Matute are also men- 
tioned as having had charge of the executive in Nov. 1838; the last named 
till Jan. 1839. Juan F. Molina, consejero, Jan. 1839. Jos6 M. Guerrero, 
consejero, May 1839. Francisco Zelaya, consejero, Sept. 1839. Id., 63; 
Montiifar, Resena Hist., ii. 133-6, 325-31; ill. 282-3. 




Salvador State Government— Liberals Overthrown — Secession from 
THE Union — San Salvador as the Federal Seat of Government — 
Guatemala Imposes her Will — Jefe CaiJas and Comandante Males- 
pin — Nicaragua's Early Troubles — Siege and Bombardment of 
Leon — Organization of State Government — Dissensions and War- 
fare — Eruption of Cosiguina — Secession from the Confederation — 
Costa Rica as a Confederated State— Juan Mora's Administration 
— Towns' Bickerings Settled — Braulio Carrillo's Rule— Final 
Secession from the Central American Repdblic — Prosperity of 
THE State. 

Salvador, from the earliest days that utterance was 
given to the idea of liberty and independence from 
Spain, was ready to echo and champion it, and was 
the first to effect an organization for self-govern- 
ment.^ The state was divided into four departments, 
San Salvador, San Vicente, San Miguel, and Sonso- 
nate.^ Under the direction of the constituent assem- 
bly a state government was organized, with Juan 
Vicente Villacorta as jefe,^ and Mariano Prado as 

^ March 5, 1824, the local constituent assembly met, and on the 4th of 
July, the state constitution, decreed on the 12th of June, was published, and 
its support sworn to. Marure, Efem., 10-11. 

^ Sonsonate had always belonged to Guatemala, but was annexed to Salva- 
dor on the return of the auxiliary force that was despatched to the fornicr 
in 1823 to quell Ariza's revolt, of which I have given an account. By intrigue 
and force, the inhabitants were made to declare in favor of Salvador. The 
region was later attached to the latter, though the change of jurisdiction has 
never been formally acknowledged by Guatemala. Some time after there was 
a plan of creating, with Sonsonate and Santa Ana, a separate state, but the 
federal congress did not sanction it. Marure, Bosq. Hist., i. 149. 

^He assumed his office Dec. 13, 1824. During the period of organization 
the executive was in charge of Juan Manuel Rodriguez, who bore the title of 
director. Id., Efr.m., 13, 62; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 32. 



vice-jefe. After installing a superior court, the con- 
stituent assembly adjourned sine die on the 23d of 
November, 1824. 

For a long time past there had been differences 
between Guatemala and Salvador upon ecclesiastical 
matters. The latter not only claimed an authorita- 
tive voice in the political affairs of Central America, 
but also to be placed upon an independent footing as 
regarded the ecclesiastical. Hence the anxiety to 
have a bishopric erected at San Salvador. This mat- 
ter assumed a threatening aspect, and engaged the 
attention of ecclesiastics and statesmen, as well as the 
public at large in both sections of the country. The 
details will be given in a separate chapter treating of 
the church in Central America. It is in order to 
state here, however, that the disputes about the 
diocese of San Salvador had a deep influence in the 
country's politics. The contending parties had taken 
up the question. The liberals in both states sided 
with Jose Matias Delgado, who had been appointed 
by the Salvador legislature the first bishop. The ser- 
vile element, on the other hand, supported the arch- 
bishop of Guatemala. But after a time Delgado, 
who was not unmindful of his purposes, supported 
President Arce, thus forsaking his former friends, and 
joining the servile party. A marked change occurred 
soon after, however, the relations between Arce and 
Delgado becoming cold because the latter suspected 
that Arce really sympathized with the archbishop. 
The liberals failed not to strengthen that suspicion, nor 
to fan the flame.* 

Jefe Villacorta, owing to impaired health, sur- 
rendered the government to the vice-jefe, Mariano 
Prado,^ whose first act was one of opposition to the 
national government, by repealing Arce's convocation 
of October 10th for a new congress, and issuing one 

* At this time Salvador became the asylum of the liberal party. 

^ Arce alleged that Molina and others had induced Villacorta to believe 
he was the only man who could right political wrongs; but he found he could 
not do this, and so resigned. Mem., CO-1. 


of his own, on December G, 1826, appointing Ahua- 
chapan, in Salvador, as the place of assemblage. 
Praclo now began the military preparations which 
were followed by a w^ar between Salvador and the 
federal government, and which terminated with the 
overthrow of the servile party by Morazan. 

A liberal policy was for a short time pursued in 
Salvador under the rule of Jose M. Cornejo, who had 
become the jefe in January 1829,^ and peace reigned 
during the next three years. But in 1832 it was 
again disturbed. The government of the state, be- 
coming dissatisfied with its former hero, Morazan, 
attempted to secede from the union, but was brought 
under subjection.^ Cornejo was deposed, and, together 
with those who aided him in the rebellion, was sent 
to Guatemala as a prisoner, to be dealt with according 
to law.^ Elections for authorities were then held, 
and Mariano Prado w^as chosen jefe,^ and Joaquin San 
Martin y Ulloa vice-jefe. A period of liberalism now 
commenced, like that of Guatemala in 1829. Several 
liberal measures were adopted, one of which was the 
establishment — decreed August 21, 1832 — of a sin- 
gle, very moderate, direct tax.^° This enactment, 
intended to relieve the exhausted treasury, met with 
violent opposition in San Salvador, and sedition broke 
out on the 24th in several wards; but the rioters were 
dispersed. Prado issued a proclamation expressing 
his resolution to uphold the law and maintain order; 
but as the excitement continued, he ordered that the 
supreme authorities should transfer themselves to 
the villa de Cojetepeque on the 31st.^^ On the 14th 

^Convents were abolished March 1, 1830. A college was established in 
July of the following year; and the state seemed to have recovered from the 
losses of the late war. 

^ Cornejo could not be in accord with the federal authorities; he was a 
servile, and in league with their enemies. Montufar, Beserla Hist.y i. 334. 

^ The executive authority was held for a while by Morazan himself. Ma- 
rure, Efem,, 30, 62. 

^ To accept the position he resigned the vice-presidency of the republic. 
Montvfar, Besena Hist., ii. 6. 

^"Tithes had been suppressed and trial by jury introduced. 

^^ The public archives and artillery were to be also removed. The coman- 
dante-eeneral was to remain behind with four cannons and 200 muskets. 


of November there was also a seditious movement in 
San Miguel, which was quelled by Colonel Benitez. 
The vice-jefe, San Martin, was in accord with the 
revolutionists, and kept up a correspondence with 
Galvez in Guatemala, wdio wanted Prado overthrown. 
This was known in San Salvador, and gave encourage- 
ment to the remnants of Cornejo's party. The removal 
of the capital was not sufficient. Another revolt 
broke out at San Salvador early in 1833, and Prado, 
together with the members of the co-legislative bodies 
and of the superior court, had to abandon their places. 
On the 13th of February the state followed the ex- 
ample of Nicaragua and seceded from the union. The 
vice-jefe, San Martin, who had gone into hiding on 
the 9th of February to save himself from harm, was 
called by the revolutionists to assume the executive 
authority. ^^ In July a revolt broke out among the 
Indians of Santiago Nonualco. Headed by Anasta- 
sio Aquino, they formed the plan of exterminating 
the white and colored population, and instalhng a gov- 
ernment of natives. ^^ The utmost cruelties character- 
ized this war of races, whch was fortunately soon 
suppressed. Most of the ringleaders, among them 
Aquino, were captured. The chief was executed on 
the 24th of July, 1833, at San Vicente.^^ But peace 
did not follow the suppression of this rebellion. Sal- 
vador, always jealous of Guatemala, insisted on hav- 
ing the federal government removed from her rival's 
territory. At last, in February 1834, the federal 

^'^ He had lost his wearing apparel, and in his smallclothes, and with a 
travelling cloak on, he took charge of the government. Id., 20. He was 
chosen by the assembly first jefe on the 1st of July, 1833. In June 1834 he 
was removed from office and expelled. Marure, Efem., 36, 62; Guat., Gace.ta, 
Dec. 22, 1854, 7. 

^^ Aquino was a perfect savage, and invoked religion, as did Carrera some- 
what later. He once entered San Vicente with the crown of an image of St 
Joseph on his head. His mode of sentencing prisoners to death was expedi- 
tious. The victim was placed before a group of his men, who were told he 
was their enemy. 'Shoot him,' they would say, and the thing was done, 
Aquino was in league with the serviles, but as they could not manage him, 
they persecuted their crowned ally. Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 21. 

'* Crowe, Gospel, 135, and Squier, T'rave/s, ii. 420-1, erroneously place it 
in 1832. 


authorities came to reside in Sonsonate, and later, in 
June, at San Salv^ador. It was a great mistake to 
expect harmony. Before the month was out there 
was a street figiit of several hours between troops of 
the two powers. The federals were victorious, and 
the state's jefe, San Martin, was deposed.^^ The ex- 
ecutive authority was assumed first by Cdrlos Sala- 
zar, commander of the federal forces, and afterward 
by Gregorio Salazar^ the vice-president of the repub- 
lic. Neither of them had a legal title. ^^ From this- 
time the state remained wholly under the control of 
the federal government and the liberal party, which 
became still more cemented when in 1835 the capi 
tal was made the federal district. In the great strug 
gle between Morazan and Carrera, of which a detailed 
account has been given in a former chapter, Salvador 
had to rely entirely on her own resources when her 
territory was invaded in 1838 and 1839. 

After Morazan's signal defeat at Guatemala, Salva- 
dor no longer was disposed to make sacrifices ; indeed, 
she was too exhausted to raise a new army. However, 
she was by no means willing to uphold the victorious 
Carrera; but being unable to resist, had for a while 
to submit to the force of circumstanced, and to recog- 
nize the government placed over her.^^ But as soon 
as Carrera went back to Guatemala, that government 
was overthrown by the people, and the jefe, Jose 

^^The defeat of San Martin by Gen. Espinosa was at Jiquilisco. Guaty 
Boletin Ofic, 507-9. San Martin was now forsaken by Galvez, the jefe of 
Guatemala. In his old age he used to complain of ' las inconsecuencias del 
Doctor Galvez. ' Montiifar, Resena Hist. , ii. 27. 

^^The latter ruled only from July to Oct., when he was temporarily suc- 
ceeded, first by the consejero, Joaquin Escolan, and then by the vice-jefe» 
Jos6 M. Silva, the same month. Nicolds Espinosa became jefe in Apr. 1835, 
and was driven away in the following November, being accused of promoting 
a war of races, the consejero Francisco Gomez being his successor on the 
13th of Nov. The next rulers were: Diego Vijil, Apr. 1830; Timoteo Me- 
nendez, vice-jefe, Sept. 1836; Antonio J. Cailas, consejero. May 1839. Ma- 
rure, Efem.,{52; Montvfar, Resena I list., ii. 193. 

^^ Carrera contemplated becoming the ruler of Central America, but had to 
abandon his plan on Nicaragua and Honduras forming a league against him. 
His Indians were not so efficient when off from their native ground. Squier'i* 
Travels, ii. 441-2. 



Antonio Canas, had to resiga/^ Norberto Ramirez 
becoming the jefe provisional^^ More than any other 
of the Central American states, Salvador needed a 
period of peace to recover from the wounds inflicted 
in nearly twenty years of warfare. She had upheld 
the principles of liberty and union long after the others 
had given them up, and now required a prudent and 
wise government to restore her almost extinct life and 

While the other provinces experienced but few dif- 
ficulties in organizing themselves after the separation 
from Spain and Mexico, Nic aragu a suffered for years 
from intestine strife. This was not exactly a contest 
between two political parties, but rather between 
towns, and between the partisans of one leader and 
another; in other words, the results partly of sec- 
tional hatred, and partly of personal ambition. Per 
secutions for political causes were of daily occurrence 
A junta gubernativa, recognized by the general gov- 
ernment, had been installed at Leon,^^ where Basilio 
Carrillo was the commander of the forces, and claimed 
the right to rule the province ; but there was another 
junta at Granada, where the notorious Cleto Ordonez 
held sway in accord with the jefe politico, Juan Ar- 
gliello, which, of course, ignored the pretensions of 
the Leonese authorities. Managua, though siding 

^^Sept. 23, 1840. He had ruled since Apr. 8th of the same year. Salv., 
Diario Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875. The revolutionary movement of Sept. 20th for 
his removal was promoted by Francisco Malespin, Carrera's tool, and a man 
who wielded a fatal influence in Salvador till Gen. Joaquin E. Guzman rid 
the country of him. Malespin was then acting for Carrera, M'ho feared that 
a revolution of the Calvario ward of San Salvador would upset Can as, who 
was without influence, and could no longer be useful to the aristocrats of 
Guat. Such a revolution would create a liberal government, and might bring 
back Morazan. Cauas was put out of the way that his place might be occu- 
pied by a servile tool. Montufar, Reseiia Hist., iii. 499. 

^^ He held the position only to the end of 1840. His successors with the 
same title were Juan Lindo, Jan. 1841; Pedro Arce, Apr. 1841; Senator Es- 
coldstico Marin, Feb. 1842. Marure, Efem., 62. 

2" 'En la ulterior contienda de los partidos politicos de esta Provincia, 
pues, no se encuentran mas que pasiones; las calificaciones de realistas, im- 
perialistas, 6 serviles solo Servian para autorizar la persecucion. ' yl^/^w, -^P-, 25. 

■'' April 17, 1823. 


With Leon, had become the headquarters of the anti- 
repubhcans, with Bishop Garcia at their head, who 
strove to rid the place from Leonese influence. Most 
of the other towns were in a similar condition; so that 
it may be asserted that the whole province was in a 
state of anarchy. The junta gubernativa of Leon 
accepted, on the 2d of July, 1823, the decree of the 
national government of March 29th, calling for a 
national congress, and declared Nicaragua united with 
the other provinces that had formerly been the reino 
de Guatemala. 

On the 13th of January, 1824, a popular uprising 
in Leon caused the junta gubernativa to remove Ba- 
silio Carrillo from his command, replacing him with 
the jefe politico, Cdrmen Salazar.^^ Early in the same 
year Justo Milla came with the appointment of in- 
tendente from the general government, and with in- 
structions to pacify the country; but his mission failed. ^^ 
On the 2 2d of July Ordonez had himself proclaimed 
comandante general by the garrison and populace. 
Some of the wards of Leon attempted, on the 6th of 
August, to overthrow Ordonez and restore Melendez, 
the successor of Milla; but they were overpowered, 
and the city was sacked.^* On the 14th the forces of 
Managua, under Colonel Crisanto Sacasa, captured 
portions of the city of Granada. After twenty days 
of incessant fighting the besiegers retired in good 
order. On the other hand, a division of Leonese and 
Granadans attacked Managua on the 24th of August, 
with the same result. 

A junta gubernativa had been installed on the 9th 
of the month at El Viejo, in opposition to that of the 
capital, ^^ and organized a force of 2,000 men, intended 

22 This movement was the precursor of the great calamities that were to 
befall Nicaragua. Marure, Efem., 9. 

23 The troops and the mob in Leon, on the 4th of May, deposed him, and 
placed his office in charge of the alcalde, Pablo Melendez, who in his turn was 
overthrown a few days later by another sedition headed by Ordonez. 

2* The villas of Managua and Nicaragua refused to recognize the revolution- 
ary government at the capital, and established a junta gubernativa at the 
first-named town. 

2* It was formed with the chief men of the ' partido de Managua.' 


to lay sic^^e to Leon. The united forces of El Viejo 
and Managua, commanded by Sacasa and the Colom- 
bian Juan Jose Salas, assaulted Leon, captured the 
suburbs, and penetrated to the plazuela de San Juan. 
The garrison, composed of Leonese and some Grana- 
dans, now found itself confined to the chief plaza and 
contiguous blocks. During the siege, which lasted 
114 days, there was incessant fighting, both besiegers 
and besieged exhibiting bitter animosity. Sacasa was 
mortally wounded, and died twelve days after. The 
fighting often took place inside of the houses, and even 
of the churches. Upwards of 900 houses w^ere either 
demolished or burned, and the number of dead and 
wounded on both sides was large, probably over 900 
killed. The contest ceased only on the 4th of Janu- 
ary, 1825, when the besieging forces retired.^^ 

The villa de Managua laid down its arms on the 
22d of January, 1P25, peaceably receiving Manuel 
Jose Arce, who had entered Nicaragua with an auxil- 
iary force from Salvador, and with instructions to 
pacify the state. In consequence of his arrival, the 
dissensions were quieted for a time."'' Arce, without 
bloodshed, also disarmed the troops of Ordonez at 
Granada, and despatched him, together with Bishop 
Garcia, to Guatemala. After having made arrange- 
ments for elections, the peace-maker returned to Sal- 
vador, leaving, however, a portion of the force at 

On the 10th of April, 1825, preliminary arrange- 
ments being completed, the first constituent assembly 

2^ By order of Gen. Manuel Joa6 Arce, who afterward entered Leon. De- 
tails of battles and actions during this unhappy period of Nicaragua history 
may be found in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 151-6; Id., Ej'em., 11-12, 
'/o; Ayon, Apuntes, 28-36; Dunlop's Gent. Am., 160-2. 

'^^ In the previous year Martin Arzu had been sent as a commissioner to 
restore peace in Nicaragua. He was ordered to use gentle means, but to em- 
1-ioy force against parties opposing him. To support him, 500 Hondurans 
v.ere stationed at Choluteca. He arrived after the siege of Leon had begun, 
and endeavored on the spot to bring about an arrangement between the bel- 
ligerents; but he was treated disrespectfully by the besiegers, and even 
arrested and threatened with death by Salas. He afterward declared the 
junta at El Viejo revolutionary, and that its commands should be disregarded. 
After that he conducted the defence of Leon, Marure, JJosq., i. 157-9. 


of Nicaragua met under the presidency of Juan Ma- 
nuel Zaraora, and ten days later Manuel Antonio de 
la Cerda was installed as jefe of the state,^^ and Juan 
Argliello as vice-jefe. Unfortunately there were dis- 
agreements on the part of Cerda with both the con- 
stituent assembly and Argliello, which delayed the 
labors on the state constitution, so that it was not 
decreed till the 8th of April, 1826/'' 

The convention then adjourned sine die, and the reg- 
ular or ordinary assembly met on the 13th of August, 
at Leon, but in the middle of the following month 
removed to Granada. ^*^ Meantime the dissatisfaction 
with Jefe Cerda had assumed such proportions that 
the legislative body resolved to impeach him. He 
was, accordingly, suspended, and Argliello placed 
temporarily in charge of the executive authority. 
New elections were also decreed.^^ But Argliello had 
not fostered all these troubles merely to surrender the 
government to a new man^ and by intrigues contrived 
to bring about, in February 1827, the dissolution of 
the assembly. ^^ 

The indefatigable Colonel Cleto Ordonez made, 
with the aid of troops of Leon and Senator Hernandez, 
an unsuccessful attempt^^ to seize the government, 
declaring Argliello suspended. An effort was also 
made by the president on behalf of Cerda, but it was 
defeated by Herrera, the jefe of Honduras. The 
state of war continued; Arce reluctantly had removed, 
at Arguello's request, the few men of Salvador that 
had been stationed in Nicaragua since 1825,'*^^ and 

^^In the latter part of 1828 he was shot, under the sentence of a court- 
martial convened by order of the vice-jefe Argiiello. Id., Efem., 63-4. 

'^'^ Its support vi^as sworn to on the la"t day of that month. 

^°The first representative council, or senate, was inaugurated at the same 
place on the 26th of Oct., 1826. Id., 18. 

^^ Cerda would not, however, lay down his power, and continued exercising 
it at Managua. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 43. 

^^The dissolution was 'a consecuencia de una sedicion promovida por el 
Vice-jefe del mismo Estado Sr Juan Argiiello.' Marure, Efem., 18. 

3^ On the 14th of Sept., 1827. This was his third or fourth effort; all 
fruitless, however. Id., 20. 

'*He foretold at the time that 'muy luego veria el congreso arder otra vez 
la tea de la discordia en aquel Estado.' Arce, Mem., 17. 


thus the only adversary of importance Arguello had 
was Cerda. The contest remained for a long time 
undecided. Arguello took Granada, while Cerda's 
headquarters were first at Managua, and, when that 
place seceded, at Rivas, the ancient town of Nicaragua. 

In September 1828, Cerda's party had made so 
much headway that Arguello and his followers had 
vessels in readiness to effect their escape should the 
jefe gain another victory. But the priests, who 
worked against the latter, inspired the disheartened 
Arguellistas with renewed courage, and in another 
encounter they were victorious. Cerda's star now 
waned. A revolt planned by two of his officers was 
quelled, and the leaders were shot.^^ This severity, 
and the heavy taxes he levied, increased his foes.^^ 
At last, on the 8th of November, 1828, when Rivas 
was almost without troops, one of his officers, who 
was a relative, named Francisco Arguello, made him 
a prisoner, and before his troops could come from 
Jinotepe to his rescue, a force of the vice-jefe entered 
Rivas. A military court was at once organized, 
and Cerda, being subjected to its action,^^ was sen- 
tenced to death, and executed.^^ 

Argil ello was now free from his strongest adver- 
sary; but the struggle went on as new pretenders 
sprang up, and its effects in the course of time were 
most disastrous. It brought the state to a condition 
of desolation unequalled in Central America. Dio- 
nisio Herrera, chief of Honduras, undertook, under 
instructions of the federal government, in 1829, the 
task of pacifying Nicaragua. He visited Leon, 
and succeeded in conciliating parties and restoring 

^^ Their project involved the annexation of Nicaragua to Colombia. Los 
Anales, 1872, 54. 

^^He now proposed to surrender the government to Argiiello or some one 
else. His friends dissuaded him, and he was finally the victim of treachery. 

'^ His friends had obtained that the trial should be at Granada, but the 
mob at Rivas opposed his removal at the moment of departure. Jd., G3. 

^^Nov. 29, 1828. It is said that the vice-jefe, Arguello, decreed a sus- 
pension of the sentence; but purposely delayed the courier, so that the re- 
prieve arrived too late at Rivas. A full biography of Cerda, with scattered 
historical items, is given in Id., 29-72, passim. 


order; and when new elections took place in May 
1830 he was himself chosen its jefe.^^ Managua, the 
last place to hold out, was finally, without the use of 
force, prevailed upon to recognize the newly con- 
stituted authorities, and in June was already enjoying 
the benefits of peace. In order to consolidate the peace 
throughout the state, Herrera made the leaders of 
parties leave its territory. His rule was a quiet one 
for the next two years, and until Nicaragua was called 
upon by the national government to furnish her con- 
tingent of troops to suppress revolutionary movements 
beyond her bounclary."^^ 

The revolutionary spirit showed itself again in 1832. 
On December 3, 1832, the state assembly attached 
the federal revenue, and refused further recognition 
of the general government. A few months later a 
revolt broke out against Herrera. The movement 
originated in Managua, and was seconded in Masaya 
and Matagalpa. Granada and Leon opposed it. 
Jefe Herrera at first was loath to resist it, and laid 
his resignation before the legislature, and it was ac- 
cepted on the 1st of March, 1833. But that body, 
under popular pressure, four days after revoked the 
resolution, and recalled Herrera to hold the executive 
authority, with the extraordinary powers that had 
been decreed him on the 8th of February previous.*^ 

The insurrection had spread also in Metapa, Cho- 
coyos, Nandaime, San Jorge, and throughout the de- 
partment of Nicaragua. At the head of the move- 
ment was an ecclesiastic. Herrera exhausted all 

3'The installation of the assembly was on Nov. 1, 1829. The elections 
had been decreed by the vice-jefe, Argiiello, and his act, as well as the elec- 
tions effected under it, were on the 23d of May, 1830, declared to be legit- 
imate. Bocha, C6d. Nic, i. 80. Herrera had been inducted in office on the 12th 
of May. Montr far, Resena Hist, i. 199-203. 

^'^The services of the Nicaraguans were recognized by both the federal 
president and the state assembly. Honors were decreed to the survivors, and 
pensions to the woimded, and to the widows and orphans of the dead. liocha, 
C6d. Nic, i. 214-15. 

*^ This last action was attributed by the revolutionists to Herrera's mach- 
inations and Morazan's influence; but the truth was, that the people recog- 
nized Herrera's services as the pacificator, and his good qualifications as a 
ruler. Montufm\ Resena Hist., ii. 31-2. 


peaceful means, and had to employ force, and Mana- 
gua was taken on the 29th of June, 1833.^'^ Nica- 
ragua and other places accepted the amnesty tendered 
them.^^ But it seemed almost impossible to maintain 
peace for any length of time. In May 1834 Granada 
and Metapa rebelled, under one Cdndido Flores. The 
rebels were successful for several months, and took 
possession of Managua. But on the 13th of August 
they were defeated; a few days later Granada was 
recovered, and four of the ringleaders were shot. 

In the mornmg of the 20th of January, 1835, there 
was an eruption of the volcano Cosigiiina,^ attended 
by one of the most terrific earthquakes ever experi- 
enced in Central America.^^ The event was a mem- 

*^ A detailed account of this revolt is given in the Centro Americano, 89- 
G7. It is said that a number of medals were found of tortoise-shell, gold, and 
other metals, with_ the image of Fernando VII., and bearing the inscription 
* Viva Fernando VII. Rey de Espaha y de las Indias, Ano de 1828,' which gave 
rise to the supposition that the revolt had been in his interests. MontMfar, 
Jiesena Hist., ii. 36-8. Herrera issued a proclamation calling on the people to 
stand by the government. Marim', Ejem., 33-4. 

^3 The assembly, installed on the 21st of Aug., 1833, at Leon, approved all 
of Herrera's acts. 

'* On the southern coast of Nicaragua, 12 leagues distant fron Leon. 

■■'^ A dense yellow cloud rose suddenly, accompanied by a strong smell of 
sulphur and a shower of tine white dust. The alarmed inhabitants closed 
uieir doors and windows, but the dust could not be kept out. Breathing be- 
came difBcult. This lasted nearly three days. On the 23d, at 1 a. m., a 
loud detonation, followed by heavy shocks of earthquake, rain of sand, and 
tol:al darkness, rendered the terror of the people complete. Flocks of birdo 
fell dead to the ground, and wild animals sought refuge in buildings. The 
frightened inhabitants ran to their yards, or hurried to the churches to im- 
plore divine mercy. Forty-three hours passed before the earth became quiet, 
when a strong wind cleared the atmosphere, enabling the people to ascertain 
the damage. The ashes in the vicinity of the volcano were several feet deep. 
The I'iver Chiquito had been wholly dried up, and tMo new islands were 
formed. A large number of animals had perished, and the living ones Mere in 
a state of starvation. Such had been the foi-ce of the convulsion that the 
detonations and the rain of ashes had reached a distance of hundreds of 
bagues, as far as Oajaca, Jamaica, and Bogotd in Colombia. Montiifar, lie- 
at-ua Hist., ii. 14.5-50, iu giving an account of the event, adds that the priests 
called it a punishment from heaven because tithes had been alioiished, free- 
dom of conscience proclaimed, and the decrees of 1829 and 1830 upheld. 
The parish priests in several towns, during the jDrevailing darkness, preached 
from their pulpits that this shaking of the earth was a manifestat'on of God's 
wrath for the crimes of the liberals. Squier, Trav., ii. 110-11, says that the 
superintendent of Belize, on hearing the explosions, mustered his troops, 
thinking that a battle was being fought somewhere near the coast. Stephens. 
Cent. Am., ii. 38, relates a similar incident of the military commander of 


orable one for the Nicaraguans, and its abatement was 
attributed to the efficacious intercession of their saints; 
and in commemoration of it they still have a feast of 
thanksgiving every year on the 23d of January .^^ 

A short period of peace followed. Puny are the 
efforts of man at killing each other when heaven fires 
its artillery! The exhausted state seemed unable to 
continue its suicidal course. The tranquillity was 
broken, however, though only for a short time, in 
1837.^' The assembly had, on the 21st of February, 
1835, recognized Jose Zepeda and Jose Nunez as the 
duly elected jefe and vice-jefe respectively. Colonel 
Zepeda was a distinguished patriot, who had rendered 
important services to the cause of liberty. His elec- 
tion was hailed with approval in Nicaragua, and in 
the other states of the union. He took possession of 
office April 23, 1835.*^ The government experienced 
no serious difficulty during 1836 in the administration 
of public affairs. It was engaged in improving the 
public roads, and in other matters of general utility. 
But 1837 was inaugurated with infamous crimes, with 
the murders of the jefe Zepeda, and of the citizens 
Roman Valladares, Evaristo Berries, and Pascual 
Rivas, which resulted from a revolt of the garrison at 
Leon.*^ The movement was promptly suppressed, 
and the ringleader, Braulio Mendiola, executed. The 
vice-jefe, Nunez, assumed rulership, and during his 
administration a second constituent assembly was con- 
vened, and commenced its labors on the 31st of March, 

*^ Accounts of the catastrophe, differing more or less in details, according 
to the various points where it was observed, are given in Marure, Efem. , 36-7; 
Stephens' Cent. Am., ii. 35-8; Squier'n Trav., ii. 110-14, 162-3, with a view of 
the volcano; ByamnHs Wild Life, 32-7; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 15-17; Lond. 
Geog. Soc. Journ., v. 387-92; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 23; Wells* Ilond., 
230-1; Cor. Atldnt., May 9, 1835, 10; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 919-20. 

*'' Not in 1836, as Dunlop has it. Cent. Am., 191-2. 

*^ His minister-general for a time was J. N. Gonzalez, and on his resigning, 
Hermenegildo Zepeda, one of the first lawyers in the state, succeeded. Mon- 
tu/ar, Resena Hist., ii. 302. 

■"^On the 25th of Jan. Marure, Efem., 39, 64; Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 
306-10, gives the official documents describing the occurrences. 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 12 


1838.'^^ One month later, on the 30th of April, the 
state seceded from the federation, an act which may 
be called a mere formality, inasmuch as Nicaragua 
had not taken part, to any notable degree, in the 
affairs of the general government. Nominally, how- 
ever, the idea of a union of the Central American 
states was upheld, and still expressed in the new state 
constitution framed by the assembly and confirmed on 
the 12th of November, 1838.^^ All this was pure af- 
fectation, however, for Nicaragua lent her hearty aid 
to eradicate the last remnants of the federation. The 
coveted sovereignty was attained at last. Later events 
will show whether or not it brought Nicaragua pros- 
perity. The present generation had grown up midst 
the noise of war, hearing the battle-cry of one or an- 
other contending party, and it could hardly be ex- 
pected that it could appreciate the blessings of peace.^^ 

Costa Rica, owing to her geographical position, was 
almost isolated, politically, from the rest of Central 
America. It would be wrong, however, to infer that 
her participation in the general affairs of the republic 
had been one of mere formality or policy for her own 
convenience or safety. Nowhere had the idea of a union 
been more warmly embraced. Four months only had 
elapsed after the bases for the organization of the 
state had been adopted by the national constituent 
convention, when Costa Rica's first assembly met/^ 

^° Father Soils, the president, and others attributed to Morazan and the 
constitution of 1824 the evils Nicaragua had suffered from, forgetting those 
preceding Morazan and the constitution. 

^1 Ratified by the executive Nov. 17th. Given in full in Nic.y ConstiL, in 
Cent. Am., Constitutions, 1-39. A brief synopsis in Squier's Travels, ii. 211- 
13. See also Niks' Reg., 1839, Ivi. 49. 

"-' During Herrera's term the following held the executive authority for 
short periods: Cdrlos Ilniz y Bolafios, Aug. 1831; Benito Morales, Feb. 1834; 
Jos6 Nufiez, March 1834. I find that the government was also provisionally 
in charge of Gregorio Juarez, May 1835; F. X. Rubio, Jan. 1838; Jos6Nuiiez, 
as jefe, March 12, 1838; Evaristo Rocha, May 1838; Joaquin Cosio, June 
1838; Patricio Rivas, director, June 1839; Joaquin Cosio, July 1839; Hilario 
Ulloa, Oct. 1839; Tomds Valladares, Nov. 1839. In 1840 he became director 
del estado; Pablo Buitrago, director, Apr. 1841. Marure, Efem., 64. 

*'Sept. 6, 1824. Molina, Costa Rica, 95, followed by Wagner, Costa B,^ 


and on the 21st of January, 1825, decreed a state 
constitution.^* In the middle of April the first ordi- 
nary legislature began its labors, and on the 24th of 
September Juan Mora was installed as chief of the 
state/^ This was a happy choice; for during his rule 
Costa Rica escaped the evils which protracted war- 
fare wrought in the other states of the union. Fol- 
lowing the example of Salvador, a decree was passed 
in September creating a bishopric independent from 
Nicaragua, and appointing Fray Luis Garcia the first 
bishop; but the decree became a dead letter. 

The first effect of Mora's quiet rule was the en- 
largement of Costa Rican territory. Dissatisfied with 
the jefe, Cerda of Nicaragua, the district of Guana- 
caste, or Nicoya, which formerly belonged to that 
state, declared its separation, and asked to be incorpo- 
rated with Costa Rica.^^ The arrangement was ap- 
proved by the federal congress on December 9th, and 
since then Nicoya formed one of the five departments 
of that state. ^'' Nicaragua protested; Costa Rica re- 
fused to restore the territory, and the matter remained 
an open subject of discussion, but never leading to 

Early in 1826 an attempt was made^^ by a Spaniard 
named Jose Zamora, at Alajuela, to overthrow the 
government. He attacked the quarters of the garri- 

545, gives it as May 6th, which is evidently a mistake. Marure, Efem., 11, 
has it Sept. 6th, and that Agustin Gutierrez Lizaurzdbal was its first presi- 

'^^ Costa Rica, Ley Fundam. (San Salv., 1825), 24 mo, 26 pp.; 3Iem. Reo^ 
Cent. Am., 32; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13; Molina, Costa i?., 18. This 
last-named author, on his "p. 95, gives the date as Jan. 22d, evidentlj'^ fol- 
lowing Marure, Efem., 13. Squier, Travels, ii. 388, makes it Jan. 2d. 

^^ Mariano Montealegre became the vice-jefe. Mora was reelected in March 
1829, and ruled till toward the end of 1832. Marure, Efem., 64; Id., Bosq., 
149; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 32. 

^^ Personal enmity between Pedro Muiioz, an influential man in Guana- 
caste, and Cerda was the main reason. LosAnales, 1872, 54. 

^^ The approval was merely provisional. The other four are Cartago, San 
Josd, Hcredia, and Alajuela. Molina, Costa R., 5-6. 

"^^ Nic. y Ilond., Doc, 101-12; Ayon, Consid. Limites, 20-4; Friscli, Mex., 

^» Marure, Efem., 16, and Bosq., i. 2.32-3, following El Indicador, 1826, 
no. 75, and El Semanario, 1826, no. 86, gives the date as Jan. 29th. Molina^ 
Costa R., 96, places it on the 28th. 


son, but after several hours' fighting was repulsed,, 
with most of his followers slain, wounded, or made 
prisoners. A few days afterward he was captured and 
shot.^^ During several years this was the only public 
disturbance. The struggle between serviles and lib- 
erals in the other states did not affect Costa Rica, which 
prudently maintained neutrality. She endeavored, 
however, to bring on peace between the belligerents, 
by accrediting, in 1828, Manuel Aguilar as special 
envoy to Guatemala and Salvador; but his mission 
proved fruitless, chiefly owing to the success of the 
Salvador arms, and the irreconcilable feeling thereby 
engendered. ^^ It was the unsatisfactory result of this 
effort, which in a great measure prompted Costa 
Rica, after Mora's reelection in 1829, to secede from 
the union till the federal authority should be reor- 
ganized. When this took place, the secession act was 
revoked in January 1831. 

In March 1833 the second term of office of Mora 
expired ; and in acknowledgment of his beneficent and 
wise policy, the assembly decreed that his portrait 
should be placed in the hall of sessions, with a highly 
complimentary inscription.^^ Costa Rica had made 
great progress from both the material and intellectual 
points of view. A number of clergymen endeavored 
to introduce a decree of the ecclesiastical authorities of 
Guatemala to burn certain so-called forbidden books./ 
They failed, the result being the importation of a large 

^^ He confessed to hav^e acted under a commission from the court of Spain, 
and as a lieut-col in its service. Seventeen of his partisans were sent out of, 
the country. 

^^ A detailed account of that mission may be seen in 3f€m. Rev. Cent. Am.y 
112-14; Molina, Costa R., 96-7. 

'^'^ ' Ocupa este lugar el ciudadano Ex-gefe Juan Mora, por sus virtu des, y le 
ocupardn sucesivamente, los que, en el mismo destino, se hagan diguos de 61. ' 
Marure, E^em., 33. Mora was boi'n in San Jos^ in 1784, and had filled sev- 
eral important trusts before his election to the chief magistracy. After his 
retirement he again held other offices till his exile in 18C8. Returning to his 
country in 1842, he took a prominent part in public afiairs. In Nov. 1848 he 
was declared a bcnem^rito de la patria, and given a pension for life. In May 
1850 he became president of the supreme court. Honesty and integrity were 
the prominent traits of his character, united with ability and liberal ideas, 
but free from exaggerations. Molina, Costa i?., 75-6, 98, 119-21. 


number of the denounced works. Jefe Mora treated 
the pious proposal with the contempt it deserved.^^ 

Mora's successor duly elected was Jose Rafael Ga- 
Uegos, who assumed his duties in April 1833.^* The 
state at this time was enjoying liberty, and perfect 
freedom of the press.^^ It was the asylum of the 
exiles from other Central and South American states. 
It was not; however, altogether exempt from the 
spirit of localism. Cartago had been the capital, and 
wanted to recover that position. San Jose felt as a 
loss the absence of the supreme authorities. Here- 
dia and Alajuela would not be less than the other two 
places. Guanacaste was the only one out of the 
question. Hence the resolution adopted ^^ that the 
state capital should alternately be at San Jose, Car- 
tdgo, Heredia, and Alajuela. A later law, of June 
9th, prescribed that the residence of the supreme 
authorities at each of said places should be for the 
period of four years. Gallegos' rule was of short 
duration. He resigned in March 1834.^"^ 

Braulio Carrillo was elected jefe, and went into 
office in April 1835.^^ In his time several liberal 

^ Costa Rica had never been under the sway of bishops, clergymen, or 
monks. That fanaticism which has been so baneful to other states of Spanish 
America never existed here. Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 305. 

«* Quat., BoletinOfic, 1838, no. 34, 376; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 4-5. Ga- 
llegos was an honorable man and father of a family, as well as a wealthy 
property owner. But he was not conversant with state affairs, nor with the 
intrigues of politicians. His chief aim was economy; he wished to see the 
public treasury full of money; he cared less to apply that money in the devel- 
opmerit of the country. 

^^In proof of which were the newspapers El Noticioso Universal, La 
Tertulia, El Correo de Costa Rica, and the number of sheets that were con- 
stantly issued. 

^^ By the assembly and council, and published by the executive, Apr. 3, 
1834. Id., 198-201; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 110-12, 120-1. 

^^ Juan Jos6 Lara became jefe provisorio, and in his turn was succeeded in 
June of the same year by the vice-jefe Agustin G. Lizaurzdbal, who ruled till 
March 1835, when, because of ill health, he delivered the government to Ma- 
nuel Fernandez, who had it till the regularly elected jefe assumed his duties. 
Mariire, E/em., 64; Molina, Costa R., 99; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 134-5, 

^He was born in Cartago in 1800, and studied in the university of Leon, 
Nicaragua. He had never been out of Cent. Am., and consequently his mind 
had never had the expanding influence of travel. He was accordingly full of 
petty prejudices. He could, however, appreciate men of merit, and avail 
himself of their abilities; but if he mistrusted a man, he proved a relentless 


innovations were made, in addition to those intro- 
duced some time previously; namely, suppression of 
tithes and decrease of holidays; ^^ those enactments 
aroused the clergy, and prompted them to fan, in 
retaliation, the flame of discord existing between San 
Jose and Cartage, which culminated in an open revolt 
on the 24th of September, 1835. 

An alliance was entered into by Cartago with Ala- 
juela and Heredia, to refuse recognition to the gov- 
ernment, and to convoke a new assembly with equal 
representative rights for the different townsJ^ The 
allied forces marched upon San Jose, then the seat of 
government; but were defeated in several encounters, 
and they again submitted.'^ The result of this revolt 
was the further strengthening of San Jose, to which 
place was conveyed all the armament of the state. 
The government was equally successful in the follow- 
ing year, when an armed force from Nicaragua, led by 
the Costa Kican Manuel Quijano, formerly in his 
country's military service, Pedro Abellan, and Ma- 
nuel Dengo, entered the department of Guanacaste, 
and marched upon its chief town, where they expected 
to find support; but they only met with disappoint- 
ment. They were first repulsed by the inhabitants, 
and afterward routed by the troops.''^ x 

The peace thus restored was not of long duration 
Braulio Carrillo was succeeded as jefe of the state 

foe. He rarely placed any trust in any one. MoTit'Afary liesena Hist., ii. 208; 
Costa B.y Col. Leyes, iv. 206-7; Molina^ Costa R., 68 et seq.; Wagner, Costa 
Rica, 201-3. 

fii^Law of Apr. 11 and Aug. 25, 1835; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 19G-9, 
235-9; Salv., Diarlo Ofic, May 25, 1875. 

^"Government issued a proclamation against the rebels on the 6th of Oct., 
1835. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 273-80. 

'^ The decisive action occurred on the 28th of Oct. About 50 persons per- 
ished. Details on those troubles appear in Molina, Costa R., 90-100; Ma- 
rure, Efem. , 38. The authors of the rebellion were mulcted in sums ranging 
from $2,000 down to $30. Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 208-27, 237-47. 

''^ Two thousand men came upon the invaders at the hacienda of Santa Rosa. 
Quijano escaped to Nicaragua. The government, by a decree of July 2, 1836, 
declared him and others outlawed, and one of them was executed. Costa R. , 
Col. Leyes, iv. 325-30, 349-58. Guanacaste, later known as Liberia, and 
Nicoya, for their loyalty, were rewarded, the former being made a city, and 
the latter a villa. Molina, Costa R., 100; Montvfar, Resena Hist., ii. 230-6. 

^^ Carrillo held the executive office till March 1837, when, his term having. 



by Manuel Aguilar, in April 1837. A plot intended 
to overthrow the government was soon after detected, 
and the authors were sent into exile/* But Carrillo 
had also been disappointed at Aguilar's election, and 
being influential with the soldiery, he had but little 
difficulty in getting together a party with which, on 
the 27th of May, 1838, he deposed this official, send- 
ing him, together with the vice-jefe, Juan Mora, into 
banishment.'^ This was the first instance in Costa 
Rica when the legitimate government of the state 
was overthrown by force of arms. It cannot be said 
that the change was altogether for the worse. Under 
Carrillo's active and energetic rule the country made 
rapid progress in a material point of view.'® He saw 
at once the hopelessness of reestablishing the Central 
American confederation,'^^ or of reorganizing it so as 
to render it beneficent to the several states; and 
therefore, instead of making fruitless efforts in that 
direction, strove rather to isolate Costa Rica. This 
policy he impressed on the second constituent con- 
vention, which met on the 1st of November, 1838,'^^ 

expired, he surrendered it to Joaquin Mora, a brother of the former jefe, Juan 
Mora, who ruled only one month, and began his administration by opposing 
some of Carrillo's measures. Id., 312. 

^*Aguilar had political enemies who accused him of friendship for Cartago, 
Heredia, and Alajuela, thereby exposing San Jos6 to new assaults. With this 
pretext a plan was formed to assault the barracks at San Jos6 on the night of 
Aug. 26th. M, 318-20. 

^^Carrillo was recognized as jefe by a special decree of the assembly on 
the 2Gth of June, and remained at the head of aflfairs till 1842, when he was 
overthrown in his turn. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 241; Marure, Efeni., 64; 
Montufar, JResetia Hist, ii. 322-3. Miguel Carranza, Carrillo's father-in-law, 
became vice-jefe. Stephens, Cent. Atn., i. 359. 

^®He established a reign of despotism, in which his will was law, restrict- 
ing the press and punishing his political opponents with expatriation and 
otherwise, though they were pardoned in 1838. Costa 11., Col. Leyes, iv. 320-1, 
V. 96-100, 193-4. His course made him many enemies, whom he treated with 
the utmost harshness. His change from a liberal ruler to an arbitrary one 
was quite marked. He was known by the sobriquet of Sapo de Loza. A 
number of charges against him appear in Montufar, Besena Hist., iii. 561-79. 
During his former administration, in 1836, he restored the tithes and the ex- 
cessive number of holidays of the church. 

''^ The assembly had, in April 1838, passed a resolution inviting the federal 
congress to call a national convention for the exclusive purpose of reforming 
the federal institutions. Costa R., Col. Leyes, v. 196-8. 

''^ Carrillo could not rule with the liberal constitution of 1825. To do away 
with this obstacle he used as a pretext the decree of the federal congress of 
May 30, 1838, empowering the states to reconstitute themselves. The assem- 



and on the 15th the formal separation was declared, 
the convention still manifesting a willingness to main- 
tain a sort of union by means of special treaties/^ 

He also took effective steps to paj off Costa Rica's 
share of the foreign debt, contracted by the Central 
American republic. The state was for a long time 
exempted from the afflictions and consequent injurious 
results which visited the other states during the bitter 
last struggle in 1840 between Morazan and Carrera 

>"^''' -,^^'^ Sb*"' 


Costa Rica. 

for the existence of the republic. The other states 
were impoverished and brought to the verge of ruin, 
whereas Costa Rica, with comparative tranquillity, 
was constantly marching forward. 

bly of Costa Rica accepted the decree on the IGth of July, 1838, and Carrillo 
seized the opportunity to get rid of a fundamental law that did not suit him. 
It was at his suggestion that the assembly, by decree of July 14, 1838, called 
the constituent convention. Cost%R., Col. Leyes, iv. 248-51, 279-84; Montufar^ 
Resena Hist., iii. 266-7. 

^^A treaty of friendship and alliance was concluded July 1, 1839, with 
Honduras; another of the same character one month later with Guatemala. 
Both are given in Couvencion, in Cent. Am. Constitutions, 13-14, 23-5. 


The president, on the 21st of April, 1840, decreed 
a coat of arms and flag for the state of Costa Rica.^ 
This was abrogated by the provisional government 
two years later. ^^ 

^^ The coat of arms was a star with rays, placed in the centre of a sky-blue 
circle, and had at the circumference the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' 
The flag consisted of three horizontal stripes, the uppermost and lowest white, 
-and the central one sky-blue, with the coat of arms on tlie latter. The flag 
of the mercantile marine was not to have the coat of arms, but instead of it, 
in silver letters on the centre stripe, the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.* 
Costa /?., Col. Leyes, vi. 316-20. 

^^ President Morazan's decree of April 20, 1842, restored the flag, arms, 
and coins as before the promulgation of Carrillo's. 




Inteestate Dissensions — Pacto de Chinandega — Confederacion Cen- 
TRO Americana — Supremo Delegado Chamorro — Hostility of Gua- 
temala AND British Officials— Arce Invades Salvador — War of 
THE Confederacy against Guatemala — Helplessness of Chamorro 
— End of the Pacto de Chinandega — Condition of the States — 
Ferrera's Bad Faith — Salvador and Honduras against Nicara- 
gua — Horrors of Leon — Vice-president Joaquin E. Guzman — Hon- 
duras AND Salvador at War — Guardiola's Vandalism — Malespin 
Overthrown — Renewed Efforts to Confederate — Guatemala an 
Independent Republic — Costa Rica Follows — Salvador, Nicara- 
gua, AND Honduras a Confederacy — Its Short Life — Further Un- 
successful Attempts. 

The government of Nicaragua, on the 13th of 
September, 1839, following the advice of Minister 
Pavon of Guatemala, asked for the mediation of 
Frederick Chatfield, the British consul, in an en- 
deavor to bring to an end the existing dissensions 
with Salvador. Chatfield declined to interfere, on the 
plea that Salvador, in a treaty with the state of Los 
Altos, on the 10th of August, had insulted the Brit- 
ish crown.^ However, on the 27th of May, 1840, he 
sent to the government of Nicaragua an extract of a 

^Articles 8th and 9th of this treaty stipulated that the ports of both 
states were to be closed to British trade until Great Britain should restore to 
Central America the island of Koatan, the seizure of which, together with 
its consequences, is treated of in another part of this volume. Chatfield, 
who had been favoring the views of Guatemala against Los Altos, declared 
to the latter that these articles were offensive to his government. Tlie gov- 
ernment of the new state, being anxious to avert any interruption of friendly 
relations, by its minister, Aguilar, assured the cousul, on the 18th of Jan.,. 
1840, that the objectionable articles would be rescinded. 



despatch of March 2cl from the British foreign office, 
saying that his sovereign would cordially mediate be- 
tween the two states, provided such mediation was 
asked for by both, or by all the governments inter- 
ested, in which event he, Chatfield, was authorized to 
use his good offices. But he was at the same time 
directed to add that Great Britain was not disposed 
to enter into any engagement binding her to employ 
armed forces in Central America. This course was 
not pleasing to Pavon, but fully satisfied the execu- 
tive of Nicaragua. Chatfield's mediation was never 
called for. 

Buitrago, director of the state of Nicaragua, w^as 
drawn by the force of public opinion to give his as- 
sent to the state taking part in a convention intended 
to reorganize the republic of Central America.^ The 
Nicaraguan delegates used their best endeavors for 
the accomplishment of their mission; but from the 
beginning they found their eftbrts hindered by the 
machiavelism of the aristocrats of Guatemala, and in 
disgust left the convention after filing a protest.^ 
They returned to it afterward, however, and on the 
11th of April, 1842, the convention made a declara- 
tion in seven articles establishino: a 'orobierno na- 
cional provisorio,' having at its head a 'supremo 
delegado,' with a council composed of one representa- 
tive chosen by each of the respective state assem- 
blies.* Antonio Jose Canas was appointed supremo 

2 The state assembly passed a decree to that end April 17, 1841, and ap- 
pointed the deputies to represent it, the appointees being Francisco Castellon, 
Gregorio Juarez, Benito Resales, Ex-jefe Jos6 Nunez, and Hermenegildo 
Zepcda. The last named was represented by Sebastian Salinas. Castellon's 
selection by the assembly was a blow at Buitrago, the two being bitter oppo- 

' In the protest they set forth tlie machinations brought to bear to defeat 
them. Nicaragua and Salvador had asked Guatemala and Costa Rica to 
enter the convention. Ferrera, the executive of Honduras, played a double 
game. He had representatives in the convention, while he was leagued with 
the aristoci-afcs of Guatemala, who spurned the idea of reorganization. 
Montufar, JResena Hist., iv. 144. 

* Meantime the convention named the supreme delegate and the members 
of the council. The duties of the executive officer were multifarious, in- 


delegado. But this great effort on the part of the 
men imbued with a truly patriotic spirit came to 
naught, because the assembly of Guatemala indig- 
nantly rejected the compact of Chinandega, and Fer- 
rera of Honduras acted in bad faith. Costa Rica 
accepted it with certain restrictions.^ 

A second effort was made on the 27tli of July at 
Chinandega by the delegates of Salvador, Honduras, 
and Nicaragua, who passed an act to form a league 
under the name of Confederacion Centre Americana.^ 
Sixteen of the articles in the constitution conformed 
with the instructions given by the aristocrats of Gua- 
temala through the state assembly to the commission- 
ers despatched to the villa de Santa Kosa on the 28th 
of September, 1839; and yet, after their adoption by 
the convention of Chinandega, these same persons 
made opposition to them. The fact was, that they 
had been all along using deception, appointing com- 
missioners to several diets, but never intending that 
a reorganization of Central American nationality 
should be arrived at.'' 

volving foreign and internal affairs. Among the foreign affairs was the ne- 
gotiating of a concordat with the pope, and of a treaty with Spain for her 
recognition of Central American independence. He was also to procure the 
reassembling of the American diet. Squier's Trav., ii. 444-5; Alontnfar, lie- 
senallist.y iv. 147-8; Beichardt, Nic, 73-4; Salv., Diario Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875. 

^Act of the constituent assembly, dated July 20, 1842. Montufar, liesena 
Hist., iv. 304-5. 

* The act consisted of 77 articles, and was an amplification of the former 
act. Art. 4 said that the confederate states recognized the principle of non- 
intervention by one or more states in the internal affairs of the others. They 
bound themselves never to resort to arms for the settlement of disputed 
points, nor to permit the annexation of towns of alien jurisdiction without 
the express assent of their sovereign. The other states of the late union 
were granted the privilege of joining the confederacy with equal rights and 
representation. Art. 14 prescribed that the government was to be exercised 
through delegates for the general objects of common benefit expressly set 
forth in the instrument. Art. 15. The executive authority was to be in charge 
of a supremo delegado, with a consultive council formed with one member 
from each state. Art. 16. The judicial power was intrusted to a court com- 
posed of members chosen by the state legislatures. The delegates who 
subscribed the act were: J. Nunez, G. Juarez, Francisco Castellon, Pedro 
Zeledon, and Sebastian Salinas for Nicaragua; Manuel Barberena, and Jos6 
M. Cornejo for Salvador; Manuel E. Vazquez, Monico Bueso, and Jacobo Rosa 
for Honduras. Cent. Am., Pacto de Confed., 1-12; A'^iles' Reg., Ixiv. 2; La 
Union, June 15, 1850; Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 266*82; Pabellon Nac., 
Oct. 19, 1844, 27; FroebeVs, Cent. Am., 143. 

^ An act was passed by the constituent assembly on the 28th of July, 1841, 


Guatemala accredited a legation at Leon, Ger6nimo 
Carcache being the envoy. He tried to exculpate 
his government for its opposition to the compact of 
Chinandega, asserting at the same time its firm re- 
solve to uphold the treaty concluded in October 1842, 
by Pavon, Arriaga, and Duran, and accepted by 
Costa Rica in May 1843.^ This opposition, notwith- 
standing the organization of the executive and coun- 
cil, under the compact of Chinandega, was effected at 
San Vicente, in Salvador, on the 29th of March, 1844; 
Fruto Chamorro, delegate from Nicaragua, being 
chosen supremo delegado, Juan Lindo, delegate from 
Honduras, president of the council, and Justo Her- 
rera, ex-jefe of the same state, secretary of that body. 
The installation of the confederate government was 
at once communicated to the several states. 

Honduras, on the 27th of April, recognized and 
accepted what had been done at San Vicente. Sal- 
vador and Nicaragua expressed much satisfaction. 
The reactionary government of Guatemala kept silent, 
and on being pressed for an answer, returned a cold 
and laconic one, to the effect that the matter would 
be laid before the legislative body; that is to say, the 
assembly which, on the 17th of April, 1839, had de- 
clared the Central American confederation dissolved.^ 
It could not be expected that such an assembly would 
give its assent. The committee to which the subject 
was referred made an unfavorable report, which the 
assembly accepted. Costa Kica suggested amend- 
ments to the *pacto de Chinandega. '^^ This docu- 

purporting to have in view a restoration of the union. G^iat. , Becop. Leyes^ i. 

^ Costa R., Col. Leyes, viii. 28-36. This treaty was called by the nobles 
'tratado de union.' Carcache produced a note of June 17, 1843, from Ayci- 
nena reiterating his government's protest against the expediency and practi- 
cability of establishing in Central America ' una forma de gobierno unitaiio,' 
which in its opinion would entail upon the country still greater misfortunes. 
Castellon, for the Nicaragua executive, replied on the 5th of Aug., denying 
that any offence had been committed by entertaining opinions favorable to 
the late government. Moniufar, Resena Hist., iv. 151-2. 

^ Rivera Paz' decree, in Guat. , Recop. Leyes, i. 46-8. 

^•^ Costa Rica appointed delegates to the diet. Costa R., Col. Leyes, viii. 
67-9, 92-8, 188-9. The minister of Guat. had proposed to Costa Eica a con- 


ment never bad any practical value, for the govern- 
ments which were parties thereto took no account of 
the duties it imposed on them. It will be seen that 
the executive of Honduras was its covert enemy, and 
that the government of Salvador openly infringed a 
number of its clauses. 

Malespin, president of Salvador, was arranging af- 
fairs for a change in favor of a theocratic regime to 
please Viteri, bishop of San Salvador, when news 
came that the state had been invaded at Atiquizaya 
by Manuel Jose Arce. The ex-president had with 
him troops of Guatemala, and a supply of arms and 
ammunition to put in the hands of Malespin's ene- 
mies. The question will be asked, Why did the aris- 
tocrats of Guatemala cause the invasion of Salvador, 
her executive being their agent Malespin, who was, 
moreover, under the control of Bishop Viteri ? This 
is easily explained. Malespin was, in the eyes of the 
aristocrats, another Carrera, disposed at times to slip 
out of their hands. It was, therefore, important to 
have him superseded by Arce, when affairs in the 
state would go on smoothly and to their satisfaction. 
In Arce ruling over Salvador, they would have, be- 
sides, a support against Carrera. ^^ But the people of 
Salvador, albeit much dissatisfied with Malespin and 
Viteri, were decidedly opposed to Arce with aristo- 
cratic surroundings. His invasion of the state only 
served to strengthen Malespin's power for a time. 
The president set the whole state in motion to meet 
the emergency. He did even more: he asked for the 
assistance of the supremo delegado of the confeder- 
acy, which was promised him. Each state was to 
furnish 1,000 men; but meanwhile Salvador was to 
place 2,000 men at the disposal of the confederate 

vention of commissioners from all the states, appointed in the manner he sug- 
gested, namely, all the commissioners were to be of Guatemala, and directed 
by him to review the compact of Chinandega. The proposition was rejected. 
The reports of the committees in the assemblies of Guatemala and Costa 
Ilica are given in Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 283-97, 380, 407-9. 

^^This would save them from such blows as the lieut-gen. inflicted on 
them at Pinula and Villa de Guadalupe, early in 1844. 



executive.^^ The general government agreed to use 
its utmost endeavors to avert the subjugation of Sal- 
vador by Guatemala. Malespin was enjoined, on his 
part, to confine his military operations within the ter- 
ritory of his own state. He easily got together in a 
few days at San Salvador 4,000 men, with which force 
he marched to the front. One portion of the van- 
guard, under Lieutenant-colonel Pedro Escalon, on 
the 5th of May, reached the Chingo Valley in pur- 
suit of Arce, Aquihno San Martin, and Guillermo 
Quintanilla, who fled to their headquarters at Coate- 

Gdatemala and Salvador. 

peque. They were attacked there, and took to flight 
a second time, leaving a large quantity of arms and 
ammunition. Another portion of the vanguard occu- 
pied Chalchuapa, placing a force and the artillery at 
Santa Ana.^^ 

Malespin, in disregard of the command he had re- 
ceived from the supremo delegado, marched trium- 
phantly to Jutiapa, in Guatemala; in consequence of 
w^hich, the government of Rivera Paz assumed that 

12 They were to be paid for by the confederate states. 
*' These facts appear in the official report to the state government on May 
6, 1844. 


Guatemala was in a state of war, her territory hav- 
ing been invaded; and Carrera was called upon to use 
her forces against the invaders. A forced loan was 
decreed, and a change took place in the cabinet, Man- 
uel F. Pavon assuming the portfolios of relations, 
government, and war.^* Pavon was certainly the 
man for the occasion. ^^ He returned an answer to 
a note from the minister of the supremo delegado, 
which Milla, his biographer, has pronounced an able 
and conclusive one. But it was in reality a mass of 
abuse against Salvador and Malespin. He did not 
attempt to show that Arce's invasion was not the act 
of the Guatemalan government, as he should have 
done; but claimed that the w^ar against Malespin was 
not a consequence of Arce's act, but of the malice of 
the Salvadorenos.^^ 

The bad climate of Jutiapa soon began to decimate 
the Salvador army, reducing it to about 3,000 men. 
Moreover, the government of Salvador, then in 
charge of Vice-president Guzman, could not easily 
procure means for the support of such a force. It 
was quite evident that the time for upsetting Car- 
rera had not yet come; and Malespin's defeat would 
only bring greater outrages upon the people. Pa- 
tience was necessary under the circumstances. It 
was consequently decided to abandon Jutiapa and re- 

^*Jos6 Antonio Azuiitia became minister of the treasury, and Manuel 
Ubico under-sec. -gen. 

^^ He could not deny Arce's invasion of Salvador, but pretended that no 
prominent man of the govt or of the aristocratic party had any knowledge of 
his intention to invade, or of the source from which he obtained his supplies. 
Pavon knew well enough, but prevarication was convenient. The fact is, 
Juan A. Alvarado, Guatemalan agent in San Salvador, had given his govern- 
ment timely information of the intended invasion. Arce's departure was 
open. In order to put an innocent appearance on the affair, the govt decreed, 
May 12, 1844, that Arce should leave the city within 24 hours, and the state 
within 20 days. In an address to the people on the 2d of June, Rivera Paz 
says that Salvador emissaries had been detected trying to rouse the people of 
Los Altos to insurrection, and that the plan was intended to avenge the de- 
feat of 1840. This is hardly true; for Malespin had been then on Carrera's 
side against Morazan, and his tool in Salvador ever since. The aristocrats 
had, when it suited their purposes, published letters of liberal leaders fall- 
ing in their hands; and yet they never brought out those said to have been 
taken from the emissaries at Los Altos. 

^•The two notes are given in Mantufar, lieHena Hist., iv. 531-41. 


cross the rio de la Paz, which was effected on the 
17th of Jime/^ The assembly empowered the gov- 
ernment to negotiate for peace, and a convention was 
entered into at the hacienda de Quezada on the 
5th of August, 1844,^^ under which friendly relations 
were restored, and Guatemala promised to accredit 
a commissioner near the confederate government.^^ 
This convention was, however, annulled by the Gua- 
temalan commissioners, because the supremo delegado 
had refused to ratify it.^^ But the government of 
Guatemala determined that it should be held valid 
by Malespin's accepting it as law for the Salvadore- 
nos. Bishop Viteri undertook to accomplish this, 
and succeeded.^^ Malespin gave his assent to the 
convention being ratified by the supremo delegado, 
and made a declaration of peaceful intentions toward 
Guatemala. ^^ He refers to the liberals residing at 
Leon, who had been driven from Honduras by Fer- 
rera, and from Salvador by himself; and he accuses 
them of being the cause of much trouble, for which 
they should be discountenanced by honorable men. 
The pacto de Chinandega, as we have seen, had be- 
come a dead letter. Honduras and Salvador entered, 
on the 10th of July, 1844, at San Salvador, into a 
treaty, which was ratified by both governments.^^ 

^^ Col. Vicente Cruz, commanding the advance force of Carrera's army^ 
attributed the defeat to fear, which was not altogether devoid of truth. 

^^The commissioners were: Jos6 D. Dieguez, Luis Batres, and Jos6 M.^ 
Urruela for Guat.; Bishop Viteri and Narciso Monterey for the sup. del. 

^' Art. 2 stipulated that all property removed from Guat. to Sal v. by the 
latter's forces should be restored, or its value made good. This article was a^ 
hard one for Malespin, and yet Viteri accepted it. This arrangement was 
completed in May 1846. Id., v. 18j Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 408-15; Crowe's^ 
Gospel, 159; La Abeja, Oct. 18, 1844; Defensor Integ. Nac, Nov. 2, 1844;. 
El Constituc, Apr. 23, 1844; Pdbellon Nac.y Oct. 19, 29, 1844. 

2° He insisted on certain amendments, his commissioners having exceeded 
their instructions, and humiliated Salvador, which was irresponsible for the 
movement on Jutiapa. And yet Guatemala declared the convention to be 

^^ The object then in view was to unite Malespin and Ferrera for a dash 
uj^on Nicaragua. With the Guatemalan commissioners went Viteri, and he 
had a princely reception. 

22 He added that by sacrificing a great portion of her rights Salv. had 
obtained peace. 

23 The commissioners who negotiated it were: Cayetano Bosque for Salva- 
dor; Canon Doroteo Alvarenga and Juan Lindo for Honduras. The object of 

Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 13 



Chamorro's government was notified by Ferrera 
that auxiliary forces from Nicaragua would no longer 
be allowed to traverse Honduran territory.^* Cha- 
morro's minister, M. Aguilar, remonstrated against a 
measure which would prevent the arrival of friendly 
troops to defend the confederacy, whereof Honduras 
was a component part.^^ Chamorro, using his lawful 
authority, ordered J. Trinidad Munoz, who com- 
manded the Honduras force of operations, not to 
obstruct the passage of the Nicaraguan troops. Munoz 
disobeyed the order; and upon the Nicaraguans ar- 
riving at Choluteca, on the l7th of August, he re- 
quired them to leave the territory of Honduras 
forthwith; which not being done, he assailed and con 
quered them on the 19th, after a three hours' fight." 
This action had a great influence on the fate of Cen- 
tral America; for it satisfied the aristocrats of Guate- 
mala that the supremo delegado had no means for 
enforcing his authority or for carrying out his plans. 
It was virtually a declaration of war between Hon- 
<luras and Nicaragua. Malespin was likewise em- 
boldened by it to assail Nicaragua. The latter must 
then move with the utmost activity against Ferrera, 
before Malespin, now at peace with Guatemala, could 
come to his aid. But difficulties that could not be 
overcome were in the way; and it was only on the 
23d of October that upwards of 1,000 Nicaraguans 
.appeared before Nacaome, which they assaulted the 
next day, and after two hours of hard fighting, were 

the arrangemetit was evidently a league against Nicaragua, though it cannot 
be said to have been against the party called * coquimlDOs, ' for generals 
Saget and Espinosa were now serving with Malespin. Montufar, Resena Hist.y 
iv. 567-8, 581-2. 

2* The confederate executive had ordered a force of Nicaraguenses to come 
into Salvador through the department of Choluteca, Lieut-col Aguado being 
charged with their transportation. 

2^ The troops could not come by sea, the port of La Union being then 
blockaded by a British frigate. Copy of Aguilar's note, dated Aug. 11, 1844, 
in Id., 569-71. 

2" Munoz' report sets the enemy's loss at 156 killed, besides many prison- 
ers, and over 200 muskets, etc. 

2^ The place was defended by upwards of 700 men under Juan Morales. 


Trinidad Cabanas and Gerardo Barrios, two of 
Morazan's officers, made, on the 5th of September, 
1844, an attempt at San Miguel to overthrow Males- 
pin without bloodshed; but having failed, they went 
off to Nicaragua by way of La Union. Malespin's 
minister, Jose Antonio Jimenez, then demanded of 
the Nicaraguan government that Cabafias and Bar- 
rios should be either expelled or surrendered to Sal- 
vador for punishment. The demand was rejected. 
The two officers were by no means discouraged. They 
persevered in their efforts, which, more than any- 
thing else, finally brought about the tyrant's over- 
throw. By virtue of a special decree, Malespin took, 
on the 25th of October, personal command of the 
state forces, placing the executive office in charge of 
the vice-president, Joaquin Eufracio Guzman, who 
on the same day entered upon the discharge of his 
duties, giving Malespin unlimited powers for the de- 
fence of the state. Such authorization did not justify 
Malespin's carrying the war into Nicaragua.^® This 
state, after the defeat of its troops at Nacaome, had 
removed them from Honduran territory, and sued 
for peace. And yet Malespin, in violation of the 
laws of Salvador, made preparations for an offensive 
war against Nicaragua. 

It will be well, before relating the events of this 
campaign, to cast an eye upon the present lamentable 
condition of the four states thus bent upon each other's 
destruction. Guatemala was ruled by the aristocrats 
with a rod of iron. Her financial affairs were com- 
pletely disorganized. In Salvador Malespin had no 
other rule of conduct than his own will and Bishop 
Viteri's evil counsels. He believed himself surrounded 
by enemies, and indeed he was.^^ Honduras was in a 

2^ Guzman could not grant such authority, as it was of the exchisive 
province of the state congress. It was, besides, unnecessary, as neither Sal- 
vador nor Honduras was invaded. 

^^For his own security, in his absence, he placed his brother, Calixto 
Malespin, as comandante general, near Vice-president Guzman. This man 
used to open Guzman's correspondence, and deliver him only such despatches 


disturbed state, and the victim of Ferrera's despotism. 
Nicaragua was in anything but a satisfactory situa- 
tion. The men who with their superior talents, 
statesmanship, and influence might have carried the 
ship of state safely through the coming storm, Fran- 
cisco Castellon and Md,ximo Jerez, were in Europe 
working to undo the evils wrought against Central 
America by Pavon and Chatfield. The director of 
the state, Manuel Perez,^^ lacked the prestige that 
the occasion required. Casto Fonseca, the com- 
mander of the forces, had been given the rank of 
'gran mariscal.'^^ 

The pacto de Chinandega Lad ceased to exist. 
Owing to hostile acts of Malespin, Chamorro had to 
seek safety in flight. Ferrera treated Chamorro 
with contumely, and shamefully abused him in a 
report to the chambers of Honduras, in January 
1846.^^ Malespin and his army against Nicaragua 
entered Honduras, and at Nacaome made an address 
to the president and army of Honduras.^^ The two 
allied presidents had a conference at Sauce on the 
7th of November, and agreed that Malespin should 
be recognized as the general-in-chief of their forces. 
At Cboluteca proposals for peace came from Leon; 
and on the 21st of the same month the treaty of 
Zatoca^* was concluded, which was disgraceful to the 

as he thought expedient. See circular of Jimenez, Guzman's minister, to 
governors of departments, of Feb. 12, 1845, in Id., 717-18. 

^° He was the constitutional chief. Avon, Apuntes. 4; Semanario Nic., Apr. 
24, 1873. 

^^ A pompous title, which rendered him ridiculous in the eyes of many, 
while it excited jealousy on the part of others. Squier's Trav., ii. 449. 
Fonseca is represented as a drunkard, ignorant, and the most brutal tyrant 
Nicaragua ever had. Life and property were subject to his nod. Dunlop's 
Cent. Am., 224-5; Wells' Hond., 494. 

^^ It should be known that Chamorro had not been a Morazanista, or even 
a liberal. He was the chief of the conservative party in Nic. On March 29, 
1845, his term having expired, and there being no legal successor, he decreed 
that the office of supremo delegado ceased to exist, and communicated the 
fact to the governments of the several states. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 122. 

^^Oct. 31, 1844. The object of the war, he said, was to avenge the insult 
inflicted by Nic. on Hond., and it was to be waged till a lasting peace could 
be secured. 

'* Here the invaders were joined by Gen. Manuel Quijano and 64 dragoons 
who had deserted from Leon. 





Nicaragua!! !iegotiators.^'^ A secret clause was also 
agreed to, binding Nicaragua, among other things, to 
retire her troops fro!ii Chinandega to Chichigalpa. 
But the authorities and people of Leon preferred 
death with honor to submission to such degrading 
demands. The treaty and secret clause were indig- 
nantly rejected. Perez, the director, surrendered the 
executive office to Senator Emiliano Madrid. 

In the night of November 21st the allied forces 
encamped in the barranca de San Antonio.^^ On the 
26th, at 8 in the evening, they were in front of Leon, 
a!id threw bombs into the city. The next morning 
at 3 o'clock Malespin, being drunk, ordered an assault, 
which resulted disastrously for the invaders; for at 
sunrise he found his cainp strewn with corpses.^^ 
The attack was, however, continued that day till 4 
o'clock in the afternoon, when the allies found them- 
selves short of ammunition, and with many of their 
chief officers killed or wounded. Discord now broke 
out among them, and the Hondurans wanted to 
abandon the ca!i!paign; but J. Trinidad Munoz, act- 
ing for Malespin, quieted them, and the struggle went 
on. That night Munoz erected intrenchments, and 
at break of day on the 28th the allies were in con- 
dition to act vigorously.*' 

Commissioners came out to the allied headquarters, 

'^ The commissioners were Hermenegildo Zepeda and Ger6nimo Carcache. 
Malespin himself acted for Salv. and Hond. Art. 1 required Nic. to pay 
Salv. and Hond. all the expenses of the present war, and to Salv. those in- 
curred in the war of April last against Guat., because Nic. had failed to 
furnish her contingent of troops. This last payment was waived by Salv. in 
art. 6. Art. 2 calls for the surrender by Nic. of all arms within her territory 
belonging to the allies. Art. 3 made it the duty of Nic. to deliver to the 
allied forces the 'facciosos' Joaquin Rivera, Mdximo Orellana, Miguel 
Alvarez, Trinidad Cabanas, Gerardo Barrios, Diego and Ramon Vijil, if found 
in the state, and if they were out of it, not to allow them to reside therein 
without the consent of the allied governments. Art. 7 throws upon Nic. the 
expense of supporting the allied troops from the date of the ratification of the 
treaty till they should have reached their quarters in their respective states. 
Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 592-4. 

'^Guardiola became intoxicated and abused the deserters; whereupon half 
of them abandoned the allied camp, and he was placed under arrest. 

''^ Among the slain was Cruz Guardiola, a brother of the general. 

^^ It will be well to record here that Mufioz, to whom Leon owed her 
present tribulation, was a Nicaraguan by birth. 



and on the 1st of December a treaty was negotiated,^ 
to which no ratification was given in the city, and the 
war continued. Meanwhile there was much agitation 
in Salvador, with occasional revolutionary attempts, 
which becoming known at Leon, emboldened the 
authorities and citizens to keep up the fight, not- 
withstanding the other departments had turned against 

Jose Francisco Montenegro and Juan Ruiz were 

South-western Nicaragua. 

^*The negotiators for Nic. were Canon Desiderio Cortes and Anselmo 
Alarcon; for Salv. and Hond., Gen. Nicolas Espinosa and J. T. Munoz. 
Under this capitulation the terms agreed to in the former one at Zatoca were 
to be enforced as regarded payment of war expenses and surrender of arms. 
Nic. bound herself to expel from the state Casto Fonseca, Cabanas, Rivera, 
Orellana, Barrios, Alvarez, Diego, Ramon and Jos6 Antonio Vijil, Domingo 
Asturias, Jos6 Antonio Milla, and Jos6 Antonio Ruiz; and furthermore, to 
deliver to Malespin some Salvadorans who revolted against him at San 
Miguel on the 5th of Sept., 1844. 

*° Granada took Malespin's side, and was followed by Rivas and other 
places. It seemed as if all the actas had been written by the same hand. 
Montufar, Resena HisL,iv. 600, 635-6. 


the commissioners of Rivas and Granada, near Males- 
pin. Their mission brought about the creation of a 
new government, which had no recognition in Leon. 
Senator Silvestre Selva lent himself to be made by 
Malespin and his allies director supremo of Nicaragua, 
under the stipulation of ratifying the convention of 
December 1st, adding the name of Pio Castellon to 
the list of the proscribed/^ 

Several partial actions took place in other parts of 
the department of Leon, which turned out favorably 
for the invaders.^^ But Malespin was furious at his 
failure thus far to capture Leon. The firing of his 
guns was incessant. He made a final effort, throwing 
himself at the head of a force upon the works of 
Sutiaba, which were in charge of Gerardo Barrios; 
and after some hours' hard fighting was repulsed, 
leaving the field covered with his killed and wounded. 
But there was no unity of action in the city at this 
time. Some officers believed that Casto Fonseca, 
though brave, was not competent to make a proper 
defence; and one of them, named Jose M. Valle, alias 
El Chelon, suggested that he should turn over the 
command to Cabanas. Fonseca looked upon the sug- 
gestion as an insult, and in consequence Valle retired, 
and Cabanas became an object of suspicion to Fon- 
seca. The siege with its horrors continued. The 
fatal spirit of localism that maintained discord be- 
tween the several towns, specially between Granada 
and Leon, was now as ever, and till the transfer of 
the capital from Leon to Managua, a great misfortune 

*^The most humiliating part of this arrangement was the 3d clause, 
wherein the eastern and southern departments recognize Malespin as ' pro- 
tector de los Nicaragiienses,' and general-in-chief of the united armies, in- 
cluding one organized by those departments, till the end of the war. Id., iv. 
600-2; Nic, Re(jistro OJic, 12, 14, 55-6, 65, 69, 110-15; Sandoval, Rev. PoliL, 
9, 15-18. 

*- Several officers were shot, among them a number taken by Saget, on 
the vessel Carolina. Malespin issued stringent orders against rendering aid 
to the besieged. An official report from Nagarote of Jan. 23d, to the coman- 
dante at Managua, speaks of a defeat of troops of the govt at Leon, with the 
loss of 200 killed, 300 wounded, and many prisoners, together with 3 pieces 
of cannon and other arms, etc. Nic, Registro OJic, 4. 


for the whole country. The besiegers made the most 

A vessel arrived at this time at Realejo with arms 
for the besieged, of which Malespin got information 
from the Englishman Manning, and through Selva's 
agent he obtained possession of 1,000 muskets, 200 
rifles, 200 barrels of powder, 200 quintals of lead, and 
12,000 flints. With this supply the operations against 
Leon were pushed with still greater vigor, and the 
city succumbed to an assault by Guardiola on the 
24th of January, 1845. Malespin now gave full sway 
to his bloody instincts, by shooting a number of 
prominent citizens and surrendering the town to the 
soldiery for plunder.*** The outrages committed defy 

While Malespin was engaged in the Nicaragua 
campaign, the state of Salvador was preparing to 
throw off" the yoke, and his brother Calixto was issuing 
arbitrary orders without the knowledge or assent of 
Vice-president Guzman. At last, at midnight be- 
tween the 30th and 31st of December, 1844, the gar- 
rison at San Salvador was surprised by a party of 
armed men from the Calvario, and captured, together 
with the arms in the barracks.*^ After that the re- 

*^ It is related that Pedro Zeledon, a Costa Rican residing in Chichigalpa, 
Nic., wrote Mufioz, depicting the horrors of the war and the need of peace. 
Malespin made Munoz invite Zeledon to a conference, and when he had him 
in his power, demanded a ransom of $1,000, but did not get anything, and 
Zeledon obtained his liberty. 

** The only house exempted from plunder was Manning's. Many houses 
were razed to the ground, or burned purposely. 

*^ On the first day the acting director, Emiliano Madrid, Crescencio Navas, 
cols Francisco Lacayo and Balmaceda, Capt. Valle, Jos6 M. Oseguera, and 
Father Crespin were shot. Crespin's oflFence was to have begged the infa- 
mous Manuel Quijano, at the door of the hospital for the wounded, to spare 
them. Canon Cort6s was put to death afterward. Casto Fonseca, captured 
on the coast, was tried by court-martial and shot. An eye-witness declared 
that 24 persons were executed by Malespin in Leon. Montufar, Eesena IJist, 
iv., table no. 5, 636; Sandoval, Revista PoUL, 7-15; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 227, 
230-3; Nic, Registro Ofic, 4-6, 14; Crowe's Gospel, 159-61; Niks' Reg., 
Ixviii. 193. Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 77, speaks of Malespin'a 
acts of horrible cruelty, adding that according to the newspapers of Guat. 
Malespin had caused to be assassinated over 1,000 persons. 

*'' Eighty-five prisoners were released from the jail, many of whom had 
been confined there for alleged political ofienses. 


volt went on gaining large proportions; but the rebels 
were defeated in the plain of Jucuapa, Cojutepeque, 
on the 4th of January, 1845. 

The liberal chiefs Cabanas and Barrios, who es- 
caped from Nicaragua, reached La Union. Barrios,*^ 
with the view of rousing the Salvadorans, spread the 
report that Malespin had succumbed at Leon. Ca- 
banas, a truthful man, disliked the scheme, but finally 
allowed his companion to pursue his plan without 
contradiction. They both entered San Miguel on 
the 28th of January, 1845, and loudly congratulated 
his friends and acquaintances on Malespin's defeat. 
The whole department was soon in commotion, and 
letters poured upon Guzman to sound the cry for lib- 
erty. Calixto Malespin continued his arbitrary acts, 
and Guzman concluded to oust him from his com- 
mand, without bloodshed if possible. In this he was 
successful on the 2d of February;*^ the barracks 
were soon surrendered to him, the troops following 
his lead. The capital seconded the movement, and 
was soon followed by the other departments.*^ The 
government sent a circular to the other states an- 
nouncing the change effected, and it was recognized 
by all but Honduras. ^° 

The chambers of Salvador assembled on the 15th, 
before which Guzman made an energetic speech, and 
Malespin was not only dethroned, but his election to 
the presidency was declared null.^^ However, there 

*^ He was a son-in-law of Vice-president Guzman. They differed in politics, 
but Barrios fully believed that Guzman was the person to overthrow Males- 
pin, and must be aided with some bold stroke. 

*^ He called a large number of his friends to his house and armed them 
with pistols — he had not a single musket at his command. He then called 
the coraandante general, and the mayor de plaza, Antonino Ardvalo, and 
made prisoners of them without resistance. The two escaped afterward, but 
Malespin was recaptured, with a wound. 

*3 Acta of the capital on Feb. 2, 1845. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 719-24; 
Monit. Constit. Indep.y May 2, 1845; La Minerva, May 22, 1845. 

^° Costa R. had heard of it by a vessel from Acajutla, and sent her recog- 
nition before the circular reached her. The govt of Kic, created by Males- 
pin, recognized Guzman. The nobles of Guat. had to do the same; and 
believing themselves endowed with extraordinary good sense, added their ad- 
vice with all the gravity of pedagogues. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 678. 

^^ On the ground of unconstitutionality, he being in command of the state 


was much to do yet to uproot him from Central 
American politics, as he had the support of Honduras. 
In an encounter at Quelepa Cabanas was defeated, 
which gave the reactionists courage to approach San 
Vicente; but public opinion was now so clearly pro- 
nounced against Malespin that Bishop Viteri turned 
against him, and began his efforts to win over to the 
clerico-oligarchic party the new president, Joaquin 
Eufracio Guzman/^ He at once issued a decree of 
excommunication against Ex-president Malespin.^ 
But the government of Honduras being bent on sup- 
porting Malespin at all hazards, Guardiola landed at 
La Union with an armed force, and occupied San 
Miguel; notwithstanding which act Guzman did not 
declare war against Honduras. Attributing it to 
ignorance of the true state of affairs in Salvador, he 
sent a second note, which, like the first, remained un- 
answered. Malespin continued — with the assent of 
Honduras, and without that of Nicaragua, which had 
assumed neutrality in the contest — calhng himself 
general-in-chief of the armies of Salvador, Honduras, 
and Nicaragua, and declared Guzman, the Salva- 

forces at the time the election took place. Circular Feb. 24, 1845, in /c?., 
725; El Salvador liegenerado, no. 2. 

'•^Guzman was a Costa Rican by birth, but had lived many years in San 
Miguel, Salv. He entertained liberal ideas from his earliest political life. 
His military service, under Morazan, began soon after the battle of Gualcho, 
and he was present as a captain in the actions of San Miguel and Las Char- 
cas. He accompanied that leader to Guat. In the invasion of Cent. Am. 
from Mex. by Arce in 1832, Guzman did gallant service at Jocoro, and en- 
tered San Salvador with Morazan. Again during San Martin's rebellion he 
served under his chief as a lieut-col. The chambers of Salvador, on the 19th 
of May, 1845, declared Guzman a ' benem6rito de la patria,' and awarded 
him a gold medal, at the same time promoting him to general of division. 
Montufar, Resena Hut., iv. 693-4; Salv., Dinrio Ofic, May 21, 1875. Dun- 
lop, Cmt. Am., 116, says of him: He was 'more remarkable for cunning than 
honor or courage. His manners are gentlemanly; he has no mixture of col- 
ored blood, and is rather good-looking, though he appears to possess but little 
talent or education.' I am inclined to think that Dunlop misrepresented 
Guzman's character, for Guzman proved himself a good and pure ruler, and 
his name is revered in the state and throughout Cent. Am. by all lovers of 
freedom and enlightenment. 

^^On the 23d of Feb., 1845, grounded on the execution of priests at Leon. 
The decree forbids the faithful of the diocese to have any intercourse, verbal 
or written, with Malespin, or to uphold or defend him in any manner. 
Full text in Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 679-81; Bustnmantc, Mem. Hist. 
Mex., MS., ii. 78. 


doran chambers, and the inhabitants of upwards of 
100 towns which had set him aside, guilty of treason. 

Guzman was now menaced from several quarters; 
namely, from Malespin's partisans in San Salvador, 
the military at Comayagua, J. Trinidad Munoz, who 
wanted to destroy the liberals that had escaped from 
Leon, and lastly, Rafael Carrera, who, though at 
times inclined to wheedle the liberals, generally had 
his claws ready to tear them to pieces. Guzman 
found the panther more untractable than the other 
wild beasts. It was therefore necessary to place in 
Guatemala experienced tamers; but he was unsuc- 
cessful in this. His commissioners, though they 
managed by fawning to approach Carrera, met with 
poor success in their mission.^* 

Guzman marched against Belloso at San Vicente 
and defeated him. He next went to San Miguel, 
which he entered amidst the plaudits of the people.^ 
Malespin entered with him into a convention at Jocoro, 
binding himself to surrender all national property of 
Salvador and to leave the country. But the author- 
ities of Honduras disapproved the arrangement, and 
it fell to the ground ;^^ the war continued, till on the 
18th of April a treaty of peace and friendship was 
concluded at Chinameca, to which the minister of 
Salvador, Duenas, added another clause, requiring 
that both Salvador and Honduras should disband 
their troops immediately after the ratification of the 
treaty. ^^ Honduras failed to ratify it, and proposed 

^*They were Cayetano A. Molina and Juan Antonio Alvarado. They 
asked not merely for Carrera's neutrality, but for his active aid, and were re- 
ferred to the ministers, by whom they were dealt with as children. The 
ministers pretended that their request could not be acceded to without an 
express sanction of the legislature, which was not then in session for lack of 
a quorum. The plea was a ridiculous one, when we consider that Carrera 
had never before consulted the wishes of the assembly to act his own will. 

^^ Malespin had been acting there as president, under Hond. support; but 
on Guzman's approach his troops disbanded, and he fled. 

5^ In March 1845 the president of Hond. took Malespin and his companions 
under the protection of his govt. Nic, Registro Ofic, 53-4. 

^^ The commissioners of Hond. were Sebastian Salinas and Leonardo Ro- 
mero; those of Salv., Jos6 F^lix Quiroz and Nicolas Angulo. The treaty Mas 
ratified by Salv,, but rejected by the other contracting party. Text of the 
treaty and Duenas' additional clause, in Montufm\ liesena Ilist.y iv. 726-32. 


that new conferences should be held at Gualcinse, 
and at the same time despatched 900 men upon that 
place under Malespin. Armed parties from Honduras 
invaded Salvador; and, indeed, Ferrera was using all 
possible means to exasperate the latter state into com- 
mitting acts of hostility against the former, so that 
Carrera might have an opportunity to take a hand in 
the game. 

The chambers of^alvador assembled at this time, 
and Minister Duenas reported a treaty of peace, amity, 
and alliance with Guatemala. ^^ He seemed to expect 
aid from that side of the river Paz.°^ Nicaragua had 
extended a friendly reception to two Salvador com- 
missioners.^^ The chambers gave Guzman ample 
powers for the defence of the state. This did not 
include authority to invade any other state, unless as 
a retaliatory measure. A resort to this was finally re- 
solved upon, and a Salvadoran army under Cabanas 
marched the 24th of May upon Comayagua, meeting 
with defeat there on the 2d of June, and again at 
Sensenti on the 10th of the same month.^^ The Hon- 

^^ Concluded by Cayetano A. Molina and Juan A. Alvarado for Sal v. , and 
Alejandro Marure and Jos6 M. de Urruela for Guat., April 4, 1845; approved 
by the constituent congress of Guat. on the 23d of the same month, and pub- 
lished by Acting President Duran the next day. Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 415- 
19; Guat., Gaceta, July 8, 1853; Monit. Constit. hid.. May 21, 1845; La Mi- 
nerva, May 22, 1845. 

^ Duenas was then considered a liberal, though he was a Dominican friar 
when the convents were closed in 1839, for which reason the government of 
Guat. would not trust him. It was deceiving him. He was, however, the 
one most likely to succeed in keeping Carrera from aiding Hond. in the pres- 
ent emergency. Hond. had sent Felipe Jduregui and Pablo Orellana to Guat. 
The former was Ferrera's mentor, and in the councils of Pa von, Aycinena, 
and Batres. At first he was alarmed at the liberalism of the constituent con- 
gress, which had voted assistance to Salv. But he received assurances that 
no aid would be sent except to quell revolts in the interior; and, moreover, 
that the foes of Hond. would be stricken from the Salvador administration. 
Jduregui now understood the game, and wrote his government that the vote 
of aid by congress practically amounted to nothing. A note containing these 
assurances was published in Comayagua. Guat. concluded a treaty of friend- 
ship and alliance with Hond. on the 19th of July, 1845. Guat, JRecop. Leyes, 
i. 419-23. 

^'^Dr Aguilar and Father Monterey. Nic, Registro Ofic, 61-2, 123-34. 
Gen. Munoz, who so efficiently aided Malespin at Leon, was now the com. 
gen. and most prominent man in Nic. 

^^ Ferrera claimed another victory on the 7th at Santa Rosa, but it was 
unfounded. Id., 83, 88; Monitor Constit. Ind., Mav 21, 1845; Crowe's Gospel, 



durenos inhumanly put to death all the wounded 
Salvadorenos left at Comayagua and Santa Kosa. 
Ferrera, now flushed with victory, thought that he 
could dictate terms to Salvador. ^^ It was a mistake 
on his part, for the people of Salvador rose en masse 
to repair the disasters of Comayagua and Sensenti. 

Guardiola committed many acts of vandalism in 
La Union, in consequence of which Minister Duefias, 
on the 25th of July, addressed a circular to the agents 
of foreign nations protesting against the seizure of 

Salvador and Honduras. 

foreign goods in the government's warehouse at that 
port. Cabanas, after the disasters before related, 

^' He demanded on the 11th of July, as compensation for alleged damages 
to Hond. by the invasion of Cabaiios and Cordero, that Salv. should cede to 
Hond. all the arms and other war material deposited in the latter state by 
Malespin, and pay, besides, $100,000 in specie, to be collected by Hond. in 
instalments at the port of La Union, which, until the payments should be 
completed, was to be held by Hond. ; or, in lieu of that sum, cede to the lat- 
ter the department of San Miguel, or that portion of the department of 
Cuscatlan lying outside of the territory enclosed by the Lempa on the south 
and south-west. He also required the exile from Cent. Am. of a number of 
persons. This note was published in GuaL, Gaceta Ofic.y no. 15, Aug. 28, 1845. 
In July a project was entertained of a confederation of Hond. with Nic, 
Guat., and Salv. Nic, Registro Ofic, 93-5, 102-8, 118-21, 136-8. 


arrived at San Miguel with scarcely fifty men, and 
endeavored to collect his scattered forces; but his 
efforts were unavailing, and Guardiola marched into 
the city — which had been abandoned by nearly all 
the inhabitants — and gave it up to be plundered by 
his soldiers.^ 

All that part of Salvador on the Lempa and the 
district of Chalatenango were in the hands of the 
enemy, who acted as the master of a conquered 
country. One of the commanders was the notorious 
Manuel Quijano. The Salvadorenos attacked him 
and were defeated. The Hondurans now felt certain 
that they could capture San Salvador. But on the 
15th of August Guardiola with 900 men attacked the 
Salvadorenos at the hacienda del Obrajuelo and was 
routed, losing two thirds of his force and most of his 
war material.^* He evacuated San Miguel at mid- 
night. The authorities of Honduras soon after pub- 
lished a suspension of hostilities in order to negotiate 
a peace.®^ An armistice was afterward signed at 
Sumpul.^^ Munoz of Nicaragua, for motives of his 
own, exerted himself to bring about peace between 
Honduras and Salvador, to which end he despatched 
Sebastian Escobar as commissioner to the two 
belligerents. Sensenti was finally fixed upon as the 
place for holding the conferences, and a treaty of 
peace, amity, and alliance was concluded on the 27th 
of November, 1845, under which Malespin and Es- 
pinosa were forbidden to set foot in Salvador without 
leave of her government.^"' 

^ One house contaming British property was spared. The houses of two 
French merchants, whose nation's nag was flying over them, were plundered. 
Dunlop's Cent. Am.j 239. 

^* In his report he tried to cover up this serious disaster. But the fact 
was, that he escaped with only about 300 men, leaving on the field upward 
of 300 muskets, and a large number of slain, wounded, and prisoners. 
Montufar. Bemna Hist., iv. 700-1. 

*^Houd. troops entered Salv. after that and were defeated. Guardiola 
with 350 men attacked Carballo, who had only 39, and murdered them. It is 
said that this act was commended by Ferrera in his report to the chambers of 

^Ouzman then returned to Hond. a number of prisoners who had been 
represented by his enemies as murdered. 

^' So long as they remained in Ilond. the latter was to compel them to 


The government of Guatemala, with a view of not 
too openly going counter to public opinion in the 
states desiring to see a national government established, 
inserted in the treaty concluded with Salvador on the 
4th of April, 1845, a clause apparently intended to 
promote that end.^^ And yet it was at the same time 
considering the expediency of declaring the entire 
independence of Guatemala, and gathering material 
which was made public in a manifesto in March 1847. 
Indeed, she had no desire to carry out the stipulations, 
though she named Joaquin Duran and Doctor Mari- 
ano Padilla her commissioners.^^ Pretexts were not 
wanting, and new commissioners appointed, namely, 
Marure and Rodriguez, both of whom favored Guate- 
mala's absolute independence. The result w^as the 
abandonment of the plan of reorganization as entirely 
impracticable.'^^ The declaration of independence was 
made in the decree of March 21, 1847.^^ Carrera, 
the president, in a manifesto, set forth the causes that 

live at a great distance from the Salv. frontier. Montufar, Hesefia Hist., iv, 
736-8; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 239-43; Nic, Eegistro Ofic, 1S2, 172, 221-2; El 
Tiempo, March 12, 1846. 

^Each of the contracting parties was to appoint two commissioners to 
meet at Sonsonate on the 30th of Aug., and was to urge upon the other three 
states a consideration of the lamentable state the republic was in, suggesting 
how best to do away with such a condition of affairs; and proposing therefor 
the convocation and assembling of a constituent power, or such other measure 
as it might deem conducive to the desired end. Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 

^^Dnran well understood the policy of his government. Padilla did not, 
and volunteered to represent in San Salvador the ardent wishes of Guat. for 
the restoration of the union. He did so in a patriotic speech that gave him 
a good name in Salv. and a bad one in Guat. , where the Gaceta rebuked him. 

^° ' Un delirio de imaginaciones enfermas,' it was pronounced to be. Dele- 
gates from Costa R., Salv., and Guat. were at Sonsonate on the 17th of Feb., 
1846, and fixed the 15th to the 20th of April for conferences, but they did 
not take place. On the 15th of June Costa E., Hond., and Salv. only were 
represented. Nic. and Costa R. signified their willingness to meet the other 
states at any place they might select, Hond. having suggested Nacaome, as 
Sonsonate was no longer deemed safe. The whole plan failed at last because 
of the action of Guat. Much interesting information on the subject and 
official correspondence appear in (ri^a^., Gac. OJic.,uo. 26; Costa B., Col. Leyes, 
ix. 51-3,58, 203-4,212-14,345-6; x. 115-17, 123-4; Nic, Beg. Ofic, 236-350, 
passim; Montufar, Besena Hist., v. 316-18, 334-5; FroebeVs Cent. Am., 143; 
Dunlop's Cent. Am., 253-4; Niles' Reg., Ixix. 34. 

^^ Signed by Rafael Carrera, and countersigned by Jos6 Antonio Azmitia, 
minister of relations. Guat., Becop. Leyes, i. 73-6; Costa R., Informe Belaciones, 
etc., 1848, 4; El Universal, June 8, 1849; Niles' Reg.,\yiyin. 208; TheCalifor- 
nian, S. F., Nov. 24, 1847, ii. 3. 


had prompted such a measure, which he called one of 
regeneration, and asked the people to greet it with 
the same enthusiasm that w^as shown in 1821, when 
the cry for separation from Spain was raised."^^ 

The secessionists pronounced it an able effort; but 
it caused a disagreeable impression in the states, and 
in none more so than in Salvador. It wounded pub- 
lic sentiment. Carrera had no legal right to take 
such a step. The constituent assembly had placed 
him in charge of the executive, but had not made him 
a legislator. For all that, the separation from the 
rest of Central America became an accomplished fact, 
and Carrera was declared a hero, the founder of the 
republic, and coin was struck with his bust on it.*^^ 
This act was ratified on the 14th of September, 1848, 
by the constituent assembly of Guatemala, when 
Carrera was no longer in power. 

Lindo was ruling in Honduras and Guerrero in 
Nicaragua, but these two states were in accord with 
Salvador, from fear of British pretensions, on the neces- 
sity of a Central American union. They constituted, 
early in 1848, the diet of Nacaome, w^hich urgently 
invited Guatemala and Costa Rica to join it; but 
the former peremptorily declined, alleging that the 
decree of March 21st precluded her taking any step 
backward. Costa Rica sent deputies to Nacaome.'* 

^^ The document bore Carrera's name, but it was no production of his own 
mind. The authorship was attributed to Alejandro Marure; that is to say, 
he drew it up from the materials that had been collecting for years. La 
Revista, the organ of the Sociedad Econ6mica, declared it the offspring of 
long meditation, and indeed it was, for the aristocrats of Guat. had been 
planning it since 1828. The full text is given in Montufar. Resena Hist., v. 

^* Manuel Pineda de Mont, compiler of Guat. , Recop. Leyes, i. 453, claims, 
however, that Guat. was the last of the five states to set aside the federal 
govt, the last to secede, the last to continue bearing the general burdens of 
the system, especially the pecuniary ones to sustain even the semblance of 
authority; and that she only adopted the resolution of March 21, 1847, after 
exhausting every effort, and losing all hope of seeing her wishes realized. 
The reader will judge between his statements and the facts as they have been 
fairly given by me. 

'* Joaquin Bernardo Calvo and Juan Antonio Alvarado. The ruler of 
Costa Rica, Dr Castro, was, however, of the opinion that the five Central 
American states would be better off as separate nations. Montiifar, Resena 
Hist., v. 266-7; Nacaome, Dictdmen, ia Cent. Am. Pamph., no. 5; FroebeVa 
Cent. Am., 143. 


The celebrated Ecuatorian general, Juan Josd Flores, 
arrived in Costa Kica in July 1848, and was received 
with much consideration, which flattered his vanity. 
He wanted the aid of Costa Rica for his own plans, 
and got himself into the good graces of President 
Castro. The dissolution of the Colombian republic 
had enabled him to become the ruler of Ecuador ; and 
being of the same way of thinking as Pavon and his 
fellow-secessionists of Guatemala, he counselled a 
complete separation of the states of Central America. 
Several influential men of Costa Rica favored the 
policy of a wholly independent government for their 

Congress, on the 30th of August, 1848, consum- 
mated the work of final separation, with a decree de- 
claring that the title 'Estado de Costa Rica' was not 
in consonance with the 22d article of the constitu- 
tion, which established the principle of Costa Rica's 
sovereignty, freedom, and independence; that with 
this understanding, and as a free, sovereign, and in- 
dependent nation, other powers had treated with her 
on a footing of equality. It was therefore resolved, 
carrying out the wishes of the municipal districts, 
that the term 'repiiblica' be substituted for that of 
^estado.'^^ President Castro sanctioned its promul- 
gation on the 31st. 

Notwithstanding so many difficulties, the friends of 
union never resigned the hope of accomplishing their 
purpose. In November 1849 commissioners of Hon- 
duras, Salvador, and Nicaragua assembled at Leon, 
and on the 8th agreed upon a basis of union of the 
three states, the terms of which were subsequently 
promulgated;^^ and it was left optional with Guate- 

^* Among them was the deputy Nazario Toledo, an intimate friend of the 
president. Felipe Molina was another, and his opinions are clearly defined 
m his Bosq. Costa B., 108-9. 

^^ The decree bears the signatures of Juan Eafael Reyes, vice-president, 
and Nazario Toledo and Santiago Fernandez, deputies and secretaries of con- 
gress. Costa B., Col. Leyes, x. 336-8; Montufary Besefia Hist., v. 526-7. 

'''' The arrangement looked to a consolidation for the purpose of conduct- 
ing foreign relations, au>l to an early union on the plan of a federation. Cent. 
HiBT. Cent. Am., Vol. III. U 


mala and Costa Rica to join it or not. The remnants 
of the aristocratic element, with the support of Brit- 
ish ofl&cials/^ opposed the union, and in order to de- 
feat it, promoted revolutions in Nicaragua and Hon- 
duras. The compact went into effect, however, on 
the 9th of January, 1851, when the national repre- 
sentatives assembled in Chiriandega, Jose F. Barrun- 
dia, representative from Salvador, being chosen their 

The national constituent congress was installed at 
Tegucigalpa on the 9th of October, 1852, and began 
its labors on the following day.^^ 

Trinidad Cabanas was on the 13th elected jefe su- 
premo of the federation, but he declined the honor, 
being desirous of disarming opposition to the new 
organization on the part of his political opponents. 
His resignation was accepted on the 26th, and Fran- 
cisco Castellon chosen on the 28th.^^ An organic law 
was enacted on the 13th of October, and communicated 
to the government of the federation.^^ The supreme 

Am. Miscel. Doc, 46; Costa i?., Gac. Gob., March 2, Apr. 20, 1850; Hond.y 
Gac. OJic, Aug. 31, 1850; El Sigh, Apr. 22, 1851; Nic, Corr. 1st., Dec. 16, 
1849, March 21, Oct. 3, 1850; La Union, Jan. 1, 15, 1850; GuaL, Gac, Nov. 
30, 1849; Salv., Gac, Dec. 7, 1849. 

■'^ Consul-gen. Chatfield was officially advised of the new organization on 
the 21st Jan., 1851, and ignored Sec. Buitrago's note. On being reminded of 
it, May 22d, he returned an insulting reply July 13th, refusing his recogni- 
tion, when the government decreed, on the 24th of July, to cancel his exe- 
quatur as consul-gen. in the states belonging to the confederation, and to 
inform his govt of the cause. Gent. Am. Docs, 1-6. The British officials 
also resorted to other means to defeat what they called Am. policy. Squkr's 
Gent. Am., ii. 135; El Universal, Feb. 19, March 26, 1850; Salv., Gac, Dec. 
21, 1849; Dem. Rev., Nov. 1850, 452. 

'^Guat. and Costa R. had refused to join. Salv. Gac, March 8, 22, 1850, 
Oct. 12, 1854; Nic, Corr. Jsi., Jan. 16, 30, 1851. 

^° The act of installation was accompanied with religious and civic cere- 
monies, the govt of Hond., at whose head was Trinidad Cabanas, heartily 
joining them. Congratulatory messages came from all friends of the union. 
El Siglo, S. Salv., Oct. 29, 30, Nov. 1, 4, 10, 14, 16, 19, 1852; Hond., Gac 
OJic, Oct. 30, Nov. 15, 1852; Perez, Mem. Hist. Revol. Nic, 17; ElPorvenir, 
nos. 6, 7. 

8^ The assembly also elected a vice-jefe and four substitute councillors to 
fill the executive chair, in the event of the jefe or members of the executive 
council dying or becoming disabled. 

^''It set forth the duties of the jefe supremo and councillors, the indepen- 
dence between the federal and state authorities, the rights of citizens, respon- 
sibilities of public officials, and organization of the federal judiciary. Hond., 
Gac Ofic, Nov. 30, 1852. 


executive authority, on the 20th of November, 1852, 
was held by Pedro MoHna, vice-jefe, four senators, 
and two acting ministers of state. The federation 
thus organized was not destined to be long lived. 
Upon the allegation that the congress had created 
a dictatorship, and referred the organic statute to 
the people instead of the legislatures of the states, 
the assemblies of Salvador and Nicaragua set aside 
the federation, and declared themselves independent 
states.^^ Nicaragua may have receded from that act; 
but whether it was so or not, the union between Hon- 
duras and Nicaragua was dissolved by the war which 
broke out in February 1863 between Salvador and 
Guatemala, Honduras joining one of those states, and 
Nicaragua the other. Further efforts have been 
made from time to time — 1871-76, and even as 
late as 1885 — to accomplish the union of the states 
under one government; but obstacles have been in 
the way, the chief doubtlessly being the personal am- 
bition or jealousy of rulers, and the project still re- 
mains as a possible event to come about in a 'few 
years, as it is believed to be much desired by the 
majority of Central Americans.^* 

^ Salv. on the 21st of March, and Nic. on the 30th of April. The con- 
gress, acting too precipitately, overstepped the hounds of its powers. Perez, 
Alem. Hist. Eevol. Nic, 17-18. 

^^ More details on the confederation scheme are contained in Astahui'uagay 
Cent. Am., 110-16; ElNacional, Nov. 27, Dec. 25, 1858; Nic, Bol. Ofic, July 
30, 1869; Id., Oac, March 2, 9, 1872; Id., Seman. Nicar., Nov. 21, Dec. 12, 
1872, Feb. 6, Oct. 16, 1873; Los Anales, Dec. 1, 1872; Mex., Diario Ofic, 
Nov. 2, 1871; U. S. Gov. Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., i., pt 1, 
680-3; Costa R., Inf. Rel., 1876, 12-14; Salv. Oac, Ofic, June 10, July 6, 
Aug. 19, Oct. 26, 27, 1876; Id., Diario Ofic, March 17, Oct. 5, 13, 1875, 
Jan. 27, 30, Feb. 2-6, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, March 2, 1876; Caicedo, 
Lat. Am.t 60-2; Cent. Am., Contest al Voto, 1-23; Chamorro, Ciiestion JVa- 
cional, 1-7; Harper's Monthly Mag. xvii. 691. 

Further authorities for the preceding chapters are: Montufar, Resefia Hist., 
vols i.-iv., passim; Id., Discurso, 1-12; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 1-72, 96-100, 
164-79, 185-6, 197-202, 207, 217-73, 382-95, 453-5, 461-75, 592-600, 858-9, 
877-8; ii. 83-260, 632-7; iii. 286, 338-48; Id., Bolet. Ofic, 1831, no. 2; 1832, 
nos. 17, 20; 1833, no. 34; 1834, nos. 34, 56, July 15, Oct. 15; 1836, no. 84; 
1837, no. 10; 1838, no. 53; Fernando VII., Dommentos, 264^76, 281-5, 292- 
311, 337-49; Id., Decretos, 4-10, 15-26, 33-73, 105-10, 120-34, 149-82, 194- 
201, 220-3, 243-81; Ayon, Consid. Limites, 20-4. Id., Apuntes, passim; Asta- 
huruaga, C. Amer., 12-32, 79-80; Arce, Mem., passim; Reichardt, Nic, 76-9; 
Id., Cent. Am., 37-44, 114-17, 133-4, 139-45, 208-11; Pirn's Gate of the Pac, 
38, 56, 58-61; Gac Imp. Mex., i. 162-3, 445-8, 477-9, 489-91, 503-5; ii. 554- 
61, 635, 657-9, 677-9, 735, 747-52; Gac de Mex., 1823, no. 3, 11-12, 1826, 


July 4, Sept. 16, Oct. 31, Dec. 14; 1826, Jan. 25, March 1, 31, April 26; 
Ocios Espau. Emig., v. 307-11, 405-13, 487-505; vi. 8-21, 107-17, 302-13, 
383-4; vii. 3-7; Itocha, C6d. Nic, i. 19-23, 56-64, 72-92, 214-16; ii. 22-56, 
163-4; Morazan y Carrera, Apuntes, MS., 1-18; Molina, Coup d' ceil Costa R., 
4-5, 9-12; Id., Costa R. y N. Granada, 9-10, 16-29; Id., Bosq. Costa R., pas- 
sim; Integ. Cent. Am., Dec. 11, 1849; El Rol., Oct. 13, 1854; Zebadua, Manif., 
1-40; Juarros, Guat., ii. 103-4; Id., Stat, and Com. Hist. Guat., 74; Squier's 
Guat., 581-2; Id., States C. A., 360-1, 414-16, 466, 482, 493, 575-88, 627-8, 
641-3, 663; Id., Travels C. Am., ii., passim; Id., Comp. Hist. C. A., 18-191; 
Wells' Honduras, 116, 120, 230-1, 472-83; Jordan's Bangers to Foreigners, 
50-2; Cuevas, Porv. Mix., 252-7; Costa R., Mem. Relac, 1884, 2-34, and docs. 
1 and 2; Annals Brit. Legis., i. 60; ii. 192, 365; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, 
ii. 81-2, 130-1; Herrera, Discurso, 1-12; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MeJ., 386, 
407-14; Sur America, Sohre las Perturhaciones de Guat., 1-52; Lafond, Voy. 
autour du Monde, i. 367, 373-8; Laferriere, De Paris a Guat., 58-64, 256-8; 
Puydt et Binckum, Colonisation, 116-24; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 305; Urrueta, 
Inglaterra, 7-12; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ix. 9-10; Aznero Plata, Informe, 1-19; 
Espir. Puhl, Dec. 13, 20, 1828; Jan. 18, Feb. 14, 1829; Wappdus, Mex. und 
C. Amer., 258-64, 271-4, 360-3; Trollope's W. Ind., 335; Dunn's Guatemala, 
13-29, 150-1, 167-88, 205; Atleta, 149-50, 199-200, 477; Guat., Mem. conte- 
nant au Aper(^u, 4, 126, 146-58; Id., Memoria, 1837, 12-22; Robertson's Hist. 
Am., ii. 1138-9; El Progreso, April 11, 18, 25, 1850; Tnhune Almanac, 1851, 
36; Holinski, La Calif ornie, 305-31; Hustons Journey in Hond., 11; Niks' 
Register, xxii. 65; xxiii. 406; xxvii. 355; xxviii. 37, 114-15, 304; xxix. 39, 
192, 382; xxx. 439-40; xxxi. 160, 172-6; xxxii. 80, 201, 232, 282, 375; xxxiii. 
38; xxxiv. 8, 36, 123; xxxv. 41, 155, 349; xxxvi. 321; xxxviii. 369, 395; xliii. 
268; xlv. 210; liv. 289; Ivi. 49, 210, 243, 385; Ivii. 34, 280; lix. 191; Emi- 
grado Observ., 1828, 5-24, 122, in Ocios de Espafia; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 14- 
16; Byam's Wild Life, 32-7; Nouv. Annales Voy., xcii. 59-60, 75-7; c. 51-60, 
64-6; Young sMosq. Shore, 15-21, 26-33, 42-3, 53-89, 106-14, 122-38^ 156, 166; 
Overland Monthly, xiv. 159-67; Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80, 132, 168, 178; Reper- 
tork> Americano, i. 273-89; Eastern Coast C. Am., 8-25; Strangeways' Mosq., 
4-5, 59-68, 119-33, 144-8, 237-338; Dunlap's Cent. Am., passim; Henderson's 
Account of Br. Hond., 28-105, 165-211; D'Orbigny, Voy. deux Amenques, 398- 
406; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, 314; Nuevo Viajero Univ., iii. 609-10; Lar- 
enaudiere, Mex. et Guat., 295-308; Poinsett's Notes on Mex., app. 64; Andersons 
Commerce, iv. 449; Dunbar's Mex. Papers, 234-5; Regil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 
iii. 239, 315; Ancona, Hist. Yuc, iv. 221-35; Boletin Ofc. {Mex.), no. 14, 2; 
Diputados, Lista de; Doc. Hist. Cat, iv. 807-8; Suarez, Informe, 182; Dice. 
Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 919-20, 971; Findlay's Directory, i. 223, 240; Peralta, 
Ripub. de Costa Rica, 4-8; Polynesian, iv. 166; North Am.. Rev., xiv. 420-46; 
xxvi. 136-8, 143-5; Osborne's Guide to W. Ind., 234, 261-2; Wagner, Costa 
Rica, 201-3, 231, 543-51, 508; Croioe's Gospel in C. Am., 115-51, 200-22; Los 
Anales, Oct. 15, 1872, p. 471; Nov. 1, 1872, p. 53; Nov. 15, 1872, p. 56; Dec. 
1, 1872, pp. 62-3; Dec. 15, 1872, pp. 71-2; Paredes, Coast of Mosquitos, 1-62; 
Nic, Semanario Nic, May 30, July 4, 18, Dec. 26, 1872; Jan. 2, March 6, 
April 17, 24, 1873; Hassel, Mex. and Guat., 316-19; Boddam's Across Cent. 
Am., 66; Bolet. Extraord. Guat., Oct. 16, 1832; July 30, 1833; Parol, 102-5; 
Von Tempsky\ Mitla, 337-43; Fajardo, Informe al Min. Relac., 2-3, 14-15; 
Haelfkens Reize naar Guat., ii. 76-97; Id., Central Amerika, 1-468; Stephens' 
Travels C. Am., i. 11-22, 195-200, 211, 225-50, 304-7, 359; ii. 37-8, 51-90, 
107-17, 205-9; Thompson's Guat., 2, 136, 140, 160, 163, 167, 185-6, 252-8, 415, 
422-3, 509-10; Lastarria, La America, 250-2; Ortigosa, Sermon, p. 24; Diaz, 
Miscel, no. 1, p. 1; Costa Rica, Ley Fundamental Refoi-mada (Alajuela, 1835), 
1-48; Id.y Ley Fundamental de Costa R. (San Salvador, 1825), 1-26; Amer. Re- 
view, Nov. 1850, 446-55; Stout's Nic, 147-9, 168-75, 258-9, 358-62; Bolet. Soc 
Mex. Geog., 2da ep., iii. 100-6; iv. 712-15; Mex., Actas Conor. Const., iv. 2; 
Id., Col. Dec. sob. Congr., p. 219; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Amer., ii. 360-72; 
Martin's Hist. W. Ind., i. 163-70; Lond. Geog. Soc, Jour., v. 387-92; vi. 128, 
135; viii. 317-27; xi. 82-8; Lynch, Relacion Puntual, 1757, MS., 4-19; Otras 
Reflex, sobre Reforma en Cent. Am., 1-21; Pan., Docs. Ofic, in Pan., Col. Doc, 


MSS., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; Pinart Coll-, S. Amer. and Guat, i. 221-3; 
Liceaga, Adic. y Hectijic., 613; Malte-Brun, Precis Geog. U,niv., vi. 468; 3Iac- 
gregors Prog. Ameiica, i. 744:-7; Gordons Digest Laws IT. /S'., 328-35; Lunario 
de Centro-Amer.; El Sigh, Jan, 10, May 16, 1851; June 5, 1852; Gtiat. Com. 
and AgHc. Co., 133-7; Macpherson^s Annals of Com., iii. 548; iv. 159, 179; El 
Ohservadorde la Bepiib. Mex., July 4, 1827; Guat., Los Nobles, 1-11; Blasquez, 
Opinion sobre los Chamelcos, in Doc. Originales Chiapas, 4r-5; Diario Mex., xi. 
279-80; xii. 477-80; Avner. Aimual Reg., 1825-6, 40-9; Id., 1826-7, 171-82; 
West Lidies, Description, 49-50; Torrente, Revol. Hisp.-Am., i. 115; Revue 
Americaine, i. 398-408; Oposicion {La.), June 15, 1835; Democ. Review, v. 609- 
10; XXX. 547; Pabellon Nac., Nov. 21, 1844; Nic, Reg. OJic., 9-13, 59-60; 
Los Altos, Manif. Documentado, 1-28; Amer. Cent., Reclam. de Interv., 7-10; 
Lesur, Annuaire Hist. Univ., 1827, 577-8; Cor. Fed. Mex., Nov. 9, 11, 27, 
Dee. 14, 18, 1826; 1827, passim; Feb. 13, March 31, June 14, July 18, Sept. 

I, 9, 14, 18, 21-2, Oct. 28; Amerique Cent., Cie Beige, pt ii. 30-2, 115-29, 160-1; 
Gtcat., Decretos, i. nos. 1, 4, 20, 25, 31, 32, 39, 41, 134; Morelet, Voy. dans 
tAm6r. Cent., ii. 291; Montgomery's Narrative Jour, to Guat., 33-54, 142-9; 
Modern Traveller, Mex. and Guat., ii. 194-5, 317; Nic. y Hond., Docs., 1-11, 
35; Sandoval, Revista Polit., 3-7; San Juan, Ocupacion, 28-43; Alaman, Hist. 
Mej., 50, 291-2; v. 57, 478, 614, ap. pp. 46-65, 104; Id., Mem. Presentada d 
las Cdmaras, 9; BidwelVs Panama, 347; Hond., Gac. Ofic, Feb. 20, June 30, 
1853; C. Rica, Gac. Gob., Jan. 26, 1850; Gac. Nic, April 1, June 17, 1865; 
July 20, 1867; Santangelo, Congr. Panama, 73-5; Saravla, Bosq. Polit. Estad., 
17-18; El Semanal Nicaragiiense, i. 44; Baily^s Cent. Am., 81-2; Mex. Finan., 
April 18, 1885, pp. 40-2; Mex. y Guat., Cuest. Limites, 52-3; Nic, Nueva Dis- 
cusion, 6; Gac. Salv., Oct. 12, 1854; Salv., Diario OJic, Feb. -May 1875, pas- 
sim; March 2, 28, Sept. 9, 1876; Sept. 20, 1878; June 20, Sept. 5, 1879; Mex., 
Mem. Guerra, 1833, p. 8; Id., Mem. Relac, 1823, pp. 11-12; 1827, p. 11; 1829, 
p. 2; 1832, pp. 2-3; 1833, pp. 1-2, 1835, pp. 3-4; 1838, p. 9; 1839, pp. 2-3; 
1839, MS., pp. 12-13; 1840, p. 2; 1841, in Diario Gob. Mex., Jan. 24, 1841, 
p. 1; Mex., Mem., ii., docs. 1, 5, 8; Id., Mem. Min. Relac, i., docs. 2, 4, 5, 9, 

II, 12, 13; Nic, Memona, in Cent. Am. Pamphl., iii., no. 1, 4-28; Payne's 
Hist. Europ. Colonies, 324-32; Quart. Review, xxviii. 157-61; Gac. de Guat., 
Oct. 7, 1853; May 5, Dec. 22, 1854; Costa Rica, Bolet. OJic, Jan. 13, 24, 27, 
Feb. 3, 7, 14, 17, 28, March 14, 17, 1855; MilVs Mex., 205-19; Aim., Ruiz 
Calend. Salv., 1873, 66-71; Id., Guat. Guia, 1853, 13-14; Id., Hond., 1829, 5, 
18-37, 56-64, 90-5, 124-7, 133-48; Cabildo, Informe que el Cabildo, 1-75; Can- 
celada, Tel. Mex., 104-11; Chatjield's Letter to Lord Palmerston, Dec. 13, 1847; 
Id., Letter to Guat. Govt, Dec. 10, 1847, in Mosq., Correspond, respecting Mosq. 
Terr., 170-2; La Nacion, Sept. 8, 1856; Mosq. KiXste und Texas, 29-30; Conk- 
ling's Guide, 335-6; National Caletidar, 18; Conder's Mex. and Guat., 195-7; 
Centro-AmAr., La Situacion, 1-17; Cande, Golfe de Hond., 5-9; Centro-Am4r., 
Informe sobre la ConstiL, p. 73, and p. 30; Id., Convencion, 1-32; Centro- 
Americano, passim; Cdrtes, Actas PubL, ii., April 23, 1814, p. 320; Castellon, 
Docs. Relat., 36, 104; El Nacional, Jime 19, 26, July 5, 31, Aug. 14, Sept. 25, 
Dec. 11, 1858; Jan. 22, 1859; Sept. 8, 1860; Mosqueto Indian, in ChurchiWs 
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342, 344, 462; Nacionalidad Espafiola; Mosquito Docs., nos. 77-229; Nic, Bolet. 
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Papeles Varios, xix. pt 18; cxxi. pt i.; cxxiv. pt 9; cxlix. pt 7; clx. pt 19 
clxvii. pt 5; ccxxvi. pt 10; United Service Jour., 1833, pt ii. 456; U. S. Govt 


Docs., Commercial Rel., 1866, 567-8; 1868, 302, 728-9; Id., Cong. Globe, 1838- 
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State Pap., For. Rel., v. 774-82; Id., 19th cong., 2d sess., U. S. Acts, pp. 8- 
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Hechos Notables, passim. 




Rule of Caerillo Continued— Plots for its Overthrow — Invasion of 
MoRAZAN— Change of Government — Morazan's Policy — Opposition 
— Revolts — Morazan's Defeat and Death — Satisfaction of the 
Oligarchs — Measures of the Victors — New Constitution — Subse- 
quent Amendments — Sedition — Castro's Administration — Costa 
Rica Declared a Republic — Recognition by Spain — Relations with 
Other Powers — Boundary Questions with Nicaragua and Colombia 
— President Juan Rafael Mora — His Repressive Measures. 

Carrillo, believing himself clothed with unlimited 
authority, on the 8th of March, 1841, issued what he 
called a ^ ley de garantias,' giving himself a life tenure 
of office and inviolability.^ The supreme government 
was made to consist of the executive, and two cham- 
bers, named respectively ^consultiva' and ^judicial,* 
whose members were to be chosen by electoral col- 
leges.^ Intending to celebrate with eclat the inaugu- 
ration of the cdmara consultiva, Carrillo recalled from 
exile Juan Mora and four others.^ The consultiva, 
following Carrillo's wishes, elected Manual Antonio 

1 Molina, who denies that Carrillo was disposed to be tyrannical, but on 
the contrary anxious for the good of his country, adding that he was * severo 
y sencillo en su conducta, y que paliaba su arbitrariedad con el ejercicio de 
las virtu des mas relevantes en un mandatario,' confesses that on the present 
occasion this great man committed a grave error. Bosq. Costa R., 103; Costa 
R. Dec. de garan. y bases, 24 mo.j Id., Col. Ley., viii. 15-36, 41-2; Salv.y 
Diario OJic.^ May 25, 1875. 

2 The former was coiistituted with as many members as there were de- 
partments, namely, four. The latter was composed of a president, two rela- 
tores fiscales, and four justices. 

^ He insulted them, however, by providing that they should be under the 
surveillance of the authorities. Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 42. 



Bonilla segundo jefe/ The enemies of the present 
ruler were numerous, and increasing. They called 
Morazan to their aid, through General Bermudez of 

Morazan sailed from Chiriqui in Panamd, and after 
visiting several places in Central America landed 
with about 500 men at Caldera^ on the 7th of April, 
1842. With him were generals Saget, Cabanas, Sa- 
ravia, and Rascon.^ Carrillo heard of the invasion 
in the evening of the 8th, and at once assumed per- 
sonal command of the troops to operate against the 
enemy, turning over the executive office to Bonilla, 
the vice-jefe,^ and providing other measures for an 
active campaign. Nearly 1,000 men under Colonel 
Vicente Villasenor composed the expedition, among 
whose captains and lieutenants were some of the 
wealthiest persons in tile country.^ Morazan had 
issued a manifesto assuring the Costa Bicans that his 
policy would be one of order, union, and progress, to 
accomplish which Braulio Carrillo must be ousted 
from power. As the government forces approached 
the invaders, Villasenor made known its contents to 
his command, and asked whether they were for fight- 
ing or for a peaceable arrangement. Both officers and 
men almost unanimously^ favored the latter, and a 
convention w^as concluded at Jocote on the 11th of 
Aprils by virtue of which the two forces fraternized, 

* He was married to a niece of Carrillo. Bonilla was faithful to him in 
life, and to his memory after death. 

^ According to Col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas. Barmndia makes the force 
only 300. He had at first landed at La Union, in Salvador, with 22 officers 
of all ranks, and marched upon San Miguel, where he recruited 200 men, and 
then returned to La Union. He next visited Acajutla and Sonsonate, where 
he ascertained the state of public affairs in Salvador and Guatemala, after 
holding some correspondence with the chiefs of the former state and Nica- 
ragua. The latter answered very offensively. Montufar, Resena Hist, iv. 
47-55, 145. Entertaining a favorable idea of the invitation sent him by 
the Costa Ricans, he sailed for the isle of Martin Perez, in the gulf of Fonseca, 
where he finally organized his expedition and embarked it on the vessels 
Cruzador, Asuncion Granadina, Jos^a, Isabel II., and CosmopoUta. 

^ Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 55-6; Salv., Diario Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875. 

'^ Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 248-50. 

® Among them were Vicente Aguilar, Francisco and Mariano Montealegre, 
and Rafael Barroeta. 

''It is understood that Rafael Barroeta was the sole exception. 


becoming one army. It was further agreed that a 
constituent assembly should . be called to reoganize 
the state, the government meanwhile remaining in 
charge of Morazan, or in his absence in that of Vicente 
Villasenor.^^ This convention was accepted on the 
next day at San Jose by Carrillo, with a few additions 
which did in no wise vitiate it, and Morazan afterward 
ratified the whole at Heredia/^ He was enthusiasti- 
cally welcomed at Alajuela and Heredia, and with an 
augmented force marched on San Jose, which he 
entered without hindrance. As jefe supremo pro- 
visorio he made Jose Miguel Saravia his sole minister 
of state, and issued a proclamation embodying com- 
plete for^'etfulness of all past political offences, and 
tendering an asylum in Costa Hica to all persons, of 
whatever party, suffering persecution in the other 
states. ^^ He next appointed a committee to revise 
the laws enacted by Carrillo, with the view of repeal- 
ing such as were deemed unwise or arbitrary, and a 
number of them were accordingly annulled, the pre- 
posterous one of March 8, 1841, not being, of course, 
excepted. The state constitution of January 21, 1825, 
was revived, and the people were called upon to elect 
a constituent assembly, which was to meet at San 
Jose on the 10th of July.^'^ This body, composed of 
thirteen members, one of whom was the distinguished 
ex-jefe Juan Mora, was installed on the appointed 

1° Carrillo was to leave the country with a full pledge of safety to his fam- 
ily and property. The convention was signed by Morazan, Villasenor, gen- 
erals Saget, Saravia, and Rascon, 5 colonels, and the other assenting officers 
of all ranks, including 5 Texiguas. 

^1 Carrillo left the state from Puntarenas. Bonilla was also guaranteed 
security. Montiifar, Resena Hist., iii. 615-19; Niles' Reg., Ixii., 275. Both 
Carrillo and Aguilar died out of Costa R.; the former was killed, and his 
murderer executed. Funeral honors were paid in Costa R. to Aguilar, Aug. 
25, 1846. Costa R., Col. Ley., ix. 289-90. The remains of both ex-chiefs were 
brought home by Presid. Castro's decree of Nov. 5, 1848. Id., x. 365-8; El 
Salvador Regenerado, June 4, 1842. 

1^ Dated April 14, 1842. Id., vii. 250-1. 

^^ A general order was given to prevent any interference with the elections 
on the part of the troops. Copies of Morazan's decrees to undo the evils of 
his predecessor, and to prepare for the reorganization of the state on liberal 
principles, are furnished in Id., 236-342, passim; Montufar, Resena Hist., iii. 


day under the presidency of Jose F. Peralta, deputy 
for Cartago, and on the 15th of July unanhnously 
elected Morazan provisional jefe of the state.^* 

The great political change thus effected in Costa 
Rica greatly alarmed the reactionists; and specially 
those of Guatemala, who lost no time in adopting 
measures to destroy Morazan. This chief, on the 
other hand, took steps toward the reorganization of 
Central America, equipping troops therefor. Some of 
his measures were deemed too severe, giving rise to 
rebellion in some localities. There were intimate rela- 
tions between Carrera of Guatemala and General 
Antonio Pinto of Costa Rica, as well as between the 
serviles of both states, who, together with the clergy, 
worked to promote a revolt. An attempt in Guana- 
caste by Colonel Manuel A. Molina failed, and caused 
his arrest, trial, and execution at Puntarenas.^^ Colo- 
nel Molina was a son of Pedro Molina, the noted 
champion of free principles, and however legal his 
execution may have been, it was certainly impolitic. 
His sentence might have been commuted, thus avert- 
ing the disruption which at once broke out in the 
liberal ranks. ^^ 

Saget was at Puntarenas attending to the embarka- 

^* Again on the 30th of Aug. it authorized the continuation of his govern- 
ment till a new constitution should be framed. The same day it reaffirmed 
Morazan's extraordinary powers, and on the 2d of Sept. adjourned to reassem- 
ble April 1, 1843. Among the most noted acts of this convention were the 
following: A vote of thanks and other honors to Morazan and Villasenor, the 
latter being awarded a gold medal with an honorable inscription. Morazan 
was given the title of Libertador de Costa Rica; and on his refusing to pub- 
lish the decree, the assembly specially requested him to do so. The army 
that brought about the change was honored with the name of Division Liber- 
tadora de Costa Rica. The assembly also made a formal declaration on the 
20th of July, in favor of a federal republic. Costa B., Col. Ley.^ vii. 342-51, 
379-82, 403. 

^'^ It was strictly in accordance with the military code. His brother Fe- 
lipe, in relating the occurrence, says that a disappointment in love, and his 
removal from the comandancia of the department, preyed upon his mind, * le 
sobrevino una fiebre, perdid la razon, y se hizo criminal. ' But he subsequently 
declared his loyalty to Morazan, and while lying on a bed of sickness was 
arrested. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 104. 

^® Molina did not hear of his son's fate till after the 15th of Sept. Greatly 
agitated, and shedding tears for Morazan's end, his son-in-law, Irungaray, 
told him not to bewail the fate of Morazan, for he had spilled the blood of 
Manuel Angel. These words so shocked the aged patriot that he fell 
less to the ground. 


tion of 45 officers, 200 men, 2,000 or 3,000 muskets, 
and about 1,300 pounds of powder and lead. At Ala- 
juela were 300 recruits of that department and 100 of 
Cartago, all commanded by Florentin Alfaro. This 
officer was won over by Morazan's enemies, and revolt- 
ing on the 1 1th of September marched upon San Jose, 
where the people followed his example. The revolu- 
tionists then called General Pinto to the command.^'' 
Morazan's body-guard of forty Salvadorans thrice re- 
pulsed the assailants, but finally had to retreat to the 
chief barracks. ^^ The jefe, together with Cordero, Ca- 
banas, and Saravia, and 80 men sustained another ter- 
rible onslaught on the 1 2th. The besiegers were con- 
stantly on the increase till they numbered 5,000, and 
the besieged on the decrease by death and desertion. ^^ 
Chaplain Jose Antonio Castro came to propose a 
capitulation based on Morazan's abandonment of the 
country, and a pledge of security to his supporters. 
Believing that his loyalty and military honor were at 
stake, Morazan declined the propositions.^^ Pinto's 
secretary, Vicente Herrera, was very virulent, de- 
manding Morazan's blood; and the chaplain reported 
that the jefe wanted war, refusing to recognize any 
authority on the part of his adversaries to give pledges, 
which enraged their commander and his secretary all 
the more.^^ The fight continued, and blood flowed 

^' He was a Portuguese who came to Costa Rica while still young. In his 
early years he had been in the naval service, and acquired some skill as an 
artilleryman. He married into a respectable family of San Jose, and had 
numerous descendants. By the cultivation of coffee he made himself wealthy, 
and this together with his connection with the Carrillo family enabled him to 
attain the position of comandante general, and to link his name with some 
important events. At his house the worst enemies of Morazan had always 
been welcomed. Montufar, Resend Hist, iii. 647-8. 

^^ There were two barracks in San Jose; one his guard occupied; in the 
other were 150 men from Cartago who had no ammunition. El Sigh, Aug. 16, 

^^ Morazan tried to save his wife; but in traversing the street to reach the 
house of the Escalantes, amidst the deadly fire, she was taken by the enemy 
and conveyed to the house of Father Blanco, a brother of Luz Blanco, one of 
Morazan's mortal foes. 

"^^ He would have met with no difficulty in obtaining security for Saravia, 
who was much esteemed by all. But the case was different with others, 
especially Villaseiior, against whom much animosity was felt. 

2^ Herrera was a student when he gained this unenviable notoriety. He 


freely.^^ Mayorga, comandante at Cartage, rebelled, 
and Morazan's situation had become a desperate one 
on the 13th. No reenforcements could reach him, and 
provisions were exhausted. Juan Mora and Chaplain 
Castro endeavored to bring about an arrangement, 
but the terms offered, being oppressive, were rejected. 
The firing was resumed between one and two o'clock 
in the morning of the 14th. Morazan and his hand- 
ful of supporters, worn out by fatigue, hunger, and 
wounds, made their way through the besiegers and 
reached Cartago,^^ Cabanas covering the retreat wdth 
30 men. Mayorga s wife, who disapproved her hus- 
band's disloyalty, sent them word of their danger. 
But it came too late. Morazan and the rest were 
surrounded and captured. Young Francisco Morazan 
and Saravia, arriving a little later, were also secured. 
Deception toward Cabanas was used,^* and treachery 
toward Morazan, who was promised his life. 

Early the next morning, an officer named Dario 
Orozco came to inform Morazan and his companions 
that they were to be put in irons, by demand of the 
troops. Saravia rose and seized a pistol to blow his 
brains out ; but Morazan prevented the suicide, though 
only for a few moments. He then walked a while 
smoking, and finally submitted to have the shackles 
put on his feet, and just as it was being done he had 
a horrible convulsion which ended in death. It is 

afterward went to Guatemala to complete his studies, and was well treated 
and much aided by Juan Jose Aycinena and Manuel F. Pavon; and he be- 
came their most humble henchman. Returning to Costa Rica as a lawyer, he 
was appointed after a while a justice of the supreme court. On many occa- 
sions he proved himself unprincipled, treacherous, and contemptible. 

22 Over 100 killed and 200 wounded. 

23 He had wanted to go to Tdrcoles, expecting to find Saget there, but 
was dissuaded by Villaseiior and others. 

2* The Spaniard Espinach, a reactionist of some standing who acted as a 
commissioner of the revolutionists, fearing that Morazan's popularity in Car- 
tago might bring on a counter-movement, and in order to avert it, asked 
Morazan to instruct Cabanas to lay down his arms, and to command Saget to 
deliver those he had in Puntarenas. He assured Morazan his life was in no 
peril. His next step was to meet Cabanas at Chomogo, telling him Morazan 
was leaving the state by the Matina road with sufficient money, and advising 
him to disband his men. Cabanas was deceived, and went alone to Matina, 
where he was taken prisoner. 


said that he had swallowed poison. The shackles 
were riveted on a corpse!"^ Villasefior stabbed him- 
self with a dagger, and fell to the ground covered with 
blood, unfortunately for him, not dead. Morazan was 
shackled. The prisoners were at once taken to San 
Jose. Morazan, though wounded, rode on horseback, 
and Yillasenor was carried in a hammock; but on 
arriving at the Cuesta de las Moras, Captain Benavi- 
des, a Peruvian who commanded their guard, made 
them walk to the court-house. Morazan on the way 
conversed with Pardo and Vijil, and remembering 
that it was the 15th of September, remarked to Vijil, 
" How solemnly we are keeping the anniversary of in- 
dependence ! " The other prisoners were confined in 
the building called Los Almacenes, and Morazan was 
left with Yillasenor as his sole companion. 

Moderate men strongly urged a strict observance of 
law, aside from prejudice or passion ;^^ but their voice 
was drowned in the uproar of the enemies of Mora- 
zan,^^ clamoring for his death without form of trial, 
regardless of the requirements of the constitution of 
1825, and of the fact that he w^as the legitimate chief 

^Marure, Efem., 56. Saravia was a son of Miguel Gonzalez Sara via, the 
governor of Nicaragua, who attached that province to Iturbide's empire, and 
a grandson of General Saravia, president and captain-general of Guatemala, 
who had been appointed viceroy of Mexico, and was shot by Morelos in Oajaca. 
Young Saravia s mother, Concepcion Najera y Batres, was of the leaders of 
Guatemalan society, for which reason the aristocratic party expected much 
from him. But after completing his education, with evidences of extraordi- 
nary talents, he often gave expression to the most liberal ideas. Before being 
admitted to the bar in 1834 he had served in the office of the secretary of the 
senate, and later as a chief of bureau in the department of foreign affairs. 
He afterward held a judicial appointment, being at all times noted for ability 
and eloquence, as well as for his writings in El Sernanario, which attracted 
the attention of Morazan, who made him auditor de guerra of the federal 
army. From that time Saravia followed Morazan's fortunes, taking part in 
several actions of war, and thus attaining the rank of general. He was also 
this leader's aide-de-camp, private secretary, and minister-general, both in 
Salvador and Costa Eica. A portrait of the young general gives him quite a 
distinguished air. 

2^ Among them were Mariano Montealegre, Juan de los Santos Madriz, 
and Jose M. Castro. 

2' The most virulent were Luz Blanco and Herrera. They even worked 
upon the feelings of Pinto's family, and it is said that his daughter Petronila 
imagined that she saw her father sent to the scaffold by Morazan, and fell in 
a convulsion. 


of the state. ^^ But nothing availed to save his life. 
Pinto, like his prototype Pontius Pilate, after a slight 
hesitation, signed the order of execution of both Mora- 
zan and Villasenor, to be carried out within three 
hours. Morazan then summoned his son Francisco, 
and dictated to him his last will and testament; some 
of its clauses are epitomized below. ^^ After placing 
in charge of Montealegre a handkerchief and a few 
other objects for his wife, so soon to become a widow, 
he walked with dignity and a firm step to the place 
of execution. Villasenor, who was nearly dead from 
his wound, was carried in a chair. On arriving at 
the fatal spot Morazan embraced Villasenor, saying, 
"My dear friend, posterity will do us justice." Bar- 
rundia thus describes the last moments of the ex- 
president: He gave the order to prepare arms, saw 
that a good aim was taken, then gave the command 
to fire, and fell to the ground. Still raising his bleed- 
ing head, he cried out: "I am yet alive;" when a sec- 
ond volley despatched him. Thus on the 15th of 
September, the anniversary of Central American in- 
dependence, just as the sun was sinking in the west, 
the soul of the noble patriot returned to the region 
whence it came.^^ 

2^ Morazan had demanded a trial. He also desired to address a circular 
to the governments of the states, but it was not permitted him. 

2^ He declared that he had expended the whole of his own and his wife's 
estate, besides $18,000 due to Gen. Bermudez, in endowing Costa Rica with 
a government of laws. This was his sole offence, for which he had been con- 
demned to lose his life, which was further aggravated by a broken pledge, 
for he had been assured by Espinach that his life would be spared. The 
forces he had organized were originally intended to defend Guanacaste against 
an expected attack from Nicaragua. Subsequently a number of volunteers 
were detached for the pacification of the republic. He reiterated his love for 
Central America, urging upon the youth of the land to imitate his example, 
and fight to redeem her. He finally disclaimed any enmity or rancor toward 
his murderers, forgiving them and wishing them every possible happiness. 
In that instrument, says Barrundia, * se ve diafana el alma, noble, tranquila, 
y generosa del heroe que descendia a la tumba.' 

^^ The remains lay in Costa Rica till, under a decree of Pres. Castro, Nov. 
6, 1848, they were exhumed on the 27th, and after paying honors on the 4th 
of Dec, were surrendered, according to Morazan 's wishes, to Salvador, by 
whose authorities they were received with high military and civic honors. 
Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 368-9. Carrera afterward treated them with indig- 
nity. Montufar, Beseila Hist., iii. 656; iv. 219-20, 250-3; v. 650-2, 665-6; 
Testam, in Cent. Am. Pap., No. 2. Further particulars on Morazan 's rule in 
Costa Rica, and on his death and interment, may be found in Nic, Correo Ist., 


Morazan's death caused much satisfaction to the 
ruling powers of Guatemala and Honduras.^^ In 
Guatemala it was an occasion for rejoicing, with high 
mass and other religious ceremonies.^^ The time 
came, however, when Morazan's greatness was recog- 
nized in Guatemala and Honduras, when the servile 
element no longer had a voice in public affairs. ^^ 
Relations had been suspended by the Guatemalan 
government with that of Costa Rica, while the latter 
recognized Morazan as its chief. ^* Treaties of union 
and mutual defence had been made by the states of 
Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras against 
Costa Rica on the 7th and 16th of October. ^^ After 
Morazan's downfall an attempt was made to prevail on 

May 1, 1849; Niks' Reg., Ixiii., 19, 176; Nic, Registro O/c, No. 2, 7; Squier's 
Trav., ii. 444-9; Wappdus, If ex. und Cent. Am., 361; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 
142; El Progreso, Oct. 3, 1850; Crowe's Gospel, 152-3; Wagner, Costa i?., 
203-5; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 217-22; Belly, Nic, i. 73-4; Wells' Hond., 484- 
93; Salv., Dlario Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875; Robert Glascow Dunlop, Travels in Cen- 
tral America, London, 1847, 8°, 358 pp. and map, is a work purporting to be 
a journal of nearly three years' residence in Central America, and giving a 
sketch of the history of the republic, together with an account of the phys- 
ical peculiarities, agriculture, commerce, and state of society. Much of the 
information therein is correct; but on historical and social topics the author, 
who was a Scotchman, displayed narrow-mindedness, and a judgment warped 
by British prejudices. 

^^ In the latter — his native state — his last will was published in the ofl&cial 
journal in the column of varieties with offensive remarks. These notes, and 
indeed the whole conduct of the authorities, were disgraceful. El Redactor, 
Ofic. de Hond., Sept. 15, 1843. 

^^ The priest Juan Jose Aycinena, who was the minister of state, hated 
Morazan with a deadly hatred from the day that his brother was defeated at 
San Antonio. This animosity became more intensified, if possible, upon 
Morazan contemptuously rejecting the dictatorship that was tendered him. 
Morazan said in his last will that his death was an assassination, as he had 
not been allowed any form of trial. But the worthy padre and his accomplice 
in iniquity, Carrera, attributed the crime to heaven, and made Rivera Paz, 
chief of state, accuse providence of aiding Vicente Herrera and Luz Blanco in 
its perpetration. 

^^ Honors were paid to his memory in the city of Guatemala in 1876; a 
statue was erected to him by Honduras in 1883. La Regeneracion, July 10, 
1876; Costa R., Mem. Relaciones, 1884, 2-3, and doc. 1, 2. 

^* Every abusive epithet was applied to him in the ofl&cial press; tyrant, 
bandit, inonster, were among the mildest. The aim was to make him appear 
in the eyes of the ignorant as the only obstacle to peace and reorganization; 
and the masses believed that he was the author of all the evils under the sun. Guat., Oct. 28, 1842. 

^^ The subscribing commissioners were Manuel F. Pa von, for Guatemala; 
Pedro Nolasco Arriaga, for Honduras; and Joaquin Duran, for the other two 
states. Inasmuch as Arriaga and Duran were Aycinena's and Pavon's hum- 
ble satellites, the treaties might just as well have been signed Pavon, Pavon, 
Pavon. Montufar, Resena Hist, iv. 129-33; Guat., Recop. Leg., i. 395-408 


the new government to subscribe to these treaties, but 
it failed.^^ 

On the 23d of September the civil and other authori- 
ties at San Jose passed acts setting aside the su- 
preme powers that had ruled the state since its occupa- 
tion by Morazan, and proclaiming J. M. Alfaro as jefe 
provisorio, with Antonio Pinto as comandante gen- 
eral. ^^ These acts were subsequently confirmed by the 
people of the state.^ Among Alfaro's first measures 
were to forbid the return of political exiles, including 
Carrillo; to check attempts at rebellion; to invite 
Morazan's soldiers to return to their homes ;^^ to re- 
store confiscated property; to establish an official 
journal; and to raise a forced loan.^*^ Disregarding 
the remonstrances of Guatemala, the government, of 
which Josd Maria Castro was now minister-general, 
by its decree of the 5th of April, 1843, called upon the 
people to send deputies to a constituent assembly. 
This body was installed on the 1st of June, and soon 
after adopted the groundwork upon which was to be 
erected the fundamental law of the state. *^ TJie as- 

^^ It is asserted that the Guatemalan government said that Costa Rica 
should appoint as her commissioner a resident of Guatemala. But Jose M. 
Castro, the young Costa Rican minister, thought differently. 

^^ They had led the revolt on the 11th and the following days. Molina^ 
Bosq. Costa R., 105. 

^^ So says Marure, now a confirmed * conservador, ' adding, ' y celebrados 
con entusiasmo en toda la repiiblica.' Efem.^ 56. 

2^ The expeditionary force of 300 to 500 under Saget, on hearing of the 
trouble at San Jose, went on board their ships at Puntarenas, thence 
menacing the government. Subsequently arrangements were made for the 
surrender of the arms and disbandment of the men, but owing to misunder- 
standing were not carried out, and the expedition departed for La Libertad in 
Salv. on the Coquimbo. Costa R. afterward claimed the armament and ship, 
but Salv. invariably refused to return them, on the plea that they belonged 
to Morazan's family, *como ganadas en ley de guerra por aquel caudillo.' 
Much indignation was felt in Guatemala and Honduras, and somewhat less in 
Nicaragua, against Salvador, because the latter, notwithstanding the treaties 
of 1840 and 1842, and the protest to the contrary, had allowed Saget, Cabanas, 
Barrios, and their companions, to reside in the state under the protection of 
its laws. The first two named governments saw that for all they had ma- 
noeuvred to make of the executive of Salvador a mere submissive agent of the 
aristocracy, he had now emancipated himself from its control. Montufavy 
Resena Hist., iv. 4-5, 115-33; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 105-6. 

^ Costa R., Col Ley., vii. 404-16. 

*^Art. 3 stated that the idea was not yet entertained, which later was 
formed, of declaring the state to be a sovereign and independent republic. 
Art. 5 resolved the question of boundaries with Colombia and Nicaragua upon 


sembly likewise enacted a law declaratory of the rights 
of man; and another on freedom of the press under 
certain limitations. Among the other acts worthy 
of mention passed by this body were the following: 
The jefe, Alfaro, was to hold his office till the promul- 
gation of the constitution and the election of his suc- 
cessor under it. All his acts were approved, and a 
vote of thanks was awarded him. A similar vote 
was given to General Pinto. Francisco M. Qrea- 
muno was chosen segundo jefe, and a short time 
afterward he was called to fill the executive chair^ 
upon leave of absence being given to Alfaro.*^ The 
assembly adjourned on the 2 2d of September, to meet 
again on the 13th of November. The constitutional 
bases, nicknamed by the conservatives '^de los tri- 
bunes," did not meet the approval of the government. 
The assembly then adopted a constitution, which 
made provision for two chambers, the executive au- 
thority being exercised by a jefe, as formerly, and all 
the functionaries constituting the supreme powers 
being chosen by the whole people. The promulga- 
tion of the new^ fundamental law was made on the 
11th of April, 1844,^^ and all officers were required 
to take an oath to support it. Pinto, the comandante 
general, refused to do so without first consulting 
Alfaro and others. He tried to make an armed 
opposition, but did not 'succeed, and was dismissed,. 
Colonel Jose Maria Quiroz superseding him/* 

The publication of the new fundamental law was 

the principles sustained by Costa Rica, Arts. 4 and 10 established a fourth' 
power under the name of Conservador, composed of no less than three coun- 
cillors chosen by the people. Art. 9 places the legislative authority in an. 
assembly of not less than 15 members. It does not establish two chambers. 
Art. 11 says that the executive office is to be exercised by a tribune, out of 
four to be chosen by the electors. Art. 13 was condemned by the fanatics, 
though it merely allows religious toleration. The Gaceta de Guat. exclaimed, 
* Ya volvemos a las andadas.' Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 383, 391-3, 417-18; 
Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106. 

*^ All these acts, dated respectively June 7-8, Sept. 13, 19, 1843, appear in. 
Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 45-50, 63-7. 

*^By the second jefe, Oreamuno, then in charge of the executive. 

** The govt was supported by the people and troops. Quiroz was promoted 
to gen. of brigade. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106; El Mentor Costaricense gave 
an extensive account of the aflFair. 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 15 


celebrated with feasts for three days. But the fact of 
Pmto's dismissal from the command of the forces 
caused serious divisions in families/^ which has been felt 
ever since in the political events of the country. The 
two chambers decreed by the constituent assembly 
complicated the political machinery, and the enemies 
of the new constitution exaggerated its defects. The 
necessity of a senate in Costa Rica was not clear, for 
the composition of the house of deputies was such 
that it required impulsion rather than checks. There- 
fore, what would be the mission of the senate?*^ 

Alfaro reassumed the duties of the executive office 
on the 28th of June, on which date Castro resigned 
his position of secretary-general,*^ to take a seat in the 
chamber of deputies, which was installed on the 3d 
of July. The first duty of this body was to count the 
votes for senators; but the returns were coming 
in very slowly, so that the senate did not assemble 
till the 12th of November.^ Both houses then on 
the 15th declared Francisco Maria Oreamuno duly 
elected jefe of the state. He took possession of the 
office with reluctance.^^ The spirit of localism which 
caused so much trouble in 1835 was still rampant, and 
'Oreamuno found himself confronted by it. What- 
ever measure was proposed in favor of any one local- 
ity was certain to displease the others. Rather than 
-contend with such difficulties, he tendered, on the 
26th of November, his resignation, which was not 
^accepted; but he was resolved to retire, and one day, 
feeing more than usually disgusted, he abandoned his 

^^ Pinto was an uncle-in -law of Castro, secretary-general, who under the 
circumstances surrounding the govt could not restore him to his office. 

*^To give an idea of the situation: Cartago's deputies were three clergy- 
men, Peralta, Campo, and Carazo. Heredia also sent the priest Flores. If 
the senators must be still more grave and circumspect, where could they be 
procured? Montufar, Resefia Hist., v. 173. 

*^ His successor was Juan Mora. 

^^ Costa R., Col L., viii. 352-3, 384-5. 

*^ He was a native of Cartago; a man of elegant manners, cultured without 
affectation, well informed on general subjects, and a highly respected citizen. 
Though not a member of the bar, he knew enough of law to successfully oppose 
the lawyers who constantly took advantage of the confusion existing in the 
old Spanish laws. 


post and went off to his home in Cartago/^ His suc- 
cessor was Rafael Moya, then president of the sen- 
ate/^ who exerted himself to do away with localism, and 
to promote harmony between the several sections; but 
his senatorial term expiring on the 30th of April, 

1845, he could no longer continue holding the execu- 
tive authority, and the chamber of deputies called to 
assume its duties Senator Jose Rafael Gallegos,^^ who 
was made chief of the state at the expiration of Juan 
Moran's second term^ He took the chair on the 1st 
of May. An ominous cloud could already be de- 
cried away in the horizon. The new constitution 
had thus early become an object of abuse, even by 
the men who had enthusiastically proclaimed it, and 
acrimoniously censured Pinto for refusing it recogni- 

During the elections a bloodless revolt of four regi- 
ments simultaneously occurred, on the 7th of June, 

1846, at San Jose, Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, 
to overthrow the organic law. The movement was 
seconded at once by the people,^^ and Jose Maria 
Alfaro was summoned to assume the reins of govern- 
ment, Gallegos returning to the presidency of the sen- 

^ The chamber of deputies censured him, but his purpose of getting rid 
of the executive office was accomplished. Costa li., Col. Ley., viii. 392-3; ix. 

^^ A wealthy man and head of a large family which gave him much social 
importance. During his short administration he improved the public roads. 
Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107. He also gave impulse to education, though 
under the old ecclesiastical system. Montiifar, Resefia Hist., v. 175. 

^2 Correspond, on the subject in Id., 184-6. 

^^ Fault was found with the clause requiring the election by the people of 
all public functionaries, including the ministers of state and judges. It was 
said the people should not be molested with so many elections. 

^* The manifesto issued by the leaders comprised the abolition of the con- 
stitution, and the framing of another better suited to the needs of the coun- 
try, the immediate election of a new vice-jefe, who must be a native of Costa 
Rica, not under 25 years of age, married, or a widower with children, and 
possess property to the value of no less than $10,000; one who had never 
been criminally punished, except by a pecuniary fine, nor attached for debts 
contracted in the state; he must have served in other public offices without 
taint, and must be in favor of independence and a separate government for 
the state. A new legislative chamber was to be immediately convoked, and 
the manner of election fixed by the chief; meantime, the present assembly 
was to continue its sittings. The chief was to select a good port on the 
north coast, and make a road from it to the capital with funds of the treas- 
ury. Costa R., Pap. SueUos, nos. 1, 2; Dunlop^s Cent. Am., 252-3. 


ate. Every one recognized Gallegos as an upright 
man, against whom no complaint was made/^ Alfaro 
accepted the r61e, went into office on the 9th, and im- 
mediately proceeded to carry out the purposes of the 
revolution. Elections took place under the existing 
constitution, Alfaro being chosen jefe, and Jose M. 
Castro vice-jefe and secretary-general. The latter 
being the intellectual superior of Alfaro, every branch 
of the administration finally fell under his control. 

The constituent assembly met on the 15th of Sep- 
tember, and completed, on the 21st of January, 1847, 
the new constitution, which was promulgated at once, 
to have effect from and after the 7th of March. ^^ 
Experience having shown that several clauses of this 
instrument were practically inexpedient, and that 
others were not clearly worded, under article 187 of 
the same congress subsequently adopted a number of 
amendments, which had been asked for by a majority 
of the municipalities/'^ The elections for supreme 
authorities, decreed on the 17th of February, took 
place; the constitutional congress assembled on the 
1st of May, and after counting the votes for president 
and vice-president on the 5th, declared Castro duly 
elected for the first position and Alfaro for the second. 
They were inducted into office on the 8th.^^ 

Castro's administration had to overcome serious 
obstacles which might bring on political convulsions 

^^ His removal from the executive seat resulted from the intrigues of a 
few who knew that he could not be made a convenient tool. 

^^'It was divided into 14 sections, placed the executive in a president, and 
created a vice-president. The legislative authority was vested in a congress 
of a single chamber, presided over by the vice-president. The Roman cath- 
olic religion was the only one permitted, and it remained as that of the state 
and under its protection. Costa R., ConstiL, 1847, 1-24; Id., Constit. Polit.^ 
1847, 1-118; Id., Col. Ley., x. 1-56; Astahuruaga, Cent. Am., 46-9. 

^^Nov. 22, 1848, and promulgated by the executive on the 30th. A law 
regulating the election of the supreme authorities was passed Dec. 20th. 
Costa R., Constit. Polit. (ed. of 1850, 8°), 1-38; Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 347- 
408, 422-52; M Universal, June 8, 1849. 

^^El Arco Iris, Oct. 14, 1847. Alfaro was not pleased at being lowered to 
the second place, even though he had ex-officio the presidency of congress. 
He resigned on the 1st of Oct. of the same year, and Juan Rafael Mora be- 
came his successor. Costa R., In/or me Relaciones, ap.; Id., Col. Ley., x. 86-7, 
160-1, 187-8. 



in the near future/^ Indeed, several disturbances 
broke out at Alajuela, headed by Alfaro and his 
friends, which were, however, easily quelled by Pres- 
ident Castro, and once by Vice-president Mora, when 
the president was absent.^ The last of these troubles 
caused some bloodshed.^^ Albeit the revolts were put 

Arms of Costa Rica. 

^^ Castro had enemies in San Jose, He was accused of bringing about Ga- 
Uego's dismissal. This assertion was repeated from mouth to mouth, and 
came to be believed by many. Moreover, some men that he looked on as his 
friends suggested to him unwise measures, with the view of damaging his ad- 
ministration. Unfortunately, congress began to show aristocratic tendencies, 
rc;::toring the abolished compellations without opposition on Castro's part. 
The title of Excellency was voted to itself, the president, and the supreme 

^" Castro and Mora differed on many points. The president's circle consid- 
ered Mora a dangerous competitor. Congress treated Mora with marked in- 
difference, though he had restored peace in Alajuela with only 200 men. He 
resigned the vice-presidency. An election being ordered, at the second 
attempt Manuel Jose Carazo, a friend of Castro, was chosen. Carazo was au 
able and well-informed man. He resigned the office on the 24th of Aug., 
but was reelected Sept. 22d. Id., 190, 300-7, 810-12, 327-9. 

^^ Costa H., Inf. Belaciones, 10-12, 23-5. In Nov. of the same year all 


down, the state continuea much agitated. Inflam- 
matory writings against the president were secretly- 
circulated, which the government gave importance to, 
and the official press tried to counteract their influ- 
ence. Castro concluded to resign his office, but con- 
gress by a unanimous vote refused to accept the 
resignation.^^ Costa Rica having by the act of her 
congress, on the 30th of August, 1848, declared her- 
self a sovereign and independent nation, under the 
title of Repiiblica de Costa Rica, that body, on the 
29th of the following September, adopted a flag, coat 
of arms, and seal.^^ 

Costa Rica was the first state of Central America 
to be recognized as an independent nation by Spain, 
which was done in the treaty of May 10, 1850, which 
was ratified by Costa Rica March 6, 1851. The re- 
public made a concordat with the Roman pontifl*, for 
the understanding of ecclesiastical aflairs, on the 7th 
of October, 1852. She has endeavored to maintain 
cordial relations with the powers of Europe and 
America. To that end she concluded treaties with 
the United States of America, the Hanseatic Towns, 
France,^* Great Britian, Belgium, Holland, Italy, 
Germany, and several of the Spanish- American re- 
publics. With Guatemala a treaty was entered into 
in February 1850, and the government awaited the 
result of the efforts of the other three states to con- 
stitute themselves under one nationality; and when 
they failed, and the states assumed the role of inde- 

political oflfenders were pardoned, and a war tax which had been levied on 
Alajuelawas ordered refunded. Costa R., Col Ley., x. 269-90, 374-6, 410; Id., 
Pap. Sueltos, nos. 3-5; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107-8. 

®2 Congress took into consideration a number of petitions from influential 
sources highly commendatory of Castro's acts. Castro on ihe 16th of Nov. 
had been made a general of division. MontlXfar, Reseiia Hist., v. 525-6, 530- 
8, 543-51. 

^^ The flag had five horizontal stripes, of which the centre one occupied one 
third the width of the flag, and the others one sixth each. The centre stripe 
was red, the one above and the one underneath it were white, and the other 
two blue. Costa R., Col Ley., x. 354-6. 

^France sent in April 1847 the corvette Le Gdnie to make demands on 
behalf of her subject Thierriat, which Costa Rica settled by paying $10,000. 


pendent republics, it made similar diplomatic arrange- 
ments with them as foreign nations.^^ 

The boundaries of Costa Rica with Nicaragua on 
one side, and with Panamd, one of the states of Co- 
lombia, on the other, have been a source of constant 
anxiety, repeatedly occupying the minds of the diplo- 
mates of the three countries. Fortunately, the points 
in dispute have been peaceably discussed by the gov- 
ernments, though the press and politicians have not 
always touched upon them with the same spirit. The 
district of Nicoya or Guanacaste, at one time under 
the government of Nicaragua, became annexed to 
Costa Rica in 1824. This annexation was accepted 
by the Costa Rican assembly, and the federal congress 
allowed it, in a decree of December 9, 1825, as a pro- 
visional arrangement, to be in force till an opportunity 
was had to run the boundary between the two states. 
This congress took no further action in the premises; 
and since the dissolution of the Central* American 
union, the district remained attached to Costa Rica. 
Nicaragua never assented to the segregation, though 
she made no attempt to recover the territory by force 
of arms. She has, however, endeavored to sustain 
her right to it in repeated diplomatic negotiations.^^ 
The time came when Nicaragua, being invaded by 
William Walker's filibusters, and the independence of 
all Central America threatened, the citizens of the 

^^ Full particulars on the foreign relations are given in Molina, Bosq. Costa 
R., 9-10, 61-2, 112-19; Id., Coup d'oeil Costa R., 3; Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 
339^7; xii. 5-18, 94, 202-7; xv. 225; xvi. 195-6; xviii. 95-6, 171-88; xix. 
107-9; XX. 24-8; xxiii. 184-200; xxiv. 171-97; Id., de 1869, 216-22; Id., de 
1879, 61-3; Id., Gac. de Gob., Jan, 12, 26, Feb. 23, March 9, 1850; Id., Bol. 
Ofic., Dec. 8, 22, 26-7, 29, 1853; Jan. 5, Apr. 20, 1854; Id., Informes y Mem., 
Reladones, 1850-80; Salv., Diario, Nov. 5, 1875; Cong. Globe, 1860-1; Smith* 
sonian Rept, 1863, 54; Colombia, Diario OJic., Feb. 14, 1874; U. 8. Govt Doc, 
36th cong. 2d sess., sen. i., 19 vol. i.; Id., 39th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. 
and Doc, Dept of St., ptii.), 430-45: Id., 40th cong. 2d sess.. For. Aff. (Mess. 
and Doc, Dept of St., pt ii.), 277-80; Id., 42d cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc, 1 
For. Rel., p. 7 (249-52); Id., 42d cong. 3d sess.. For. Rel., p. xxxv. (158-61); 
Pdw. Gac, Apr. 16, 1876, and numerous other works in various languages. 

^®Nic argued that the constitution of Costa R. of 1825 declared her 
boundary to be at EI Salto, not at La Flor; to which Costa R. replied that the 
instrument alluded to was anterior to the federal decree, and therefore could 
not embrace Nicoya in Costa Rican territory; bub after this decree the funda- 
mental laws of Costd R. did take it in. 


five republics at once saw the necessity of having the 
question amicably settled. ^'^ The other republics, more 
particularly Salvador, brought their influence to bear, 
and a treaty was concluded, duly ratified, exchanged, 
and published as the law, to govern the boundary be- 
tween Nicaragua and Costa Eica.^^ Under its second 
article, both contracting parties ceded a portion of 
their claims, Costa Rican territory not reaching the 
lake, nor the Flor River, but merely the centre of 
Salinas Bay. On the other hand, Nicaragua no longer 
claimed territory to the Salto or Alvarado River, but 
limited it to the aforesaid bay, and to the line pre- 
scribed in the treaty. ^^ The acts of several congresses 

^^Nic. had demanded the restoration in 1843, which led to the making of 
a voluminous protocol, without any definitive result. Montufar, Hesena HisL^ 
ii. 229-31; iv. 382-3; Costa R., Col Ley., viii. 3-4. 

^^ The treaty was made at San Jose, Costa R., on the 15th of Apr., 1858, 
and signed by Jose M. Caiias and Maximo Jerez, plenipotentiaries respect- 
ively of Costa R. and Nic, and by Pedro Rdmulo Negrete, mediator on the 
part of Salv. The signatures of the secretaries of the three legations also 
appear to the instrument. The ratifications were made in due form, and ex- 
changed by the two govts on the 26th of April, the same year. The treaty 
was approved by the Nicaraguan constituent congress May 28th, and published 
by President Tomas Martinez and his secretary of state, June 4th. Under 
its 2d article the dividing line was to be as follows: Starting from the Atlantic 
Ocean, the line to begin at the extreme end of Punta de Castilla, at the mouth 
©f the River San Juan, and continue on the right bank of that stream to a 
point in waters below the Castillo Vie jo, at three ICnglish miles from the outer 
fortifications. Thence a curve was to commence, whose centre should be 
those works, and distant therefrom in all its course three English miles, and 
terminating at a point distant two miles from the bank of the river in waters 
above the fort. Thence the line should continue in the direction of Sapoa 
River, which empties into Lake Nicaragua, following a course invariably two 
miles distant from the right margin of the San Juan River, with its curves 
to its source in the lake, and from the right margin of the same lake to the 
said Sapoa River, where this line, parallel to said margins, ends. From the 
point where it may coincide with the Sapoa River, which must of course be 
two miles from the lake, an astronomical line should be drawn to the central 
point of the bay of Salinas on the Pacific Ocean, where the delimitation of 
the two contracting powers will terminate. The 6th art gives Nic. the ex- 
clusive control over the waters of the San Juan River from its source in Lake 
Nicaragua to the point where it empties into the Atlantic Ocean; Costa R. 
retaining the right of navigation in said waters for trading purposes from the 
mouth of the river to a distance of three English miles from tlie Castillo Vie jo. 
RodM, G6d. Mc, i. 137-41; Costa R., Col Ley., xv. 75-6, 182-8; Id., In/oi-me 
Gob., 1858, 12-13; Id., Inf. Rel, 1860, 6; Salv., Onceta Ofic, June 7, 1877, 
513-14; El Nadonal, June 26, 1858, 10; PeraUa, Rio S. Juan, 24-5; Belly, Le 
Nic, i. 359-62. 

^^The treaty, after being completed and published in the ofiicial journal of 
Nic, was communicated by both govts to the foreign diplomatic corps ac- 
credited near them,. as well as to their own representatives abroad. All 
friendly nations came to look on it as an accomplished fact. 


of Nicaragua in after years indicated that the treaty 
was recognized beyond cavil or dispute. Not a word 
was officially uttered by Nicaragua in seven years 
against its validity. After such a period had elapsed, 
Tomas Ayon, her minister of foreign affairs, in a re- 
port to the national congress, disputed its validity, 
and the boundary question was reopened,^^ giving rise 
to grave diplomatic discussions, and no little ill feeling 
between the citizens of both countries from 1868 to 
1883.^^ At last, early in 1883, a treaty was signed in 
Granada by plenipotentiaries of both countries to 
bring the dispute to an end.'^ President Cd-rdenas, 
in laying the treaty before the Nicaraguan congress 
early in 1885, urged its favorable consideration; but 
no action was taken. 

Under the Gual-Molina treaty, concluded at Bogotd, 
March 15, 1825, the Provincias Unidas del Centro 
de America and the Pepublic of Colombia agreed to 

"^^ Ayon did not pretend to deny that the treaty had been concluded by his 
govt, and duly ratified by the legislative authority of the two republics. He 
alleged that the fundamental law of Nic. established the limits of the state, 
embracing within them the territory of Guanacaste; and that the treaty in 
question ignored the Nicaraguan constitution, which prescribed that an amend- 
ment of it by one legislature must be submitted to the next for ratification; 
and this not having been done, there was a radical nullity. Costa R. replied 
that the legislative ratification in Nic. had been, not by an ordinary legisla- 
ture, but by a constituent assembly fully empowered to amend the constitu- 
tion or frame a new one. It had been called to make a new fundamental law, 
and therefore had a right to establish new boundaries. Moreover, that even 
if that assembly had not possessed constituent authority, but had been a 
merely ordinary congress, the fact still remained that a number of Nicaraguan 
legislatures had held the treaty to be valid and unobjectionable. Some at- 
tempts have been made in administration circles of Costa R., much against 
public opinion, to annul the treaty, in order to have for a boundary line the 
whole right bank of the San Juan, from Greytown or San Juan del Norte to 
San Carlos, and Lake Nicaragua to La Flor, Were this supported, and the 
treaty set aside, the questions between Costa R. and Nic. would assume a 
serious aspect. Montiifar, Reseiia Hist., ii. 231-4; Ayon, Cuestioii de Limites, 
1-26; Id., Consid. sobre Limites, 1-26. 

'1 Details may be found in JVic, Mem. Reladmes, 1871, 10-16, 29-39; Id., 
Gaceta, Oct. 3, 1838, May 4, 11, 1872, June 7, 1873; Id., Seman. Mc, June 
6, 1872; Id., Correspond., 1872, 1-24; Id., Continuadon de la Correspond., 
1872, 1-16; U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc, 43d cong. 1st sess., pt 2, 732, 735, 
739, 743; 44th cong. 1st sess., pt 1, 157, 168; Costa /?., Informe Eel, 1873, 
1-6; Id., Pap. Sueltos, Doc. no. 15; Salv., Gaceta Ofic, May 22, 1876; Peralta, 
Rio S. Juan. 

'''^ Antonio Zambrana for Costa R. , and Francisco Alvarez for Nic. Pan. 
Star and Herald, March 5, 1883; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; U. S. Govt 
Doc, 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc, pt 1, 59-61. 



respect the boundaries then existing between them, 
and to enter at an early convenient opportunity into a 
special convention directed to fix the dividing line/^ 
The antecedents of the subject will be found in a note 
at foot/^ All subsequent royal provisions, down to 
1803, tend to confirm the limits of Costa Hica that 
were fixed for Cherino on the Atlantic side. But on 
the 20th of November, 1803, a royal order placed the 
island of San Andres, and the coast of Mosquito from 
Capo Gracias d, Dios to the River Chagres, under the 

Costa Rica. 

"An extract of that treaty is given in Mcmtufar^ Resefia Hist., i. 289-90. 

■^^ The royal commission of Diego de Artieda Cherino, governor, captain- 
general of Costa R., issued in 1573, fixed the boundaries of the province from 
the 'embocadura del Desaguadero d rio San Juan de Nicaragua hasta la 
frontera de Veraguas en el Mar Atlantico, y desde los linderos de Nicoya 
hasta los valles de Chiriqui en el Pacifico.' Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 14; Id.y 
Cos-'a R. y Nueva Granada, 9-10, 16-35. Felipe Molina being in the service 
of Costa R., and intrusted with the defence of her interests, his assertions 
might be by some deemed biassed; but the testimony of Juarros, the historian 
of Guatemala, who wrote with the official docs before him, is not open to the 
same objection. He says, speaking of Costa R., * sus terminos por el mar del 
norte, son desde la boca del rio San Juan hasta el Escudo de Veraguas; y por 
el sur, desde el rio de Alvarado, ray a divisoria de la provincia de Nicaragua, 
hasta el rio de Boruca, termino del reino de Tierra Firme.' Montii/ar, Resefia 
Hist, ii. 230. 


supervision of the viceroy at Bogota. Nueva Granada, 
now Repiilica de Colombia, has maintained that this 
royal order made a new territorial division between 
the capitania general of Guatemala and the vireinato 
of Nueva Granada ; and to the latter belongs all the 
territory alluded to in the royal order, and that said 
territory was recognized as hers by the Gual-Molina 
treaty. On behalf of Costa Rica, it has been al- 
leged that the Spanish crown never made a territorial 
division with a mere royal order. The division of 
provinces, vice-royalties, and captain-generalcies was 
effected under a pragmatic sanction, a royal decree, 
or a royal cedula. The royal order aforesaid made 
no division of territory, but merely placed San Andres 
and the Mosquito Coast under the care of the viceroy 
at Bogota because Spain at that time had military 
and naval resources at Cartagena. Nevertheless the 
order had no effect; it became a dead letter, the 
viceroy never having protected that coast. Such was 
the impression of the Central American negotiator 
of the treaty of 1825.^^ With this same understanding 
the federal government of Central America made a 
contract in 1836 to settle an Irish colony in the region 
of Boca del Toro,^^ which was not carried out because 
the New Granadan authorities drove away the settlers, 
and have ever since held control of the region, disre- 
garding Costa Bica's claims. ^^ 

Several diplomatic efforts were fruitlessly made to 
fix the boundary."^^ The last one was made at San 

''^The territorial division recognized by him was that made in 1810, at 
which time no New Granadan authority had a footing in Cent. Am. territory. 
A representation of the ayuntamiento of Cartago to the Sp. cdrtes in 1813 
says: ' Costa Rica tiene por limites de su territorio el rio de Chiriqui que la 
separa de la provincia de Panama.' C6rtes, Diarlo, 1813, xix. 404. 

■^^ Contract of Col Galindo, as agent of the govt. Molina, Bosq. Costa R.^ 

■^^ Copy of correspond, between the gov. of Veraguas and that of Costa R. 
Montufar, Besefia Hist, ii. 272-3; Mosq. Correspond., 22-5; Pan., Docs. OJlc, 
in Pan. Col. Docs., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; Id., Star and 'Herald, Oct. 15. 16, 

■^^ During the Walker war, a treaty was made at San Jose between P. A. 
Herran for Colombia, and Joaquin B. Calvo for Costa Rica, which does not 
follow the line on Molina's map. Modifications were made to it at Bogota, 
and ratifications were never exchanged. Later on Jose M. Castro went to 


Jose on the 25th of December, 1880, in the form of a 
convention to refer the settlement of the question at 
issue to the arbitration of a friendly power, namely, 
the king of the Belgians or the king of Spain, and in 
the event that neither of them could or would under- 
take it, then the president of the Argentine confed- 
eration.^^ It is understood that the matter was 
finally submitted to the king of Spain, and that the 
resolution was long pending. 

Political disturbances continuing in 1849, Castro 
resigned the presidency on the 16th of November,^^ 
before congress, which had met in extra session Octo- 
ber 2d; his resignation was accepted,^^ and the same 
day Juan Rafael Mora was chosen vice-president, and 
on the 24th president of the republic, being inducted 
into office on the 26th of November.^^ One of his 
first acts w^as to grant an amnesty for political offences. 

Bogota and negotiated another treaty, which did not stipulate Molina's line. 
This treaty was not ratified by either govt. The next attempt was made by 
B. Correoso, on behalf of Colombia. His negotiations were mostly verbal, 
disregarding arguments for the straight line between Punta de Burica and 
the Escudo de Veraguas; and alleging that on the N., N. E., W., and N. W. 
of that line were Colombian settlements, which, under the constitution of 
his country could not be ceded. A treaty was entered into, however, which 
did not obtain the ratification of either government. In Costa R. it was con- 
sidered a ruinous one. Correoso was charged in Colombia with having made 
a damaging arrangement. Pan., Gaceta Istmo, Oct. 20, 1841; Id., Cr6n. OJic, 
Feb. 6, 1853; Id., Boletin Ofic, Dec. 25, 1870; Pan., Gaceta, June 15, 1871, 
June 19, 1872, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 31, 1874, May 21, 1876, July 25, Aug. 4, 
22, Sept. 20, Oct. 13, Nov. 10, 21, 1878, July 11, Sept. 12, Oct. 17, 28, 31, 
1883; Pan., Mem. Sec. Goh., 1879, 13-14, 35-42; Colombia, Diario Ofic, Feb. 
26, 1876; Costa R., Mem. Rel, 1851, 5; Id., Col. Ley., xiv. 54-5, 160-1; Id., 
Informe Gohn., 1880, 2-4; U. S. Govt Docs., H. Ex. Doc. 41, p. 64-5, vi. 35th 
cong. 2d sess. 

'''Ratified by the executive, and sanctioned bv the gran consejo nacional, 
of Costa R., Dec. 27, 30, 1880. Pan., Gaceta, Jam 16, 1881. 

^''Carazo, the vice-president, had done the same Oct. 26th. Costa R., Col. 
Ley., xi. 216. 

^^ At the same time he was declared a benemerito, and the founder of the 
rep. of Costa R. /(/., 157-8, 224-5; El Costaricense, Nov. 17, 1849. The op- 
position, however, made severe comments on his policy as reviewed by him- 
self. Anot. d la renuncia, in Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc, no. 20. 

^2 Mora was a Costa Rican of rare intellectual powers, quite conversant 
with her aflfairs; a wealthy merchant, who had travelled abroad, and by his 
frankness and liberality won a well-deserved popularity. El Costaricense, Nov. 
18, Dec. 1, 1849; Costa R., Col. Ley., xi. 225-6, 234-5. Francisco M. Orea- 
muno was elected vice-pres. Jan. 30, 1850. Id., 241-2; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb, 
2, 1850. 


The bonds of discipline and subordination having be- 
come relaxed, Mora had before him a difficult task to 
restore peace and order/^ He dealt severely with the 
authors of revolutionary movements. Castro became 
a fugitive, and the others were exiled. For his efforts 
to restore order, congress, on the 25th of June, 1850, 
granted him the title of benemerito de la patria. 

The president's policy was one of repression by all 
means; but finding himself opposed in the chamber, 
he resigned the executive office, and his resignation 
not being accepted, took upon himself to dismiss the 
congress, calling on the people to choose new repre- 

The continued revolutionary attempts placed the 
government in a difficult position, and prompted the 
president to adopt severe measures; hence the orders 
of exile issued against prominent citizens.^^ 

Mora and Oreamuno were on the 3d of May, 1853, 
elected president and vice-president respectively.^^ 
Peace was now restored, and the government devoted 
its attention to the promotion of education, and of the 
material interests of the country. ^^ 

^^ Nic, Cor. 1st., May 2, 1850. In an address Mora depicts the situation, 
and the attempts of Quiroz and others to disturb the peace in San Jose and 
Heredia, together with his measures to balk them. El presid. de la rep. d la 
Nacion, June 8, 1850. 

^* The decree was issued at the Hacienda de Frankfort en las Pavas, and 
countersigned by Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, minister of govt. He based his 
action on the fact that congress having declined to accept his resignation, he 
was made responsible before God and the people of evils that might result 
from the existing order of things. Costa R., Gaceta, no. 165; El Siglo, March 
10, 1852; Costa R., Col. Ley., xii. 96-7. 

^^ Jos6 M. Castro, Bernardo Rivera, and Nazario Toledo. El Siglo (S. 
Salv.), March 4, 1852. 

^''June 6, 1853, the president's salary was raised to $5,000 a year. Costa 
R., Col. Ley., xii. 236-7, 247-8; Id., Gaceta, July 23, 1853; Hond., Gaceta 
Ofic, June 20, 1853; Wagner, Costa R., 171-2, 506-8, 296-7. 

^^ Min. Calvo's rept to cong. May 16, 1854. The chamber on the 5th of 
June sanctioned all the acts of the govt, and passed a vote of thanks and 
congratulation to the president, ' por el acierto y prudencia con quo la ha re- 
gido.' Costa R., Mem. Rel., 15. 




State Government — ^Director Buitrago's Conservatism — British Ag- 
gression — Director Sandoval's Rule — Internal Troubles — Guer- 
rero's Administration — The Mosquito Kingdom — Its Origin and 
History — Bubbles — British Pretensions — Seizure of San Juan del 
Norte — Diplomatic Complications — Clayton-Bulwer Treaty— Nic- 
aragua Recovers her Own— Relations with Foreign Powers— An 
American War Ship Bombards San Juan del Norte — Pineda's 
Government — Establishment of the Republic — Party Dissensions 
— Legitimists versus Democrats — Chamorro and Castellon — Civil 
War — Death of Chamorro — Estrada Succeeds Him. 

Little, if anything, has been said in this history of 
the internal affairs of Nicaragua since 1838. Under 
her first constitution, that of 1826, the chief executive 
officer of the state was called jefe del estado, and his 
term of office was for four years. The second organic 
law, promulgated in 1838, gave that functionary the 
title of director supremo, limiting his tenure of office 
to two years. Pablo Buitrago seems to have been 
the first director called upon to enforce the constitu- 
tion of 1838.^ He was declared by the chambers, on 
the 4th of March, 1841, to have been constitutionally 
chosen. His first step was to remove from the office 
of ministro general Francisco Castellon, who held it 
ad interim under appointment by Patricio Pivas,^. 

^The following persons held the ofi&ce ad int. before him: namely, Patri- 
cio Rivas, June 1839; Joaquin Coslo, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, senator in 
charge, Oct. 1839; Tomas Valladares, senator, Nov. 1839; Patricio Rivas, 
Sept. 1840. Marure, Efem., 64; MontH/ar, Resena Hist., iv. 136; Wells' 
Bond., 494. 

'^ There was much dissimilarity of views on political matters between the 

(238 J 


calling to succeed him Simon Orozco, whom he could 
more easily control. 

Buitrago treated a communication from Morazan, 
sent him from San Miguel, with contumely ; and after- 
ward, when the ex-president, as jefe of Costa Rica, 
accredited near him two commissioners, he declined 
to receive them.^ His course won him commendation 
from the rulers of Guatemala.* His term of office 
came to an end on the 1st of April, 1843, and he was 
temporarily succeeded by Juan de Dios Orozco. The 
official press asserted that the election for director had 
been made with perfect freedom. But no candidate 
having received the requisite number of votes, the 
assembly chose Manuel Perez to fill the position.^ 
The state was at peace,^ but was not to enjoy that 
benefit long. In a previous chapter I have spoken of 
the desolating war waged within her borders by the 
tyrants of Salvador and Honduras. She was, more- 
over, harassed by the intemperate demands for Brit- 
ish claimants made by Chatfield, the ally of the 
aristocrats of Guatemala, who went so far as to dic- 
tate to Nicaragua how to recognize and pay these 
claims.^ The assembly then authorized the executive 
to arrange the matter in the best way possible, and 

two men, though Castellon had contributed to Buitrago's election. Many 
bitter publications appeared subsequently from the pens of the two adver- 
saries. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 48, 146. 

^ They were not even allowed to enter the state, because of the treaty of 
Oct. 1842, signed by Pa von, Arriaga, and Duran. 

* The Gaceta eulogized him, and Pavon said that he was * un hombre de 
drden que solo aspiraba a la justicia y al decoro. ' Buitrago's position was be- 
coming a difl&cult one. Morazan ruled in Costa Rica, had not a few friends 
in Nicaragua, and public opinion in the latter state favored a convention of 
states. On the other hand, he was anxious not to forfeit the good opinion of 
the nobles and nuns. Upon the news of Morazan 's execution reaching Leon, 
he had it published with marks of satisfaction. He also objected, though not 
strenuously, to the landing of Saget and his companions, ycleped Coquimbos, 
in Salvador. 

^ One of his first acts was to make Francisco Castellon his ministro general. 

*The new official journal, Eco de la Ley, in its first number declared that 
an Octavian peace reigned. And indeed, had Nicaragua been away from ob- 
noxious influences, peace might have been maintained under republican insti- 
tutions. But she was, unhappily, surrounded by states where for a time brutal 
force held sway. 

^ The claimants were Bridge, Clenton, and Manning. Full details on the 
claims of the last two are in Nic., Registro Ofic, 109-10, 121-3, 132-5; Dun- 
hp's Cent. Am., 55-6. 


Castellon, the ministro general, proposed to Chatiiekl 
to submit the disputed claims to arbitration, naming 
Bishop Yiteri as the Nicaraguan arbitrator. Finally, 
a legation was despatched to London, Castellon being 
the minister and Maximo Jerez the secretary.^ The 
British authorities resolved, however, to use coercion 
in order to force a settlement of the claims, the cor- 
vette Daphne blockading the port of Bealejo in Au- 
gust 1846; and the government, being without funds 
to meet such demands at once, had to pledge the rev- 
enue from the tobacco monopoly during the next four 

Leon, after its terrible conflict with the forces of 
Salvador and Honduras, aided by Nicaraguan allies, 
was in a shattered condition, and most of the families 
dwelling therein were in mourning, and reduced to 
indigence. Munoz, who so efficiently cooperated to 
that result, had secured the coveted reward, the com- 
mand in chief of the western department. The seat 
of government was at San Fernando, and Bias An- 
tonio Saenz assumed the executive duties on the 20th 
of January, 1845.^ Under the sword of Muiioz the 
elections for director supremo were effected, and Jose 
Leon Sandoval obtained a plurality vote.^^ He was 
declared duly elected on the 4th of April. The assem- 
bly passed several important measures. ^^ 

Peace had not been restored. Disturbances were 
breaking out in several parts. There were revolu- 

^ They embarked at San Juan del Norte on the 11th of March, 1844. Both 
have since figured prominently in political circles. 

^ Sclva had held the office by virtue of his position as senior senator to that 
date, when his senatorial term expired. 

^"^ 223 votes were cast for him, the next highest receiving only 190. The 
other candidates were Juan Jose Ruiz, Jose Guerrero, Pablo Buitrago, Laure- 
ano Pineda, Jose Rosa Perez, G. Carcache, Patricio Rivas, and Rafael Ma- 
chado. "iVic, Registro Ojic., 47-8; Sandoval, Revistas PollL, 19; Dunhp's Cent. 
Am., 250. 

^^To raise two loans of $10,000 and $30,000, respectively, and to regulate 
the financial system. Trial by jury was suspended. An amnesty was issued 
with many exceptions against the defenders of Leon. Nic, Registro O^c, 69- 
70. Two portfolios were created; namely, that of war, intrusted to Lino 
C(3sar, and that of treasury, placed in charge of Jesus de la Rocha. Jose 
Montenegro was ministro general and of foreign relations. The administra- 
tive course of Fruto Chamorro, as supremo delegado of the late confederacy, 
vaa approved the 9th of May, long after Chamorro had vacated his office. 


tionary movements in Managua, and the government 
sent thither Poneiano Corral to make an investiga- 
tion, and quell the sedition. His report brought 
about the imprisonment of several citizens/^ Mani- 
festations in favor of Cabanas at Rivas were put down 
with an iron hand. On the 24th of June there was a 
revolt at Leon, which Mufioz quelled, and the govern- 
ment had its authors confined in San Juan del Norte. ^^ 
The executive had proclaimed neutrality in the con- 
test between the government of Salvador and Males- 
pin^ who was sustained by Honduras; and though he 
concluded with Salvador at San Fernando a treaty of 
peace, friendship, and alliance, he also entered into a 
similar one with Honduras. ^^ The latter treaty was 
intended to be a reality, and it is undeniable that Nic- 
aragua was a faithful ally and cooperator of Honduras 
down to the treaty of Sensenti. The treaty with 
Salvador was not made in good faith on the part of 

The town of Chinandega was, in the latter part of 
July, captured by 200 revolutionists under Jose M. 
Valle, alias El Chelon,^'^ who had come with sixty or 
eighty men on a schooner from La Union, and landed 
at Cosiofiiina.^^ On the 26th Munoz was attacked in 
Leon, but defeated his assailants.^^ The government 
abandoned San Fernando and went to Managua.^^ 

^^ Under the decree of June 23d, the prisoners were confined respectively- 
in Granada, Matagalpa, Acoyapa, San Fernando, and Nandayme, and sub- 
jected to prosecution by the courts. Many persons, specially the partisans of 
Cabanas, were given by Corral the advice — which was tantamount to an 
order — to quit Managua and not return, Nic, Registro Ojic, 90, 96-8, 101,, 

^^The cause was the indignation at the sympathy of the government's 
agents for Malespin and Guardiola. 

^*The treaty with Salvador bore date of May 6, 1845, and was ratified by 
the Salvadoran chambers June 3d, 

^^ The municipal authorities and citizens of the place, by an acta on the 
29th of July, authorized Valle to take such action as he deemed best to upset 
the existing government and restore constitutional order. Montufar, Resena 
HisL, V. 139-40; Nic, Registro Ojic., 138-9. 

^^ Salvador was for a time suspected of connivance with Valle, but she 
proved the contrary. 

^^ Director Sandovax called them assassins and robbers. 

^^The western department and Managua were mulcted in $12,000 as pun- 

Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 16 


Munoz, victorious again at Chichigalpa, marched on 
Cbinandega, which he occupied without opposition ; ' 
but having to return to Leon, the insurgents retook 
it. He came back with a large force on the 16th of 
August, and reoccupied the place. ^^ Sandoval had, 
on the 9th, forbidden the men who accompanied Mo- 
razan to Costa Rica from entering Nicaraguan soil. 
A ministerial crisis occurred at this time, Rocha and 
Cesar resigning their portfolios, which were given to 
Mdximo Jerez and Buitrago.^^ Their tenure was 
necessarily short, and they were superseded in the 
latter part of the year by Fruto Chamorro and Josd 
Guerrero, the latter being almost immediately suc- 
ceeded by Lino Cesar. This new arrangement gave 
the director an homogeneous cabinet. The govern- 
ment was now a decidedly conservative one. 

The revolution came to an end in the latter part of 
September 1845, an amnesty being issued excepting 
only the chief leaders, and persons guilty of common 

* 91 


This short truce enabled Sandoval to pay an official 
visit to the several districts. In Chinandega the in- 
habitants having abandoned their homes, he issued 
orders to bring them back.^^ The government was 
levying heavy taxes. The citizens of Leon, Chinan- 
dega, El Yiejo, and other places, who were the victims 
of the self-styled "ejercito protector de la paz," were 
-compelled to support the regime which had its being 
^out of the destruction of the first-named town. It is, 
therefore, not a matter of surprise that the people of 
many towns went off to the woods. The insurrection 

^^ His official reports of July 8th and 17th are textually given in M(mtufai\ 
HesenaHisL, v. 162^; Nic., Registro Ofic, 128-9, 133-4. 

'^^ It is inexplicable how these two men could serve in the same cabinet, 
unless under some one of very superior mind and character, which Sandoval 
certainly did not possess. Jerez was a democrat, a friend of Central Amer- 
ican union, and an admirer of Morazan. Buitrago was the opposite — a con- 
servative, separatist, and opponent of Morazan. 

'^^ Leaders surrendering were to be dealt with by the civil courts; other- 
-wrise, if captured, would be tried under military laws. 

'^'^ Every one refusing to return was heavily fined. Chief-of-bureau E. Cas- 
tillo's instructions to the sub-prefect, in Montiifar, Resena Hist., v. 293. 


broke out again, Yalle appearing in Segovia, and re- 
entering Chinandega on the 26tli of November. The 
amnesty decree was thereupon revoked. ^^ The state 
of Honduras took part in the war, sending an army 
under Guardiola to the aid of Sandoval. The insur- 
gents were defeated first by Munoz, and soon after by 
Guardiola, who occupied Chinandega.^* At the end 
of the campaign Munoz signified a desire to leave the 
state, and asked for a passport; but the government 
replied with words of fulsome praise that his services 
could not be spared. ^^ This was precisely what Munoz 
had fished for.^^ 

Efforts were made by Buitrago and others to pre- 
vail on Sandoval to call the chambers of 1846 to sit 
in Leon, but he objected to the proposition. The 
assembly met first in San Fernando June 7, 1846, and 
on the 14th of August sanctioned every past act of the 
government. ^^ At a later date it removed to Mana- 
gua, and adjourned leaving much unfinished business, 
for which it was summoned to an extra session,^'*^ and 
after doing what was required of it, retired on the 18th 
of December. 

The end of Sandoval's term was approaching, and 
elections for supremo director took place. The as- 
sembly met again on the 12th of March, 1847, and 
Senator Miguel K. Morales assumed the executive. 
Minister Salinas in his annual report made a number 
of suggestions to the chambers; namely, an amend- 
ment of the constitution in the direction styled by the 

23 Decree of Oct. 30, 1842. Nic, Regktro Ofic, 126, 128, 138, 143. 

2* Official reports of Dec. 6th and 8th to the min. of war of Nic. Id., 157- 
8; El Tiempo, March 12, 1846. 

2^ ' En cuanto al pasaporte, el Gobierno Supremo ama y desea mucho la 
f elicidad del Estado, y no podria privarlo de su mas f uerte apoyo. ' Montufar, 
Resena Hist., v. 284-5; Nic, Registro Ofic, 290. 

2^ He followed the example of Carrera in Guat. . 

2" Sandoval surrendered his office June 2oth to the legislature in order that 
it might freely adjudicate upon his official acts. Once approved, he resumed 
the executive duties Sept. 2d. 

^^Dec. 12th it voted an amnesty law with a number of limitations; namely, 
against persons entering the state with arms to disturb the peace; and against 
the guilty of murder or other atrocious crime. The govt issued, Jan. 9, 1847, 
r. supplementary decree of amnesty. Sandoval, Revisia Polit. , 57-9' Nic. Re- 
gistro Ofic, 390, 401, 407-8; Montiifar, Resena Hist, v. 298-9. 


conservatives, "moderado y ae orden;" good relations 
with the pope, and cordial friendship with the priests; 
public instruction based upon the requirements of the 
council of Trent. The office of supremo director 
passed, on the 6th of April, into the hands of Jose 
Guerrero, who had been chosen for the constitutional 
term.^^ Acceding to the repeated petitions of the peo- 
ple of the western department, Guerrero decreed ^^ to 
make Leon the residence of the government, and the 
transfer was effected July 20th, the people of that city 
greeting the director and his officials with joy The 
assembly, however, preferred to sit at Managua, and 
did so on the 3d of September. ^^ 

The country stood in need of a new constitution, 
but this could not be framed at the present time, be- 
cause the whole attention of the government and 
people was absorbed by the questions with Great 
Britain, which were a menace to Nicaraguan terri- 
tory, and even to the independence of all Central 
America. These difficulties were connected with the 
possession of the territory known as the Mosquito 
Coast, or Mosquitia. The Spanish authorities to the 
last moment of their rule over Central America acted 
in a manner indicative of Spain's claim of full sover- 
eignty over that territory, disallowing the pretended 
right of the Zambo chief who under British protection 
had been dubbed King of Mosquitia. ^^ 

A British agent claimed some years afterward that 
the relations of the Spanish and Mosquitian authori- 
ties had been in 1807, and even before, such as are 
held between independent powers.^^ The so-called 

■^^ Sandoval returned to Granada and was received with great honor. 

^^ July 16, 1847. This measure awakened much acrimony outside of the 
benefited department. 

3J El Bozonador, Dec. 29, 1847. 

3"^ See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 599-607, this series. In Nov. 1803, the whole 
north coast, including the island of San Andres, and the Mosquito Coast ex- 
tending from Cape Gracias a Dios to the Chagre River, was placed under the 
viceroy of Nueva Granada; but five years later the transfer was annulled, and 
the coast of Mosquitia restored to Nicaragua, to which it had been annexed 
by royal order of March 31. 1803. 

^^ He based his pretension on the following incident: The Caribs on the 
Trujillo line rebelled in 1807 betaking themselves to Mosq. territory, where 


king of Mosquitia claimed sovereignty over an extent 
of country 340 miles long from north to south, and 
about 235 miles in breadth. He also claimed the 
district of Talamanca in Costa Rica, and that of Chi- 
riqui in Panama.^* The British authorities main- 
tained a sort of protectorate over these Indians, occa- 
sionally sending presents to their chiefs.^^ 

George Frederick and his half-brother Robert, like 
their father George, who was killed in 1800, were of 
mixed negro and Indian blood. They were first taken 
to Belize to receive some education,^^ and next to 
Jamaica, where they were the objects of some atten- 
tion on the part of Lord Albemarle, the governor-gen- 
eral. George Frederick's education was an indifferent 
one. In 1815 he was back in Belize to be crowned 
there at his own request, Chaplain Armstrong per- 
forming the ceremony, and his chiefs taking the oath 
of allegiance in regular form.^^ He was then pro- 
claimed king of the Mosquito shore and nation, and a 

they were captured by Sp. troops and brought back, together with some Mos- 
quitians, as prisoners. King Stephen, successor to George, the man crowned 
by the British, threatened to burn Trujillo and to wage a border warfare if 
his subjects were not forthwith returned. The president of Guatemala, for 
prudential reasons, had the prisoners sent back. Am. Cent., Beclam. de In- 
terven., 8. 

^* Altogether about 76,000 square miles. Strangeways' Mosq., 4-5. Lord 
Palmerston, in his instructions to Brit, represent, in Nueva Granada and 
Cent. Am., spoke of a coast line of about 720 statute miles as belonging to 
Mosq. Squier, Cent. Am., 629, has it that from 200 to 500 miles in length, 
and undefined breadth, have been claimed. 

2^ Oapt. Geo. Henderson took some in 1807. The chiefs expected higher 
marks of regard, but had to be contented with what they got. Hendersons 
Brit. Bond., 168, 204. 

^•^ That was done, it is presumed, after the death of Stephen, George's suc- 
cessor, who was ruling in 1807. The govt, at the time of their going to Be- 
lize, was in charge of a sort of regency formed of the three principal chiefs, 
who divided the country into three separate departments. The first, extend- 
ing from Roman River, near Cape Honduras, to Patook, was intrusted to 
Gen. Robinson. The second, from Caratasca, or Croata, to Sandy Bay and 
Diickwarra, including all the Mosquitians proper, was in charge of a brother 
of tlie late king, who bore the title of admiral. The third, from Brancmans 
to Rio Grande, including various tribes, was under Don Carlos, called the 
governor. The three head chiefs had sub-governors. But the small colonies 
of Zambos, at Pearl Cay lagoon and Blewlields, could choose their own gov- 
ernors. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 146-7; Stout's Nic, 168-71. 

^' A regalia consisting of a silver-gilt crown, a sword, and sceptre of mod- 
erate value had been provided tor tlie farce. The emblems of royalty were 
contided to the custody of Jack, an old negro, 'who, with wise precaution, 
kept them carefully concealed.' Squier's Cent. Am., 640-1. 





British war vessel conveyed him and his chiefs to 
Gracias i Dios.^^ It seems that kingly life afforded 
him little or no satisfaction. Aware of his lack of 
qualifications, and fully sensible that he could not 
retrieve himself from vicious habits, especially from 
the bottle, which soon controlled him, his heart failed 
him, and his life became embittered.^^ The British 
government at first manifested a friendly interest, 
sending him presents, and Chaplain Armstrong his 
advice ; but the latter was disregarded by the king 
and his chief minister, who often remarked that a 
present of rum would be more welcome. The instruc- 
tion on government was beyond his understanding, 
and looked on as falsehood. Such was the effect of 
his West India education in civilization. It has been 
asserted that he was murdered in 1824.*^ Robert, 
his brother, succeeded, and was deposed, his successor 
being James, descended from an older branch of the 
family ,^^ who took the name of George Frederick. 

^^ Col Arthur, the superintendent, gave him much good advice to guide 
him in his government. Arthu7''s Letter, in Mosq. Doc, 122-3; Disputes with 
Am., in Brit. Quart. Bev., xcix. 242-3. But the good advice was lost upon 
his swarthy majesty. It is understood that every new king had been to 
Jamaica to receive a commission from the Brit, govt, his subjects refusing 
him recognition as their sovereign till he had done so. Bonny castle's Sp. Am., 
i. 171-2. 

2^ He became a confirmed drunkard. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 148-9. 

*'' Some parties accused of the crime are said to have suffered death. 

^^ George Hendersons British Honduras, London, 1811, 8°, 236 p., is a diary 
of the author's trip to and from the Mosquito shore, which also furnishes an. 
interesting account of Belize and her resources, climate, etc., together with 
a map of Honduras, and ends with sketches on the manners and customs of 
the Mosquito Indians. Thomas Strangeways'' Sketch of the Mosquito Shore, 
Edinburgh, 1822, 8vo, 355 p. The author, who calls himself a K. Gr. C, cap- 
tain of the first native Poyer regiment, and aide-de-camp to his Highness, the 
cacique of Payais, gives with a portrait of that cacique, Sir Gregor MacGregor, 
a historical preface, and a map of Mosquitia, and the Poyais territory. The 
book also contains a descriptive sketch of that country, its productions, mode 
of cultivation, and other facts, all compiled for the special use of settlers. 
Peter F. Stout's Nicaragua, Past, Present, and Future, Phila., 1859, 12°, 372 
p. With the exception of a cursory glance at affairs in Mosquito, on inter- 
oceanic communication, and ancient history of Mexico, this work is confined 
to the resources, history, and general features of Nicaragua, the chief object 
being to furnish a general description of the country rather than its history. 
The author was U. S. vice-consul, and his opinion on questions between his 
country and Great Britain might be deemed by a subject of the latter not 
wholly impartial. Orlando W. Roberts' Narrative of Voyages and Excurskyns 
on the east coast, and in the interior of Central America, Edinburgh, 1827, 16°, 
302 p., preceded by a map of a part of Cent. Am. showing the route from. 


Mosquito annals do not record what became of him. 
The next king was Robert Charles Frederick, who 
believing himself a real monarch, for and in consider- 
ation of abundant contributions of rum, to which he 
was much addicted, began to make large grants of 
land, some of which carried with them the rights of 
absolute sovereignty. Most of these grants were 
afterward cancelled, and the king was taken by the 
British authorities to. Belize, and kept under control. 
He died there, leaving, in a so-called last will, dated 
in February 1840, to Superintendent Macdonald the 
regency of his dominions during the minority of his 
heir, the princess Inez Ann Frederick.*^ Macdonald, 
whether as such regent or as an officer of the Brit- 
ish crown, appointed his private secretary, Patrick 
Walker, to reside at Blewfields, and have charge of 
the affairs of Mosquitia ; since which time the shore be- 
gan to assume much importance, at least in a political 
sense. Walker established a council of state, and 
soon opened a dispute about boundaries with the 
Central American states, giving rise to grave questions 
which occupied the attention of other governments, 
and of which 1 will treat later. 

Several attempts were made smce the early days 
of the present century to colonize the Mosquito shore, 

the Atlantic to the Pacific, via the river San Juan and lakes Nicaragua and 
Leon, with an index and a preface by Edward Irving, is a little book descrip- 
tive of the author's journey up the San Juan River to Leon through Lake 
Nicaragua, and of trading voyages in which he was many years engaged 
among the Indians of Hond., Nic, and Costa R. His opportunities for ob- 
servation seem to have been good, and his manner of setting forth the infor- 
mation thus obtained is clear and apparently reliable. On Mosquitia and her 
govt and people he gives much that is really interesting and useful, R. H. 
Bonny castle's Spanish America, or a descriptive, historical, and geographical ac- 
count of the dominions of Spain, London, 1878, 8°, 2 vol., pp. xxix. 336, v. 359, 
map and engraving, is mostly a compilation, poor in style, divided into two 
parts. The first treats of the Spanish dominions in North America; the 
second of those in South America. Everything is treated in a cursory man- 
ner, and the part relating to Cent. Am. and the isthmus of Panama is meagre 
and trifling. 

*2More details in Squier's Cent. Am., 641-3; Mosquitoland, 31-3, 38-40, 
47-50, 225-9; Nic. Nueva Discusion, 6; Crowe's Gospel, 208-10; S. Juan, Ocup., 
33-5, 45-9; Niles' Reg., Ixiv. 130; Frisch, Staaien von Mex., 94; Reichardt, 
Cent. A.n., 134, 140-1, 208-11. 


for which large tracts of land were granted. Among 
the most important was one made to the Scotchman 
Sir Gregor MacGregor/^ who soon after started a 
wild project, which later was known as the Poyais 
bubble, and ended, about 1823, disastrously for the 
dupes who had been drawn into it/^ In 1839 the 
British Central America Land Company of London 
made another experiment on the same place where 
MacGregor had tried his, and it ended in failure/^ A 
German colony named Carlsruhe, near Blewfields, 
which was started about 1844, had to be abandoned 
in 1849 after losing about two thirds of the emigrants. 
The climate of the coast is moist, hotter than in 
the interior, and not as healthy. The greater part of 
the soil is fertile, and it may be said that the country 
possesses many natural elements of wealth. ^^ Blew- 
fields, the capital of Mosquitia, is on the river and 
lagoon of the same name. In the latter part of 1847 
Blewfields and its dependencies had 599 inhabitants, 
of which 111 were white and 488 black,^^ in two vil- 
lages, the larger, Blewfields, having 78 houses, and 
the lesser, Carlsruhe, 16. Few of the houses were 
built of boards. One of this kind was then occupied 
by Walker, the British agent and consul-general, with 
whom the sovereign resided.*^ 

On the 12tli of August, 1841, Macdonald, superin- 
tendent of Belize, came to San Juan del Norte on the 

*2 At the court of Gracias a Dios, Apr. 19, 1820. The grantee called himself 
* his Highness the cacique of Poyais, ' and claimed absolute dominion over the 
Poyer district on the extreme west of Mosquitia, including the Rio Tinto. 

*^The plan comprised well-equipped regiments of infantry and cavalry, a 
theatre and theatrical company, a band, and paper currency. Crowes Gospel, 
207-8; Mosq.-Kuste und Texas^ 28; Mosquitoland, 34-8; Quart. Rev., xxviii. 
160-1; Eco, Hisp.-Am., July 31, 1800. 

*^ This settlement was called Fort Wellington, and was brought to ruin by 
a succession of calamities, including shipwrecks, 3fosq. -Kuste und Texas, 29- 
33; Youmjs Mosq. Shore, 53-9, 65-71. 

^'^ It has an abundance of mahogany, rosewood, caoutchouc, and other val- 
uable trees, and is capable of producing cotton, sugar, rice, indigo, and most 
of the tropical staples. 

*' Slavery was abolished in 1841. iV^'c, Gaceta, Feb. 10, 1866. 

^^Ihere wjs neither church nor pastor in the place. S. Juan, Ocup., 13-15; 
Squier's Cent. Am., 661-2. 


frigate Tweed, bringing with him the so-called king 
of the Mosquitos or Moscos. At the same time an 
armed sloop, under the Mosquito flag and commanded 
by Peter Shepherd, entered the port. The coman- 
dante and revenue officer, Lieutenant-colonel Quijano, 
went to see the commanding officers at Shepherd's 
house, but was not received, on the plea that both 
the king and superintendent were unwell. An offi- 
cial letter from him was left unanswered. At last, 
the superintendent's secretary, together with the cap- 
tain of the frigate and the king's secretary, called on 
Quijano and told him that on the following day his 
letter would be answered, requiring his recognition of 
the Mosquito king as the ally of her Britannic Ma- 
jesty. Quijano refused, and his visitors retired. He 
reiterated his refusal in a letter to the superintend- 
ent, and in the name of his government solemnly pro- 
tested against his pretension, as well as against the 
insults inflicted on his country.*^ He was finally notified 
that if he interfered with any British or Mosquito 
subject, both he and his government would be held 

The demands and insults of the British officers con- 
tinued until the 15th, when they seized Quijano and 
carried him on board the frigate, intending to take 
him to Belize.^^ The Nicaraguan government, in a 
note to British Vice-consul Foster, denounced the acts 

*^Macdonald answered Aug. 13th that the object of his visit to the coast 
had been to convey a message of H. B. M. to her ally the sovereign of the 
Mosquito nation, and to ascertain by his own observation the true boundaries 
of the Mosquito dominions, upon which point he wished to be enlightened by 
Quijano. He made further demands for a recognition of his demand, but the 
Nicaraguan official invariably returned a refusal. Mosquitoland, 29, 223-5; 
Niles Reg., Ixi. 98; Ixii. 64, 275; Ixiii. 19, 194; U. S. Govt Doc, H. Ex. Doc. 
75, vol. X., 31st cong. 1st sess. ; Young's Mosq. SJiore, 33^. 

^^ An English writer says: ' This farce hardly seemed consistent with the 
dignity of a British officer, gov. of a settlement.' Dunlop's Trav., 215-16. 
Crowe, also an Englishman, declares it to have been an infamous act. Gospel, 
212. It was not disavowed by the Brit. govt. Squiers Travels, ii. 449; Nouv. 
Annates Voy., xciv. 251-2. 

^^ He was left on a desert island on the coast. Marure, Efem., 54; Mont'A- 
far, Hesefia Hist., iii. 612. Macdonald himself on the 15th made his acts 
known to the govt of Nic, alleging that he had been specially requested by 
many persons of San Juan to remove Quijano. The latter was undoubtedly 
a bad man, but no foreign authority had any right to interfere with him. 


of the British officials at San Juan as high-handed, 
accusing Macdonald of usurping the name of her 
Britannic Majesty in supposing her to be an ally of 
the so-called Mosquito king/^ The whole American 
continent became indignant at the British proceedings 
in San Juan. There was one exception, however, 
which must be classified as vile. Ferrera, jefe of 
Honduras, under the influence of the servile element 
of Guatemala, allied with Chatfield, recognized the 
Mosquito nation. ^^ 

Chatfield informed Nicaragua that the whole Cen- 
tral American territory lying between Cape Gracias 
a Dios and the mouth of the San Juan Biver belonged 
to the Mosquito king, without prejudice to other 
rights the king might have south of the San Juan.^^ 
In January 1848 two British war vessels occupied 
the port of San Juan without resistance, replacing 
the Nicaraguan officials by Englishmen as servants 

^'^ Consul Chatfield claimed that Quijano was removed from Mosq. and not 
Nic. territory; that he had himself notified the govt of Cent. Am. of the 
existence of the Mosq. nation, and that Great Britain would not look with 
indifference upon any usurpation of the territory of a monarch with whom 
she had close relations; that Spain had recognized the Mosq. nation when 
Prince Stephen visited San Salvador and Guatemala. His letter was dated 
Oct. 24, 1842. Further correspondence followed between Nic. and Chatfield 
without the former giving way to his pretensions. The whole correspond, 
may be seen in Mosq. Doc, 5-23; I^ic, Cor. 1st., Sept. 26, 1850; Montu/ar, 
Resena Hist., iv. 98-111. 

°'^ In a treaty with Thomas Lowry Robinson, signed in Comayagua Dec. 
IG, 1843. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 112-14. The aristocrats of Guat. 
wanted a protectorate of Great Britain over Cent. Am., and it was believed 
in Nic. for a while that Costa R. had given way to the influence of Pavon, 
Chatfield, and J. J. Flores of Ecuador, and had accepted the scheme. Chat- 
field having concluded, on the 26tli of Nov., 1849, a treaty with Costa R., 
attempted on the strength of it, on the 1st of Dec, to dictate to Nic. He 
said that differences between Nic. and Costa R. must be amicably arranged in 
the understanding, that other means would not be looked on with indiffer- 
ence by Great Britain. 

^* That was pursuant to orders from Lord Palmerston, in which for the 
first time a protectorate over the Mosquito shore was asserted by Great Brit- 
ain. Chatfield and Walker had claimed rights over the entire eastern coast, 
from Cape Honduras to Chiriqui Logoon, an extent of 700 miles, but Palmers- 
ton set the limits 'from Cape Honduras down to the mouth of the river San 
Juan.' ^Meantime the Nicaraguan authorities had obtained, Oct. 28, 1847, 
from the Princess Inez, believing her the heir of Robert Charles Frederick, a 
full recognition of the authority of Nic. over the shore of Mosq., and her com- 
mand to all interloping foreigners to leave the country. The British officials 
of course paid no heed to this arrangement. Squiers Cent. Am., 644-6; Salv., 
Gaceta, March 15, 1850. 


of the Mosquito king, after doing which they sailed 
away; but no sooner had the intelhgence reached the 
interior than a force was despatched to San Juan, 
whicli reoccupied the place and sent to the capital as 
prisoners the intruders.^^ Whereupon the British 
returned in force in March 1848, and defeated the 
Nicaraguan detachment. Hostilities being further 
prosecuted, the Nicaraguan s had to succumb before 
the superior power of their foe, and consented to an 
armistice, providing that they would not disturb San 
Juan, or attempt to reoccupy the port, pending the 
neo^otiations which must follow on these events. ^^ 

Nicaragua, by her ablest diplomates, defended her 
rights to the disputed territory both in Europe and 
America, without obtaining a satisfactory result, until 
the fears of Central Americans for the independence of 
their country were brought to an end by the Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty, otherwise called the Ship Canal con- 
vention, concluded at Washington between the United 
States and Great Britain on the 19th of April, 1850, 
by the first article of which neither power could 
occupy, fortify, colonize, nor exercise dominion over 
Nicaragua, Costa Bica, the Mosquito Coast, or any 
other portion of Central American territory, nor make 
use of a protectorate in any form.^'^ Thus was this 
vexed question terminated, England resigning all her 
claims to the Mosquito Coast, and by a subsequent 

^^Squier's Travels, i. 78-80; Morelet, Voy., ii. 304; Edinh. Rev., no. 211, 
144; Niles' Reg., Ixxiii. 273; Ihickers Monroe Doctrine, 46-7, 52-4. 

^^But the Nicaraguans never relinquished their claim of sovereignty over 
the port, nor even by implication recognized the king of Mosquito. Nic, 
Manif. sohre TraL, 1-13; Castellon, Doc. Rel, 27-8; Nic, Doc. Dipl, 32-9; 
Guerrero, Manif., 1-7; Stout's ^ic, 278; El Si'jlo, Nov. 22, 1852; Nic, Gaceta 
Gob. Supr., Oct. 14, Nov. 4, 25, Dec, 2, 1848; Mies' Reg., Ixxiv. 100; Squier's 
Cent. Am., 647; Id., Trav., i. 101-2. 

^' The other articles refer to the construction of an interoceanic communi- 
cation, either in the form of a canal or of railroads, securing the neutrality of 
interoceanic ways. Annals Brit. Legis., 97-110, 239-41; Nic, Nueva Discov., 
1-44; Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 87-91; Costa R., Gaceta, March 4, 1854; 
Abbott's Mex. and U. S., 340-2; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., Ill; Polynesian, vi. 
1G5-6; vii. 46; Nic. y Hond., Doc, 122-5; Am. Quart. Reg., iii. 310-13; Brit. 
Quart. Rev., xcix. 237-70; El Nacional, July 31, 1858; Nic, Seman Nic, 
Feb. 14, 1874; IIu7it's Merchants' Mag., xxiii. 109-11; Wells' Walker's Exped., 
125-.^3; Caicedo, Lat. Am., 73-5. 


treaty concluded at Managua on the 28th of January, 
1860, known as the Zeledon-Wyke treaty, ceded to 
Nicaragua the protectorate absolutely/^ Since then 
Nicaragua has subjected the Mosquito Coast to a pre- 
fecto/^ Nevertheless, it is understood that the In- 
dian reserve is still ruled by a chief chosen by the 
natives, assisted by a council, which assembles at 
Blewfields; but subject to the supreme authority of 
the Nicaraguan government. 

Nicaragua, as soon as she assumed the position of 
an independent nation, hastened to open friendly 
relations with other powers. ^*^ Spain made with the 
republic July 25, 1850, a treaty of friendship, com- 
merce, and navigation, the first and second articles 
of which fully recognize Nicaragua's independence.^^ 
Early efforts were made to arrange ecclesiastical affairs 
with the papal see, a concordat being finally concluded 
at Kome November 2, 1861.^' 

With the other Central American states Nicaragua 
made treaties, which underwent from time to time 
alterations, as circumstances seemed to demand, for 
her own or the general defence. Several of these 
will be made apparent in the course of my narrative. 
Nicaragua has endeavored to maintain cordial rela- 

^^ The local chief was prevailed on to accept this arrangement with a pen- 
sion of $5,000 a year, during ten years, that is to say, till 1870, payable by the 
suzerain, but the last chief died in 1864 or 1865, and Nic. has never recog- 
nized his successor. Nic, Gaceta, Dec. 23, 1865; Enq/clop. Brit., xvii. 493; 
iVzc, La Union, June 15, 1861; Ilond. Gaceta, Feb. 20, 1861; Jiocha, C6d. 
Nk., i. 118-27, 132; Belly, Nic, i. 297-301; Nic, Conv. Mosq., 1-8; Pirns 
Gate of the Pac, 409-12. Further details on the Mosq. question, giving dip- 
lomatic correspondence and parliamentary discussions, in Hansard's Pari. 
Deh., cxlv. 1003-7; Annals Brit. Legis., x. 129-41; also in U. S. Govt Doc, 
Ex., Sen. and House, which are too numerous to quote here; and likewise in 
U. iS. Cong. Globe, 1855-6, 1857-8, 1859-60; Diario de Avisos, Apr. 24, 1857; 
Nic, Boletin Ofic, Jan. 23, March 4, 1857. 

^^Rocha, C6d. Nic, ii. 21-2; Pan. Star and Herald, Mar. 26, 1884; Nic, 
Mem. Rel, 1867, 3-12. 

^Autograph letters were exchanged in 1848, between Pres. Herrera of 
Mex. and Director Guerrero. Nic, Gaceta Gob. Supr., Sept. 16, 1848. 

*^i Ratified by Nic. March 21, 1851; Poclia, C6d. Nic, i. 99, 103; Nic, 
Trat. de Paz, etc., 1-13. 

''■^By Cardinal Antonelli, for the pope, and Fernando de Lorenzana for 
Nic. The treaty was published in the latter country as a law Aug. 28, 
1862. Nic, Gaceta Gob. Supr., Oct. 7, 1848; Pocha, C6d. Nic, i. 79, 132-7. 


tions with her neighbors.^^ The repubhc entered into 
friendly diplomatic relations with the powers of 
Europe and America, most of them having treaties 
of amity, commerce, and extradition of criminals. Its 
relations with the United States have generally been 
intimate, made so by considerations of neighborhood, 
business interests, and similarity of institutions, as 
well as by a mutual desire to forward the construction 
of a ship canal across Nicaraguan territory. They 
have been disturbed at times, however, while Nica- 
ragua was a transit route between the eastern states 
of the American union, and during the execution of 
schemes of American filibusters, such as those of 
Kinney and Walker. 

While the Mosquito question was pending between 
Nicaragua and Great Britain, circumstances were 
hastening a practical solution of it. An American 
company, acting under a Nicaraguan charter, opened a 
transit route for passengers through the state, begin- 
ning at San Juan del Norte, which place rapidly filled 
up with emigrants from the United States, who be- 
coming numerically predominant, met in a primary 
capacity and organized an independent government.^* 
After an indiscreet attempt on the part of a British 
commander to levy duties on an American steamer, 
which was disavowed by his government, the British 
protectorate over San Juan at last virtually ceased. 
The town and port remained under the direct control 
of the inhabitants, most of whom were Americans, as 
a free city.^^ The prosperity of the place was retarded 
by a dispute with the persons into whose hands the 

"2 Full particulars will be found in Id., 137-43; Nic. Trot. etc. cntre Nic. 
y Hond., 1-8; Id., Gacetti, 1853-74, passim: Id., Col. Doc. y Acnerdos, 1850- 
1872, passim; Id., Trat. con Costa R., 1-7; Costa R., Inf. Rel, 1876, 5-11; 
1878, 1; 1880, 3-4; Salv., Gaceta, Aug. 12, 1853, Oct. 26, 1876, March 21 to 
April 20, 1879, passim; Nic.y Mens, del Presid., 1879^ i.-v. 1-25; and nu- 
merous other authorities. 

•^^They first endeavored to regard the alleged Mosquito authority, but 
finally treated it as a mere fiction. Squier's Cent. Am., 652. 

^^ Municipal ordinances for the place which had now taken the name of 
Greytown. Reichardt, Cent. Am., 241-6, 251; Munic. Ordinances, in Cent. Am. 
Affairs, no. 4, 1-10. 


transit had fallen, which produced bitter feeling, and 
resulted in alleged insults to Solon Borland, United 
States minister to Nicaragua, whose belligerent in- 
stincts carried him away to interfere in matters which 
were foreign to his office. The sloop of war Cyane, 
Commander Hollins, was despatched by the American 
government to look into the case. Hollins assumed 
a hostile attitude,^^ made arrogant demands, and the 
latter not being complied with, he bombarded the 
town on the 13th of July, 1854, and landing a party 
of marines, burned it to the ground. ^^ This act has 
been generally condemned. The American govern- 
ment hardly contemplated it; but not having pun- 
ished Commander Hollins, it must bear the odium. 
Notwithstanding these difficulties, peaceable relations 
were not disturbed. ^^ Nicaragua also has treaties with 
Belgium, Italy, France, England, Peru, and other 
nations. ^^ 

^^ He is said to have been acting under improper influences. Squiers Cent. 
Am., G53. 

^' The town authorities had refused to pay an indemnity. This was the 
first direct aggression by the U. S. in Cent. America. Nic, Doc. Diplom., 
7-12; Costa B., Gaceta, June 17, 22, 29, 1854; Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854; 
Tribune Aim., 1857, 31; U. S. Govt Doc, 33d cong. sess. 1, Sen. Doc. 8, vol. 
iv.; Doc. 85, vol. xii.; 126, xvi. 31 pp.; Id., H. Ex. Doc. 1, vol. i., pt ii., 

^Levy, Nic., 335. Pablo L6vy, Notas Geogrdficas y Economicas sobre la Re- 
pjJblica de Nicaragua, Paris, 1873, Roy. 8°, 627 pp. and map, is a treatise on 
Nicaragua and its inhabitants. Beginning with an historical resume of ancient 
and modern Nicaragua, it gives a review of the topography, climate, natural 
productions, government, people, and their institutions. The writer's infor- 
mation on the country's physical peculiarities may be set down as useful, 
though some deficiency is noted; but that on the political and administrative 
branches is unreliable, showing him to have had but little knowledge of Cen- 
tral American politics. He evidently had not the documents upon which to 
form a correct judgment. The question of a canal across the isthmus of Nic- 
aragua is also reviewed, and a resume of its history given. The last general 
treaty with the U. S. was negotiated in 1867. There was also a convention 
for the extradition of criminals in 1871. Nic. has made arrangements to pay 
Am. claims against her, and on her part asked compensation for the damages 
caused by the bombardment of San Juan, which the Am. govt refused. Pe- 
rez, Mem. Camp. JSFac, 18-19; Rocha, Cod. Nic, i. 93; Nic, Trot, de Amis- 
tad, etc, entre Nic. y los EE. XJU.y 1-16; San Juan del Norte, Las Cenizas, 
1874, 1-12; L6inj, Nic, 235-9; Salv., Diario Ofic, Nov. 10, Dec. 22, 1878; Ber- 
o-uel, Freres et Cie, Petition, 1-20; and a multitude of U. S. govt docs., and 
other papers. 

<^9 Treaty with Belgium, May 18, 1858; with France, Apr. 11, 1859; with 
G. Britain, Feb. 11, 1860; with Italy, March 6, 1868; and a consular conven- 
tion made in 1872; with Perii, 1879. Trat. de Amlstad entre Nic y la Belgica, 
1-15; Id., entre Nic y la Francia, 1-26; Nic, Ley. Emit., 11-30; Rocha, C6d. 


A squabble occurred in 1876 at Leon, in which the 
German consul and a Nicaraguan citizen were con- 
cerned, giving rise to a conflict between the German 
and Nicaraguan governments, the former making of it 
a casus belli, and demanding, backed by a naval force, 
a considerable sum of money /^ 

The political situation in the interior of Nicaragua, 
during the winter of 1848-9, was anything but sat- 
isfactory to the lovers of peace. Parties were again 
venting their animosities. The leader Bernabe So- 
moza captured Kivas, and afterward became notorious 
for deeds of cruelty and robbery. Director Norberto 
Ramirez^^ despatched there a strong force under J. T. 
Munoz. Somoza was defeated and captured at San 
Jorge on the 14th of June. ^^ Ramirez was succeeded 
by Josd Laureano Pineda in ISSl,''^ against whom a 
revolt broke out August 4, 1851, having J. Trinidad 
Munoz for its leader. Pineda and his ministers Fran- 
cisco Castellon and F. Diaz Zapata were arrested. 
The plan failed, however. Leon, Munoz' headquar- 
ters, was taken by government forces assisted by 
troops from Honduras, and Munoz surrendered.'^* On 
the expiration of Pineda's term in 1853, Chamorro 
became chief of the state, having been elected by the 
suffrages of the moderados. The new director was a 

Nic, 106-18; Rouhamif Rigions Nouv., 365-8G; Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre 
Nic. y S. M. B., 1-15; Annals Brit. Let/is., ix. 378-81; Ih-at. de Amistad, 
etc., entre Nic. y el reino de Italia, 1-17; Convencion Consular entre Nic. y el 
reino de Italia, 1-19; Nic, Gaceta, Sept. 7, 14, Oct. 26, Nov. 2, 1872; Salv., 
Diario Ofic, Oct. 29, 1879. 

^"Damages for the injured Germans $30,000, and a fine of $8,000, besides 
the punishment of the official accused of insulting German dignity. Thus 
the superior force dictates unjust terms to the inferior. 

''^ His term began Apr. 1, 1849. 

'■•^He was tried by court-martial, sentenced, and shot June 17th. Nic, Bo- 
letin Ofic, June 15-28, July 4, 6, 12, 1849; Squiers Trav., 1. 121, 166-72, 
295-9; Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc, no. 7. Munoz was rewarded with a gold 
medal, and the friends of the soldiers who perished received pensions. Rocha^ 
C6d. Nic, i. 216-17. 

^^ Recognized by the assembly March 14th as duly elected. NiCy Cor. 1st., 
March 20, 1851; El Sigh, March 28, 1851. 

^* Nov. 10, 1851. Munoz had been declared a traitor and deprived of his 
military rank. He was allowed to leave Nic. , and went to reside in Sal v. 
Chamorro was made commander of the forces. Nic. Dec. y Acuerdos, 1851-3, 
92-6, 116-18; Bond., Gaceta OJic, Jan. 15, 1852. 


well-meaning man, and hoped by pursukig a moderate 
course to allay party bickerings. But his political 
opponents, together with a portion of the military 
element, did not permit him to develop his policy in 

The legislative assembly rejected, April 30, 1853, a 
provisional constitution which had been framed and 
published by the national constituent assembly on the 
13th of October, 1852,^^ and at the same time declared 
the state to be independent and sovereign. This was 
followed on the 28th of February, 1854, by another 
decree of the state constituent assembly assuming for 
the state the title of Kepiiblica de Nicaragua, and giv- 
ing its executive the name of president. ^^ The coat 
of arms and flag of the new republic were decreed 
April 21, 1854.'' 

A constituent assembly, called on the 11th of De- 
cember, 1853, to meet on the .8th of January, 1854, 
for the purpose of framing a constitution for the 
republic, was installed on the 22d of that month.'^ 
It continued its session without interruption, and on 
the 7th of April assumed, for urgent cases, the powers 
of an ordinary legislature, enacting that, in the event 
of a temporary vacancy in the office of president, his 

■^^A new constituent assembly was convoked May 13, 1853. Nic, Gaceta 
Ofic, May 28, 1853. 

''^'Se denominara Reptiblica de Nicaragua.' Rocha, C6d. Nic, i. 94-7; 
Costa R., Gaceta, March 4, Apr. 1, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 7, 21, 1854; El 
Eco Hisp.-Am., May 15, 1854. 

^^ In a circle bordered on the inside with two sprigs of laurel, was a volcano 
with its base laved by the two oceans. In the upper part of the volcano waa- 
a civic crown with the words Libertad, Orden, Trabajo. Around the circle,. 
Reptiblica de Nicaragua. The national flag was given three horizontal stripes,, 
the centre one white, with the coat of arms in the middle; the upper one yel- 
low, and the lower, *nacar,' or light blue. Merchant vessels were to use the 
same flag, without the coat of arms, and had on the centre stripe Republica 
de Nicaragua, in golden letters. Rocha, Cod. JVic, i. 1G3. During the Walker 
regime, 185G-7, his flag had two blue stripes divided by a white one double the 
width of the blue, and in the centre of the white a lone red star. Stewart's 
Filibusters, 12-13. 

^^ Among the members elected were Castellon, Jerez, Guerrero, diputados 
propietarios, and F. Diaz Zapata, suplente, from the western department. 
The govt reported them out of the state, having been expelled fo** their revo- 
lutionary attempts. The assembly on the 1st of March declared them dis- 
qualified to take their seats. Nic, Gaceta Ojic, March 4, 1854; Perez, Mem, 
Hist. Rev. Nic, 12. 

Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 17 




duties should devolve on the member ot the constitu- 
ent assembly called by him to assume them. Cha- 
morro was then chosen provisional president, to hold 
the office till the 1st' of March, 1855. The new char- 
ter of the republic was sanctioned on the 30th of 
April,^^ which was in force only in Granada and other 
towns acknowledging Chamorro's government. 
PThe opposition oP the liberals culminated in an at- 


''^It had 104 articles, and somewhat restricted the right of citizenship, 
created a single chamber, composed of an equal number of senators and rep- 
resentatives; priests were excluded from these positions. The terms of the 
president, senators, and representatives were to begin March 1, 1855, and 
last four years. After the expulsion of the filibusters, a junta de gobierno, 
composed of the leading men of the two opposing parties, was established, 
which declared the constitution of 1838 in force, and a constituent assembly- 
was convoked, its members being from among the best and most talented 
men of the republic. Id., 23-4; iVic, SemanalNic, Apr. 17, 1873. The powers 
granted the executive, which were included in the fundamental law of 1854, 
though with the additional clause that when using them he should report the 
fact to the next legislature, greatly alarmed the opposition. Perez, Mem. Hist. 
Rev. 27 ic, 24. 


tempt at revolution in Leon, promoted by Castellon, 
Jerez, and Mariano Salazar. The government then 
residing at Managua defeated their plan for the time, 
and banished the leaders and a few of their influential 
followers.^^ The_exiles sought refuge in Salvador and 
Hond uras, a nd with the favor of Cabanas, who 
was then on bad terms with Chamorro,^^ obtained, re- 
sources for a second attempt against the government 
of _the latter. With a few men and a quantity of 
arms and ammunition, tliey went from Tigre Island 
to Realejo. The invaders were enthusiastically re- 
ceived, Leon, Chinandega, and immediate towns pro- 
claiming Castellon provisional director, which office 
he assumed June 11, 1854.^^ This_ was the beginnin g- 
of a long and bloody war, which Salvador andjjruate- 
maTar vainly~^EriedT6 aveft?^ Cliamorro approached. 
Leon, buTHndiiig Tf liad declared for Castellon, retired 
to Granada and fortified the place, sustaining afterward 
an irrepfular sieofe of several months from thrice the 
number of his force, under Jerez, till the early part of 
1855. Castellon, meantime, gained possession of the 
republic, Granada excepted ; but the long siege of this 
town wrought a change in the feelings of the unstable 
people, and in a short time Chamorro or his party re- 
covered Managua, Masaya, and Rivas, after a series 
of bloody encounters. The siege of Granada was con- 
sequently raised. ^"^ Even Chamorro's death, which 

^oin Nov. 1853. Id., 9-12; Guat., Gaceta, Dec. 16, 1853; Jan. 6, 1854; 
Salv., Gaceta, Dec. 30, 1853; Hond., Bolet'm Ofic, Dec. 5, 1853; Costa R., Bo- 
letin Ofic, Dec. 15, 1853; Id., Gaceta, Dec. 12, 19, 24, 1853; Jan. 15, 30, 1854. 

^^ He thought Chamorro was evading the obligation of Nicaragua to aid 
Honduras with troops for the war with Gruatemala. 

^2 His manifesto of June 12th was moderate in tone but significant in its 
substance. It promised a liberal policy, and to reconstruct, if possible, the 
federal republic. Wells' Hond., 508-9; Belly, Nic, i. 2G8-70; El Rol, Oct. 6, 

^^ They tendered their mediation. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 67-75. 

^* Early in Jan. 1855, J. Trinidad Munoz was made general-in-chief, Jerez 
having been disabled by a severe wound. El Rol, Feb. 9, 28, 1855; Costa R., 
Boletin Ofic, Feb. 28, 1855. The successes of the legitimist party — so called 
because of the motto on its colors, Legitimidad d muerte — were obtained by 
Gren. Ponciano Corral and his subordinates, Chamorro being too ill for service 
in the field. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 30, 42-3, 108-20; Eco Hisp.-Am., 
Apr. 30, 1855. 


occurred at this time,^^ did not favor the democrats. 
He was succeeded by Jose Maria Estrada. Corral 
was the general-in-chief of the legitimist forces, and 
was organizing at Masaya an army to capture Leon. 
The government had called the constituent assembly, 
which met on the 8th of April with only fourteen 
members, and on the 10th resolved that Estrada 
should retain the executive until a president should 
be chosen under the constitution. This greatly dis- 
pleased Corral, who had expected to be called to that 
position. He had his headquarters in Managua, and 
threatened to be revenged of the men who had slighted 

Meanwhile Munoz had gone to Honduras and re- 
turned with a small division of troops, the chief com- 
mand of both the democratic and Honduran forces 
being vested in him. By his advice Castellon ap- 
pointed Rosalio Cortes and P. Aleman commissioners 
to ascertain the views of the legitimist chiefs with 
reference to peace negotiations. Estrada consented 
to receive Cortes, but not Aleman, and the former had 
interviews with him and his supporters, prevailing on 
them to enter into negotiations either in their official 
or private capacity. Munoz had authorized Cortes 
to tell Corral he wished to have a direct understand- 
ing with him.^^ Cortes first saw Corral, and by his 
advice next had interviews with Estrada, Vega, and 
others, all of whom showed a willingness to treat for 
peace, and asked him to return to Leon, which he 
did, touching at Managua, where Corral assured him 
of his disposition to come to an understanding with 

^In the hacienda of Quismapa, south of Granada, March 12, 1855. Cha- 
morro was a wealthy citizen, born in Granada. A brave, resolute man, firm 
in sustaining his political principles, but lacking discrimination, and easily 
duped. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 126; AstahuituKja, Cent. Am., 67. 

^^ Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 128, considered the act of the assembly as 
a serious blunder. 

^^ His propositions were: Corral and himself were to constitute themselves 
a junta de gobierno, and direct public affairs until a constitutional president 
could be elected. If Corral objected to this arrangement, he, Munoz, would 
recognize the legitimate government, provided Corral became the head of it. 


The situation of the democrats was improved since 
the return of Munoz. That of the legitimists was 
not so good, but the rulers felt confident. By its 
moderate course the legitimist government was gain- 
ing favor in democratic towns. Estrada's confidence 
was increased with the arrival of two foreign minis- 
ters accredited to his government. ^^ By this time 
Corral had an efficient division at Managua. His 
subordinate, Colonel Tomas Martinez, who in late 
years became president of the republic, not only 
cleared Nueva Segovia of Hondurans, but also occu- 
pied the town of San Mdrcos in Honduras. Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Andres Murillo obtained a victory over 
the democrats at Tecuaname on the 17th of May. 
A few days after — May 31st — Estrada's government 
decreed an amnesty to all soldiers, from private 
to sergeant inclusive, presenting themselves within 
twenty days.^^ On the 13th of June came two men 
who afterward were fatal to the legitimists, Santos 
Guardiola, and the clergyman Manuel Alcaine. The 
latter was a commissioner from Salvador to both bel- 
ligerents, and his efforts on behalf of peace had been 
favorably entertained by Castellon. Estrada listened 
to him, but did not accept his proposals.^*^ Alcaine 
went back to Leon, and reported that the legitimists 
were bent upon exterminating the democrats, and his 
statements were fully believed. All hope of bring- 
ing the war to an end by peaceful negotiations was 
now abandoned. ^^ 

^^Facundo Gofii from Spain, and John H. Wlieeler from the U. S. 
Wheeler was cordially received in Granada, but afterward was abhorred 
by the Nicaraguans. 

^^ Being too limited in its scope, the measure produced no good efifect. 

^^ He had gone direct to Granada, saying nothing to Corral from ^Nluiioz, 
which made the former suspect that Munoz was deceiving him. 

^^ Ephraim George Squier, whose works I have often quoted, was born in 
Bethlehem, in the state of New York, June 17,' 1821, and devoted most of 
his life to civil engineering, journalism, and the pursuit of science, winning 
for himself a distinguished name as an archoeologist and author. His first 
distinction was awarded him for his labors on the archaeology of the Missis- 
sippi Valley and the state of New York. Having been appointed in 1849 
charge d'affaires to the states of Central America, he employed much of hi j 
time in gathering data upon those countries, which he after\vard embodied in 
several books. In 1853 he was engaged in the survey of a route across Hon- 


duras, and organized a company for the construction of an interoceanic rail- 
way. In 1863 and the following year he was employed by the U. S. govt as 
a commissioner in Peru for the adjustment of claims against that republic, and 
then devoted several months to the exploration of ancient monuments in that 
country. In 1868 he was for a time tJ. S. consul-gen. to Hond. He visited 
Europe several times both for pleasure and business. In addition to the works 
that will be herein enumerated, he contributed many papers on antiquities and 
other subjects to American and European scientific periodicals. The following 
list comprises his principal works, most of which have been translated into 
several languages: Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, being vol. i. of the 
Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge; Aboriginal Monuments of the state of 
Neio York, in vol. ii. of the Smithsonian Contributions; Antiquities of the state 
of New Yorlc, with a supplement on the antiquities of the west; The Serpent 
Symbol, or Worship of the Reciprocal Principles of Nature in America; 
Waikna, or Adventures on the Mosquito Shore, under the pseudonym of Sam- 
uel A. Bard; Question Anglo-Amiricaine; Report of the survey of the Honduras 
interoceanic raihvay; Monograph on autliors who liave written on the a'jorigi- 
nal languages of Central America; Tropical fhres and their economic extrac- 
tion; Is cotton king? Sources of cotton supply; Incidents of Travel and Explo- 
rations in the land of the Incas. Other works of this author quoted in my 
volumes on Central America are: Notes on the states of Honduras and Salva- 
dor, with maps and illustrations, which gives valuable data on those coun- 
tries. In treating of diplomatic relations he expatiates on manifest destiny 
and British intrigues, his conclusions not being probably palatable to the sub- 
jects of the British crown, and others disposed to oppose the absori)tion of 
more territory, or the exercise of exclusive influence by the U. S. The maps 
drawn by Hitchcock under Squier's directions are the best that to that time 
had been published. Travels in Central America, particularly in Nicaragua^ 
N. Y., 1853, 8vo, 2 vol., pp. 424 and 452, maps and cuts, contains a descrip- 
tion of aboriginal movements and scenery, together with a concise account of 
the history, agricultural and other resources, of Nicaragua, the language, 
manners, and customs of the people, with illustrations of the principal build- 
ings, towns, ports, etc. The work also describes at length the proposed canal 
route, setting forth its advantages. The author had every facility as U. S. 
charge d'afi"aires to obtain the most exact data, and used them conscientiously 
and with marked ability. Nicaragua, its people, scenery, monuments, and the 
proposed interoceanic canal, Lond., 1852, N. Y., 1856, 2 vol. This work is 
similar in all respects to — in fact a reprint of — Travels in Cent. Am. Another 
edition under the aforesaid title appeared in New York, 1860, 1 vol. of pp. 
691, which with the exception of about 18 pp. in the append., and a few more^ 
illustrations, was similar to Trav. in Cent. Am. Tlie States of Central America, 
N. Y., 1858, 8vo, p. 782, maps and illust. The author issued in 1855, with 
the title of Notes on Central America, an 8vo vol. of 397 pages, with maps and 
cuts, intended to serve as a basis for this more extensive one, which treats of 
the physical peculiarities, population, productions, commerce, and other 
resources, political organization, aborigines, etc., of the country in general, 
and of the states separately, and also of Belize, the Bay islands, and 
Mosquito shore. Squier was evidently conversant with his subject. The 
style is vivid and interesting, as well as instructive, and the statements, as a 
rule, worthy of acceptance. In his treatment of diplomatic affairs between 
Great Britain and Cent. Am., in which his own country was interested on 
the side of the latter, he espouses the Central American side with so much 
warmth as to awaken a suspicion that his judgment may have been warped 
by his patriotism. The question of an interoceanic railroad having engrossed 
public attention since the publication of this work the author felt justified in 
reproducing, under the title of Honduras, Lond., 1870, 12°, 278 pp., with a. 
map, in a more compact and accessible form, a description of this country. 
With the exception of a fuller information on the route, and its alleged ad- 
vantages over all others, and an appendix relating to immigration, the con- 


tents of the book have been fully treated in the bibliographical notice on the 
Stales of Cent. Am. 

Kcport to the Directors of the Honduras Interoceanic Railway, Lond., 1858, 
fol., 102 pp. and map. Fours years previously a preliminary report was pub- 
lished on this subject, and in 1857 another containing no additional informa- 
tion, but in the appendix were given further correspondence and the charter 
in full. The present work gives a complete report with all details, present- 
ing valuable statistics, and evidences of the feasibility of the proposed railway. 
Compendio de la Historia FoUtica de Centro-America, Paris, 1856, 12°, pp. 7— 
114, as the title implies, is an outline of the political history of Central 
America from 1821 to 1851, that is to say, a sketch of the revolution and 
struggle between republicans on one side and monarchists on the other, by 
which Central America was annexed to Mexico, and of the subsequent wars 
between the federalists and the oligarchs, which culminated in the destruction 
of the federation, and the ultimate rise to unrestricted power of the latter 
with Carrera as their chief as well as tool. Translation ivith notes of the letter 
of Don Dkijo de Palacio {157G) to the crown of Spain on the provinces of Guate- 
mala, San Salvador, etc., N. Y., 18G0, sq.j8°, pp. 132, is a report which in Span- 
ish bears the title of Carta dirigida al rey de Espafia, and was addressed by 
Palacio, a member of the royal audiencia of Guatemala, to the king, giving an 
account of the ancient provinces of Guazacapan, Izalco, Cuzcatlan, and Chi- 
quimula, together with their languages, customs, and religion of their aborigi- 
nal inhabitants, and a description of the ruins of Copan. Palacio evidently 
collected this information by order of his sovereign, and showed himself an 
intelligent as well as a kindly, well-meaning man; somewhat superstitious, 
but less so than most men of his time. His narrative is both readable and 
instructive, and his description of the ruins of Copan extremely interesting, 
its correctness being established in after years by the accounts of Fuentes 
and Stephens. Squier added numerous and interesting notes, but his trans- 
lation is in places open to criticism, partly for erroneous meanings given to 
words, and partly for a not strict adherence to the spirit of the original. The 
book, though a beautiful specimen of typography, is disfigured with many 
misprints. Besides these I have in my library numerous valuable documents 
in manuscript relating to Central American history, from the earliest days 
after the Spanish conquest, which Mr Squier gathered from various sources 
and never published. 

A Travers UAmerique Centrale. Le Nicaragtia et le Canal Jnterocianique, 
Paris, 1867, 8°, 2 vol., maps, 427 and 480 pp., by Felix Belly, who was the 
director-general of a French canal company for opening a Nicaragua route. 
He was also a chevalier and a well-known writer. To him had been intrusted 
the task of obtaining a charter from Nicaragua for this canal, and with this 
object he visited Central America in 1858, obtained the charter, and made 
the necessary explorations for routes and resources. The delays and uncer- 
tainty of the undertaking caused Belly to visit the country more than once, 
and he thus became well acquainted with its resources, people, government, 
and institutions generally. This information he imparts in connection with 
the narrative of his journey and in articles, under the respective states, given 
in the first volume. The second volume is wholly devoted to the interoceanic 
projects, and particularly to a detailed history of his own canal scheme. The 
style is attractive, the observations clever, and the information excellent. A 
second edition, a reprint, appeared in 1870. Belly, Carte d' etudes, etc., Paris, 
1858, contains notes on the j)roject of building a canal through Nicaragua, and 
the survey made for that purpose. Felix Belly, Durchhruch der Americanis- 
chen Landenge. Kanal von Nicaragua. Ubersetzt von Karl Schohel.'Vsiris, 1859, 
8°, 103 pp., one map, is the same as C'ar^e d'etndes . . . .hy Felix Belly, but 
enlarged with a few sketches of the country and people of Nicaragua and 
Costa Rica. 




President Rivera Paz — Carrera's Course — Pretended Sedition — Disso- 
lution OF THE Assembly — A Consejo Constituyente Created — Car- 
rera Becomes President — Attempt against his Life — Revolt of 
MoNTERROSA— Carrera's Despotism — The Republic Established — 
Relations with Other Powers — Revolution of the Mountain — Con- 
stituent Assembly Convened — Carrera's Forced Resignation and 
Exile — Liberals Triumphant — Their Squabbles and Disintegration 
— The Moderado Party — Revolution of Los Altos — Intrigues of 
THE Serviles — Presidencies of Martinez and Escobar — Causes of 
THEIR Resignations — Paredes — Recall of Carrera — Deeds of Ven- 
geance — Carrera again President — Partial Restoration of Peace. 

Carrera had become so inflated by flattery that he 
actually believed himself able to govern upon instinct 
Guatemala, and even all Central America.^ He tried 
to shake ofl* aristocratic control, and showed pugna- 
ciousness toward the assembly and the administrator 
of the diocese. Obedience not being in every instance 
given to his whims, he threatened, in August 1840, to 
resign the command of the troops, which he held with 
the rank of lieutenant-general.^ The aristocrats were 
much alarmed, and the assembly, in flattering terms, 
declined accepting the resignation. He now appeared 
in the roles of financier, political economist, and enemy 
of the nobles, presuming to dictate a policy for the 
protection of manufactures, agriculture, and other 

^ At this time, in 1840, he could neither read nor write, and used, for ap- 
pending his signature, a stamp. Later he learned to sign his name. 

^He sent his resignation to the assembly, implying that it was conde- 
scension on his part to lay it before that body, as he owed his position directly 
to the votes of the people 



interests. His displeasure with the nobles was be- 
cause he believed them hostile to the masses.^ They 
managed to mollify him, and he then contented him- 
self with issuing a long address, on the 9th of October, 
reiterating his anxiety for the general welfare, and 
remonstrating against the intrigues of his personal 

A reign of despotism was now established, which 
continued upwards of thirty years. Liberal laws were 
abrogated one after another, and retrogressive ones 
substituted, including a complete restoration to the 
clergy of the fueros they had been deprived of by the 
liberal cortes of Spain in 1820. Carrera's enmity to 
the assembly became more apparent from day to day. 
He showed it by word, and by the press. ^ He could 
not write a line, but others wrote for him, and printed 
articles appeared over his name.^ Jose Francisco 
Barrundia had returned from his exile, and had been 
chosen a deputy, but he resigned on the 11 th of March, 
1842, giving powerful reasons for his course.^ Indeed, 
Barrundia would have been out of place in a body 
mostly made up of ultramontane priests, self-styled 
nobles, and reactionists. 

2 He was wrathful at the thought that they had tendered a dictatorship to 
Morazan, and enlisted the Quezaltecs against himself. He did not forget Ri- 
vera Paz' proclamations calling him a bandit and an antwpofago. He asked 
for the meaning of this last word, and on being told it, flew into a rage which 
threatened a repetition of the horrid scenes of Quezaltenango. Montufar, Re- 
sefia Hist., iii. 512. 

* He referred to Pavon, Batres, and Aycinena. It was evident that he 
then knew of Juan Fermin Aycinena 's bargain in Madrid which made him 
marques de Aycinena. 

^ His press was called Imprenta del Ejercito. He had brought it from 

^ Several deputies, under one pretext or another, tried to resign, but only 
the clergyman Lorenzana was permitted to do so. TempsJcy's Journey, 341-56. 
A man named Andrade slightly wounded Carrera in the evening of Aug. 8, 
1841. He was murdered by the troops, and Carrera, with the assent of the 
govt, had the body quartered in the presence of hundreds of persons, and the 
pieces placed on exhibition at the city gates. The order for so doing was 
signed by Rivera Paz, and his minister Viteri, afterward bishop of Salvador. 
M,. 541-8; GuaL, Gac. Ofic., no. 22, 86-7; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 248; Nouv. 
Annales Voy., xcii. 375; Niks' Beg., Ixi. 177. 

^He had promised, he said, to remain in private life. His voice would 
be unheeded. Without freedom or influence, he could no longer do the coun- 
try any good. ' Ningun pensamiento hay aceptable en la critica complicacion 
de sus negocios, y en el movimiento retrdsrado que se le ha dado. ' Montufar^ 
ResenaHist., iii. 528-9; Gac. de Salv., Oct. 12, 1854. 


The treasury was so exhausted that the assembly 
had no means to pay its clerks. But the ecclesiastical 
coffers had an abundance of money from the tithes 
tax, and Carrera's troops had to be paid, or he would 
resent tjifi-joegiect. This was made evident in Sep- 
tember ( 1844 / Rivera Paz, the president, with the 
utmost difficulties, managed to procure money for the 
pay of the soldiers from day to day; but for some 
reason unexplained, it did not reach them. Carrera 
found a way to secure his ends. He had a conference 
with some of his officers, and the result was that the 
battalion of regular troops revolted on the 20th, and ^^ 
/sacked a number of shops, and the stalls in the market- 
place, getting an abundant supply and ruining several 
traders.^ Carrera then gathered his soldiers in the 
barracks, and in order to keep up appearances, the 
next day without much ado or any form of trial, had 
six men shot.^ 

Rivera Paz, finding his position unbearable, resigned 
it. The assembly accepted his resignation, to take 
effect after his successor should be appointed, and 
qualify. Carrera was chosen, but declined the office. 
Venancio Lopez and Bernardino Lemus, appointed in 
the order named, followed his example. Rivera Paz 
had to remain as nominal liead of the government, 
Carrera being the actual ruler, whose demands clashed 
with the fiery-tempered Viteri, minister of state. 
They had a serious quarrel, which culminated in the 
arrest by Carrera, on the 7th of December, 1841, of 
Rivera Paz, together with Yiteri and his subordinates.^^ 

^Rivera Paz did not escape insult; but not more than Carrera deemed 
needful to keep him humble. 

^The Gaceta, no. 173, mentioned that number. Others made it larger. 
The Indian chief Ricardo Catzum and others on their way to the place of exe- 
cution, in loud tones declared that they had only obeyed their general's orders. 

^"Carrera had threatened Viteri with *la fuerza,' and the latter answered 
that he had on his side ' la fuerza de la razon. ' Carrera understood this to 
mean cannons and muskets, and rushing out to the plaza came back soon 
after with troops and artillery, surrounded the government house — then oppo- 
site the Santa Rosa church — and furiously entered the building, demanding of 
Rivera Paz to show him his forces. Viteri then explained the meaning of 
fuerza de la razon. Montu/ar, Reseila BisL, iii. 536-7. Squier, Travels, ii. 
443 describes something similar as done by Carrera to the assembly. 


But after explanations he retired his force, and cahii 
was restored. On the refusal of Carrera to accept 
the presidency resigned by Rivera Paz, December 14, 
1841, the councillor Venancio Lopez was called upon 
to assume the office/^ The lieutenant-general asked 
for a passport to leave Guatemala, his object being 
only to obtain more honors and money. His plan 
seems to have succeeded. ^^ Lopez gave up the pres- 
idency, and Rivera Paz for the third time, on the 14th 
of May, 1842, was appointed to fill it. 
^__The assembly adjourned on the 4th of November, 
QL843 ^to meet again on the 1st of April, 1844. But 
Carrera had resolved to suppress it, and pretending 
an intended seditious movement at Pinula, he had 
the supposed rebels fired upon, and the criminal farce 
ended with a simulated capitulation at Guadalupe on 
the 11th of March, 1844, by which the assembly was 
set aside, and a council of government was to take its 
place.^^ The assembly was convoked, ratified its own 
dishonor, gave the government full power to regulate 
administrative affairs, and decreed its own dissolu- 
tion.^* The decree convoking members for the new 
counciP^ was issued on the 26th of April, and it was 
formally installed on the 8th of December, having 
among its members a number of liberals. Rivera Paz 
( resigned the presidency,^^ and Carrera was chosen his 
I successor, assuming on the 11th of December an office 
/ that he had virtually controlled since the 13th of 
/ April, 1839. At the election of justices of the supreme 
court, the nobles were defeated.^^ The consejo, or 

^^ Lopez was a Nicaraguan educated in Gnat., an honorable man and an ac- 
complished jurist; but owing to bad health, personal habits, and other causes, 
was unfit for the executive office. 

^^ The assembly considered a bill granting him large tracts of land. 

^^ The constitution to be framed was to be ratified by the first subsequent 
council of double the no. of representatives. The doc. had 12 articles. GtiaL, 
Inf. Pavon, 2-5; Mies' Reg., Ixvi. 242. 

i*On the 14th of March, 1844. Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 114-16. 

^^' Consejo constituyente ' it was first called; afterward it adopted the 
name of 'congreso constituyente.' 

^^^ Being appointed early in 1849 corregidor of Jutiapa; while on his way 
there he was murdered with others. 

^^ They had counted on Carrera 's aid, and he failed them, for which they 
again at their secret conferences reapplied to him the name antropd/ago. 


congreso, as it had begun to call itself, became an ob- 
ject of bitter enmity on the part of the aristocrats and 
serviles; and Carrera's overthrow was also contem- 
l^lated by them, pretending cooperation with the lib- 
erals for its accomplishment. The plan fell through 
before maturity, owing to distrust between the leaders 
of the two parties. Carrera was informed of his 
danger by the confession of a dying man, but never 
penetrated to the sources of the plot.^^ During Car- 
rera's absence from the capital on furlough in Feb- 
Lruary 1845, Joaquin Duran occupying the executive 
chair, a revolt took place, headed by Monterrosa and 
p,n officer named Mendez, but not being seconded by 
the people, they entered into a capitulation with Duran 
to leave the city, on his solemnly pledging them that 
they would not be molested. They accordingly went 
out on the 5th as promised, and on the next day 
Sotero Carrera, A. Solares, and Vicente Cruz entered 
at the head of their respective forces. Carrera ar- 
rived afterward, and was received in triumph. ^^ 

At the expiration of his furlough Carrera reassumed 
the reigns of government. Joaquin Duran resigned 
the portfolio of treasury and war, being succeeded by 
Brigadier Geronimo Paiz. The state was now virtually 
under the control of a triumvirate composed of Rafael 
and Sotero Carrera, and Paiz.^^ The subsequent res- 
ignation of Minister Ndjera and appointment of Jose 
Antonio Azmitia inspired a little confidence. ^^ The 

^^A number of persons were blindly persecuted, particularly Brigadier 
Monterrosa and his family. Barrundia, Rev. de los Partidos, in Montiifar, Re- 
sefia Hist, iv. 662. 

^^ Durari's pledges went for nothing. Blood and extermination ended the 
drama of Feb. 1845. Id., 663-9; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 244-7. 

2^ The most despotic captain-generals of the colonial period, without excep 

ting the tyrant Bustamante, are not to be compared with these men. Bar- 

Lg to console the young men who be 
country, assured them that it was transitory, *un regimen salvaje en pleno 

rundia, in trying to console the young men who bewailed the condition of the 

siglo XIX. no puede ser perpetuo en la America indeijendiente. La luz noa 
viene por el Norte y por el Sur; solo el centro esta en tinieblas, y esa noche 
liigubre no puede ser eterna.' Montufar, Reseua Hist., v. 9. 

'■^^ Azmitia was an enlightened man, and thirsted for no one's blood; but 
his influence, outside of the foreign department, was small, and men, unheard 
and untried, were shot before his eyes, without his being able to prevent it. 
His friends claimed, however, that through him Guat. was spared many more 
acts of barbarity. 

'UNI 7 

Ty ^' >' rv^ 


constituent congress passed liberal laws, and issi 
new constitution on the 16th of September, 1845, that 
did not suit the aristocrats, and they made it an ob- 
ject of ridicule and contempt. ^^ The congress closed 
its session on the 21st of the same month. Carrera 
had obtained another leave of absence, and Brigadier 
Vicente Cruz, the vice-president chosen by congress, 
assumed the executive office.^^ The aristocrats kept 
a strict watch on Cruz, and breathed more freely when 
Carrera with his ministers Paiz and Azmitia were 
again at the head of the government. The succeed- 
ing congress on the 1st of February, 1846, rejected 
the constitution framed the previous year, and author- 
ized the government to call another constituent con- 
gress. This was the result, not only of aristocratic 
intrigue, but of violent threats on the part of Car- 
rera and his minions against all attempting to sanction 
the act of the 'desorganizadores' to undermine his 

Carrera and Paiz, aided by Sotero Carrera, corre- 
gidor of La Antigua, now ruled supreme. Citizens 
had no protection unless they approved of every act. 
During the funeral services of Archbishop Casaus a 
plot was made to assassinate Carrera, which failed, 
and the conspirators were seized and tried. Those who 
had powerful friends were sent into exile ; the rest had 
to perish in the damp dungeons of the fort.^^ 

Guatemala, in view of the political change resulting 
from the dissolution of the federal compact, decreed 
by her assembly, on the 14th of November, 1843, a 

22 It consisted of 222 articles, and was drawn up at Quezaltenango; it came 
to nothing. Pineda de Mont., in Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 86. 

■^^ Cruz had risen with Carrera, but had a mild disposition, and was liberal- 
minded. He learned erelong that the people had nothing to expect from the^ 

'^* Barrundia left an account of all the proceedings. One man only, Jose 
Gandara, had the courage to back his convictions and vote for the constitu- 

2^ The plan hau been to shoot him as he came out of the cathedral. Dun- 
lop's Cent. Am., 248; Iris' Espafc, Dec. 12, 1846. 


new coat of arms for the state.^^ On the 6th of April, 
1857, the government was empowered to make in the 
coat of arms such changes as it might deem judicious, 
but preserving the inscription, Guatimalse Kespubhca 
sub Dei Optimi Maximi protectione. The change 
was decreed on the 31st of May, 1858."^ A law of 
March 14, 1851, confirmed in that of May 31, 1858, 
establishes the national flag.^^ 

The national independence of Guatemala was ere- 
long recognized by foreign powers, with which she 
opened diplomatic relations and made treaties."^ The 
formal recognition by Spain took place in the treaty 
of May 29, 1863, subsequently ratified by both gov- 
ernments. Guatemala has endeavored to maintain 
friendly relations with all. With the United States 
they have been quite cordial. During Carrera's rule 
his government gave recognition to the imperial re- 
gime of Maximilian in Mexico.^^ During the South 
American struggle between Chile on one side, and 
Peru and Bolivia on the other, Guatemala maintained 
herself neutral. She accepted in 1881 the invitation 
of the United States government to be represented 

2^ The arms to be those Cent. Am. used on the obverse side of her coin, 
but so arranged that the sun and volcanoes should be in the centre of a shield, 
with the inscription, Guatemala en Centro America, 15 de Setiembre de 1821, 
having in the quiver an olive crown. 

2' A shield divided transversely into two quarters; the upper one on an 
open field azure with vertical bars argent; and the lower with three volcanoes 
on a light sky-blue field. Over the shield was a sun, and on each side of it 
two flags with the national colors displayed, and the extremities gathered 
downward, and knotted on the poles. On the right side of the shield is an 
oak bough, and on the left, one of laurel. On a white waving ribbon is the 
legend in golden letters, Guatimalse Respublica sub D. 0. M. protectione. 

2^ The man-of-war flag has the coat of arms on the yellow stripe. The 
mercantile flag does not show the coat of arms. The flag consists of seven 
stripes; the uppermost and lowermost, or be it the 1st and 7th, blue; the 2d 
and 6th white; the 3d and 5th red; and the 4th, which is the centre one, 
yellow. Guat.y Reco'p. Ley., i. 55-8; Dubkin and, Le(f. Mex., vi. 119- 
20; 3/ea;., Col Ley. Orel., 1850-1; i. 388-9; Mex., Leg., 1851, 307-9. New 
national flag decreed Aug. 17, 1871. Guat., Recap. Leges, Gob. Democ, i. 9. 

29\yj^lj France, March 8, 1848, and one for the settlement of French 
•claims, Aug. 18, 1854; Costa R., March 10, 1848; G. Britain, Feb. 20, 1849; 
U. S., March 20, 1849; Belgium, Apr. 1849; Mex., Nov. 1850; the pope, Oct. 7, 
1852; Peru, 1857; and others in later times. 

'^■^ Crosby 8 Events in Cal., MS., 103. It tried to avoid entanglements in 
the questions then pending between Spain and Peru. The time came, how- 
ever, in 1875, when the govt was not afraid to make recognition of Cuba, 
then in the throes of revolution for independence from Spain as a nation. 


at a proposed American congress to be held in Wash- 
ington, but which did not take place. In that same 
year, owing to the maltreatment of a French citizen, 
a difficulty arose with France, but it was amicably 
settled, the French flag being saluted, and a pecuniary 
compensation allowed by Guatemala.' 


On the 8th of April the official journal gave to the 
public a decree appointing Pedro Molina, Alejandro 
Marure, and J. M. Urruela a committee to frame a 
constitution for the new republic,^^ a project of which 
they presented in due time; but, though conservative, 
the government would not adopt it.^^ The self-styled 
nobles were delighted with their republic, and made 
it appear in the official paper that the people in the 
departments were equally so. But a scarcity of bread- 
stufl*s, attributed by many to the contrivances of 
monopolists, created disturbances in some districts, 
alarming the government. Certain taxes were tem- 
porarily removed, and other measures were adopted 
to alleviate the distress.^* 

In May there was a revolutionary movement in 
Sacatepequez.^^ Robbery and murder became of fre- 
quent occurrence in several departments. The gov- 

^^FuU particulars on the foreign relations may be found in Guat., Recap. 
Ley., i. 303-81, 423-30; Id., Gob. Dem., i. 209-19; Squkr's Trav., ii. 451-2; 
Annals Brit. Legis., 1866, 333; Guat., Gac, Feb. 21, March 7, May 3, 1850; 
July 29, 1853; Jan. 27, Apr. 7, 1854; Comm. Bel. Flagcfs Hept., i. 792; Dere- 
cho Intern. Jfea;. , 2d pt, 325-8; Mex., Mem. Bel., 1851, lO-ll ; Dublan a.nd Lozano, 
Leg. Mex., v. 755-7; Nic. Corr. 1st., May 1, June 1, Aug. 1, 1849; Id., Gac. 
Ofic, Feb. 25, 1854; Aug. 4, 1866; Costa B., Gac, Feb. 13, March 13, June 10, 
1854; Salv., Gac, Jan. 13, 1854; Crosby's Events in Cal, MS., 90-5, 102-4; 
Bocha, C6d. Nic, i. 141-5; Salv., DiaHo Ofic, Apr. 20, Sept. 9, 1875; Guat., 
Mem. Bel, 1882, 26-7, and annex 8; La Estrella de Occid., Dec. 2, 1864. 

^2 Molina accepted this trust believing Minister Azmitia, with whom the 
committee would have to treat directly, was a liberal; but Azmitia was not 
such, nor would the aristocrats have permitted him to control the situation. 

^^ Molina accepted, under the pressure of circumstances, a number of 
clauses opposed to his own opinions, thinking that a conservative constitution 
would be better than an unbridled dictatorship. 

^■* Some of the measures being imprudently executed only increased the 
trouble. To make matters worse, the monopoly of aguardiente in the depart- 
ments of Guat. , Sacatepequez, Escuintla, and Amatitlan, was given to a single 
company, in consideration of money advances to the treasury. Carrera was 
supposed to share in the profits. 

^^ The Indians rose against the ladinos, who deprived them of their lands, 
and forced them to work at raising grain. 


ernment saw a serious revolution at hand, and made 
efforts to meet it. It tried, however, to show that 
the pubhc peace was not disturbed.^^ All measures 
to check the revolution were unavailing, and the pol- 
icy of the rulers of Salvador made the condition of 
affairs more alarming to Carrera and his supporters. 
Their political opponents now thought the overthrow 
of the tyrant was not far distant. His counsellors 
advised him to call a constituent congress, and pro- 
visionally place the executive office in the hands of 
Vice-president Cruz, to which he acceded. The de- 
cree for summoning the congress was issued, and Cruz 
assumed the presidency on the 25th of January.^'' 
Ndjera and Azmitia retired, which indicated a change 
of policy. This greatly exercised the reactionists, 
and the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the 4th of 
February, urgently begged Carrera to resume his 
office, whereupon Cruz threw it up, and the former 
took the chair at once. He organized a new cab- 
inet,^^ the personnel of which was a challenge to the 
whole liberal party, which thereby w^as roused to 
action. The first act of the government was to revoke 
the decree calling the constituent assembly. All hope 
of reform was now given up. 

The revolution w^ent on, and notwithstanding occa- 
sional reverses made much headway, Serapio Cruz, a 
brother of the vice-president, and an estimable man and 
experienced soldier, taking sides with the mountaineers. 
The government was sinking under the weight of its 
depravity; and yet in those moments of despair, it 
struck a blow at its opponents. Molina was arrested 
on the 10th of May. A similar order was issued 

^^ * La tranquilidad contintia inalterable.' Gnat., Gac. Ofic, Aug. 14, 1847. y 
The archbishop was asked to instruct his priests to preach obedience to the 
authorities and laws; and with the view of winning the good-will of the Do- 
minicans the govt restored them the large hacienda of Palencia, which had 
been theirs prior to 1829. The property had fallen into Carrera 's hands by- 
donation from the government, and now, in order to restore it to the friars, it 
was bought from him at his own price. 

^^ Carrera's decrees of Jan. 12 and 22, 1848. 

^^ Foreign relations, Jose Mariano Rodriguez; government, Luis Batres; 
treasury and war, Jose Najera. 


against Barrundia, but he escaped the clutches of the 
sbirri, first giving the government his mind in the 
Album, which publication was of course suppressed.^^ 
Together with Molina were conveyed to the fort Jose 
Marino Vidaurre and the printer Luciano Luna. An 
order of the court of first instance, issued at the peti- 
tion of Molina's wife, was treated with contempt by 
Palomo Valdez, acting comandante of the depart- 
ment, who merely said that Molina had been imprisoned 
upon a verbal order of the president. The prisoners 
were released after some time of suffering in the dun- 
geons of the fort. The Gaceta repeatedly contained 
abusive remarks against the republicans of France. 
The French consul demanded a retraction, and not 
being heeded, struck his flag and discontinued rela- 
tions with the government.*^ 

The position of the government was daily becoming 
more untenable, when it concluded to call a constit- 
uent assembly, to begin its labors on the 15th of 
August.*^ A scandalous occurrence took place a few 
days before the installation of the assembly, when the 
comandante, Palomo Valdez, violently arrested the 
deputy M. Pineda de Mont, who was released at 
the demand of that body, but the perpetrator of the 
act went unpunished. 

Carrera made known his intention to resign *^ on 
the installation of the assembly, and the insurgent 
chief Francisco Carrillo tendered his submission to 
that body. The liberals could not expect to elect any 

2^ His last words on that occasion were: *Queda al publico el sempitemo' 
duo de la Revista y Gaceta, que daran solos la ley y seran la esclusiva ilustra- 
cion de Guatemala.' Montilfar, Resena Hist., v. 444; Salv., Gac, Oct. 12, 
1854. It must be borne in mind that those two organs were edited by Pavon 
and Milla for the express purpose of upholding the ideas of the middle ages. 

^''This affair was later settled, the assembly passing resolutions highly 
complimentary to France and her people, embodying also a desire to see the 
French flag again waving over the French consulate. A copy of the resolu- 
tions was transmitted to the consul. The flag waved again and was saluted 
with 21 guns. Montiifar, Resena Hist., v. 577; Niks'' Req., Ixxiv. 142-3, 415- 
16; Mc, Gac. Gob. Suprem., Dec. 9, 1848; El Heraldo, Jan. 15, 1849. 

*^ The members were to be at the capital on the 1st of the month. Decree 
of May 24, 1848. Gnat., Recop. Ley., i. 121-36. 

*2 This was done by the advice of Batres, M^ho told him the liberal party 
would soon commit suicide, and he might then return in triumph. 
Hist. Cent. Am,, Vol. III. 18 


candidate of their own, and the reactionists, though 
having a working majority in the assembly, from 
motives of pohcy abstained from presenting one of 
their party; but they finally fixed upon a political 
nonentity, who was known to be in accord with Nufio 
and the revolutionists of Chiquimula, named Juan 
Antonio Martinez,^^ believing that though a liberal 
he would not be antagonistic to their interests. The 
assembly was installed on the 15th of August with 
Pedro Molina presiding, when Carrera sent in three 
documents, one of which was his resignation,** which 
was accepted, no attempt being made to detain him, 
as it was the general desire that he should leave the 
country/^ Martinez was appointed his successor.*^ 
The new president kept Carrera's officers in their 
command s/*^ His appointment did not satisfy the 
-chiefs of the revolution,*^ and through commissioners 
they made known their demands, dated August 27th, 
in 18 articles.*^ The government rejected them, but 
in a decree requiring their submission oflfered certain 
terms, which in their turn were not accepted, and the 
war went on. 

Colonel Nufio had made an arrangement with com- 
missioners Duenas and Angulo of Salvador for the 
organization of Los Altos as a separate state. This 

*^ A merchant or agent; he was sickly, and totally unfit for the position. 

** The other two were his message on gen. affairs, and his greeting to the 
chamber on its installation. iWc, Gac. Gob. Swprem., Sept. 16, 1848; Salv., 
Oac. Ofic, Sept. 9, 1876; Mo7iin/ar, Resena Hi^t., v. 470, 494-508. 

*^His proscription was decreed on the 13th of Oct., 1848. Iter/. Cent. Avi., 
Jan. 29, 1850. He went to Chiapa, and the Mexican govt was requested not 
to let him cross the frontier. El Sigh, Jan. 10, 1851. 

^^ This was an unmerited slight to Vice-president Cruz, which he resented 

"^^ His ministers were Manuel J. Dardon of the govt; Jose M. Vidaurre of 
treasury and war, and Luis Molina of foreign relations. 

*^ Francisco Carrillo, Serapio Cruz, Roberto Reyes, J. D. Nufio, and A. 

*^The chief being the convocation of a new constituent assembly; the 
recognition of Los Altos as independent, efforts to restore the Central Am. 
republic, and meantime Guat., Salv., and Los Altos, to be under one govt; 
the revolutionary army to hold the capital and other important points; Rafael 
and Sotero Carrera and their agents to make good with their property all 
damages caused by them to private persons; objectional)le persons to be ban- 
ished, and the Brit, govt to be asked to recall Consul Chatfield. 



roused the aristocrats, and their spokesman, Andre u, 
made such broad statements in the chamber that the 
president accused him of falsehood, and closed the 
discussion. The affair widened the breach among 
the liberals. Luis Molina now organized a third party, 
that took the name of moderado, most of whose mem- 
bers were from the liberal party and the latter was 
left an almost insignificant minority. The aristocratic 
party, albeit divided in appearance, was really united. ^^ 

Los Altos. 

They were aisquieted, however, by the attitute of 
Salvador in upholding the independence of Los Altos, 
which had been organized as a state ;^^ but did not 
despair of breaking up the friendship between the 
liberals and the government of Salvador. ^^ The aris- 

^ Their only division was in open and covert serviles. 

^^ A provisional govt was established at Quezaltenango on the 5th of Sept., 
1848, consisting of a triumvirate; namely, Presbyter Fernando Antonio Davila, 
Rafael de la Torre, and Jose Velazco, with Manuel J. Fuentes as secretary- 
gen, fd., 588-9; Guat, Gac, Sept. 22, 1848. 

"'^ The nobles, aided by the clergy, surrounded the brothers Cruz, and Luis 
Molina undertook to dissuade Nufio, who was a very ignorant man. 


tocrats set themselves to work to have a motion made 
by a hberal in the assembly for the confirmation of 
Carrera's decree of March 21, 1847, to create the re- 
public of Guatemala. Such an act on the part of the 
liberals would alienate from them the support of the 
Salvadorans, and reduce them to a nullity. And yet 
Barrundia made the motion,^^ and it was received with 
a shout of applause, and passed on the 14th of Sep- 
tember, with only two negative votes. ^* This ratifi- 
cation was hailed with ringing of bells and salvos of 

The revolutionists of Los Altos being defeated at 
San Andres,^^ were obliged to submit, but the situa- 
tion of the government was made precarious by the 
defeat of Nufio by the brothers Cruz, who approached 
the capital. ^^ Unable to negotiate peace, Martinez re- 
. signed the executive office, and Jose Bernardo Escobar 
/ succeeded him on the 28th of November. ^^ The new 
president found all his plans antagonized by the aris- 
tocrats and moderados, and the clergy especially mis- 
trusted him and his ministers.^^ He might easily 
have dissolved the assembly, but the act would have 
been repugnant to his principles. He concluded to 
retire, but his resignation was not accepted. ^^ Vicente 
Cruz demanded the surrender of the capital, offering 
security for life and property, a few persons only ex- 

^^ The necessity of procuring money for the war, which could not be had 
except from partisans of the oligarchs, prompted it, as they made that act of 
ratification a sine qui non before ioosening their purse-strings. 

^^Guat., Col. Ley., i. 77-9; Montufar, He^sefia Hist., v. 584-5. Gandara 
and Pineda da Mont, the other liberals trying to persuade themselves that the 
separation would be only temporary. 

^^By Col M. Paredes. Guat., Gac, Sept. 22, 1848; Id., Col. Ley., 50-3; 
Nic, Gac. Gob. Swprem., Nov. 18, 25, Dec. 9, 1848; Montiifar, Resena Hist, 
V. 606-8, 634-9. 

''•' The attempt to gain over Nufio to the side of the govt proving success- 
ful, he had been appointed comandante general. On the other hand. Vice- 
president Vicente Cruz, smarting under the slight put upon him by the 
selection of Martinez for pres., joined his brother Serapio in his armed contest the govt. Id., v. 555, 570-1, 588, 591. 

^^ Escobar was an orator, a true republican, and well disposed to deal 
fairly by all men, regardless of political affiliations. 

^^ His ministers were Revd Narciso Monterey, of govt; Basilio Porras, of 
relations; Mariano Galvez Irungaray, of treasury; and Manuel Jonama, an 
old retired officer of Morazan, of war. 

^' The two opposing parties had not yet fixed upon his successor. 


cepted.^ The negotiations for peace having failed, 
Escobar a second time sent in his resignation, and it 
was accepted, with marked disrespect on the part of 
the serviles and moderados.^^ Manuel Tejada was 
chosen president on the 30th of December, and de- 
clined the honor. Mariano Paredes was then ap- 

J pointed, on the 1st of January, 1849, and took the 
oath which had been prepared by Paredes, but he soon 
perjured himself, following explicitly the advice of 
Luis Batres, and thus becoming a tool of the aristo- 
crats to bring back Carrera to power. ^^ Arrangements 
were made with the mountaineers, under which Brig- 
adier Vicente Cruz, having recognized the govern- 
ment, entered Guatemala on the 9th of February. ^•'^ 
It was noticed, however, that Scrapie Cruz and other 
chiefs remained outside. The men of Agustin Perez 
afterward committed several murders, and Vicente 

* Cruz went against and defeated them on the 20th of 
March, but while engaged in the pursuit was struck 
by a bullet in the chest and fell dead.^^ 

Carrera was known to be on the frontier, and 
Batres undertook to obtain the assent of the chiefs 
of the mountain for his return. Not all of them 
assented, however. Scrapie Cruz issuing a very sig- 
nificant manifesto. General Agustin Guzman, the 
loyal liberal leader, well understood Batres aims, and 
having a force at Huehuetenango made a move on 
Quezaltenango, defeating a large party of Indians, on 

™The Molinas and Arrivillagas, Vidaurre, Dardon, Barrundia, and Mar 
tinez, who were held responsible for the blood already spilled. 

^^ A large number of official docs, connected with the last two administra 
tion are given in Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 593-601, 611, 622-44, 695-715 

*^2In forming his cabinet he slighted Luis Molina and his party. His 
ministers were Jose Mariano Rodriguez, Raymundo Arroyo, Jose M. Urruela, 
and Manuel Tejada. Arroyo was succeeded in Aug. by Pedro N. Arriaga^ 
and Carezo became min. of war. 

^^The principal clauses were: the revolutionary forces to be incorporated 
with the army of the republic; Vicente Cerna to become general-in-chief of 
the army; elections of deputies to be made in unrepresented districts; dam- 
ages caused private parties by the army to be paid by the government. 

^^ The aristocrats made a great display of regret at his death, but it was 
well known that they did not love him. In eliminating him from the revo- 
lution, they had in view to weaken the latter, but still wanted it to continue 
as a maans for Carrera's return. 



the way, at San Bartolomc. This move further com- 
pHcated affairs, and Batres resolved to get rid of him 
by subterfuge. ^^ There were constant skirmishes on 
the frontier, Carrera having under him a considerable 
number of Indians.^^ He finally reached Quezalte- 
nango, and the assembly empowered the government 
to institute measures for an active campaign.^' On 
the 13th of April, just ten years after the occupation of 
Guatemala by Carrera, his second entry had been an- 
nounced. Paredes swore to defend the city against 
* Carrera,^^ which oath he never intended to keep. 
Major Victor Zavala, corregidor and comandante of 
Suchitepequez, made common cause with Carrera.^^ 
Paredes, by the advice of Luis Batres and against the 
wishes of the liberal and moderado leaders, opened 
negotiations with Carrera, which resulted in the sub- 
mission of the latter and his forces at Quezaltenango, 
w^hereupon it was decreed that all hostilities against 
him were to cease; the order forbidding his return 
was revoked, his rank of lieutenant-general was re- 
stored, and finally he was given the command-in-chief 
of the army. The compact between the oligarchy and 

^ Paredes made him believe the govt really intended to oppose Carrera. 
He also pledged the govt to protect Los Altos, and provide for the advance- 
ment of education and commerce in that region. Under such pledges Guz- 
man placed himself and his Quezaltecs at the service of the govt and pro- 
ceeded to the capital. Montufar, Resena Hht., v. 709-71. 

^^ Jan. 24th he wrote the govt from Ayuto that he was on his march to 
the capital, not to avenge, he said, the insults heaped upon him by Martinez' 
administration, or rake up by-gones, but to restore peace and justice. The 
assembly, before which his letter was laid, adopted no resolution. 

^' To raise a foreign loan of one million dollars; to procure troops from 
other friendly states; and if necessary to remove the capital. After granting 
such power the assembly adjourned, leaving in the city a * comision perma- 
nente. ' 

^^ His govt said that aid aflPorded to Carrera was treason under the decree 
of Oct. 13, 1848. Ministers Arroyo and Tejada in a manifesto assured the 
people of the government's best efforts to defeat his projects. Nic, Gac.y 
March 17, 1849. It is astonishing that an ignorant man like Paredes could 
so easily hoodwink Luis Molina and the rest. They soon opened their eyes 
to see the falseness of the man they had elevated from the command of a bat- 
talion to the chief magistracy, and who was on the point of consummating hi& 
treachery. Guzman saw through his plan, and escaped out of the city with a 
number of his Quezaltec officers and men, and succeeded in reaching Salva- 
dor. He first joined the mountaineers, and aided them to take Jutiapa, but 
on seeing the outrages of Leon Raymundo, he left them in disgust. 

<*' Zavala was connected by blood and marriage with supporters of Car- 
rera in the aristocratic clique. 

THE WAR OF 1850. 279 

barbarism was consummated.'^ He assumed the com- 
mand on the 8th of August, and on that date and the 
1 8th he issued proclamations conveying his purpose of 
restoring peace and order, and assuring the people 
that he was free from hatred/^ But the work of 
vengeance soon began. Efforts were made to convene 
the assembly with the object in view of arresting the 
liberal deputies who voted for Carrera's proscription 
in 1848,'^ but many of them had fled, and only those 
remaining were confined in the fort by Carrera's order 
without remonstrance on the part of the president. 
It is also said that some persons were shot. Such of 
the prisoners as did not crave Carrera's pardon were 
forced to leave the country.'^ 

The difference in the principles underlying the policy 
of the rulers of Guatemala and Salvador, and the bit- 
ter animosity existing between them, brought about a 
war in 1850, in which Salvador, Honduras, and the 
democrats of Nicaragua were allied against Guate- 
mala.'* President Vasconcelos invaded Guatemala,^^ 

"" The first two decrees were of June 4th and 5th. His appointment to 
the chief command was on the 3d of Aug. Nic, Corr. 1st., July 1, Sept. 1, 
1849; Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 779-80, 784-5. 

'^ He had come disposed to do his duty, he said. The ayuntamiento of 
Guat. on the 10th of Aug. gave a banquet in honor of Carrera. The corregi- 
dor presided, having on his right Paredes, and on the left Carrera. Guat.^ 
Gac, Aug. 23, 1849. 

~''^ The comision permanente had represented the danger to the govt before 
Carrera entered the city, and its representations remaining unheeded; it again 
on the 27th of July called the attention of the minister of government de- 
manding requisite protection for the representatives. See Andres Dardon's 
letter in Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 811-12. 

■*•* Barrundia had gone to Salv. Luis Molina was now defeated, and had 
to go away. He wished to visit San Salvador, but could not face Vasconce- 
los, and went to Ahuachapan. Ex-president Escobar, who, as president of 
the assembly, signed the proscription act of Oct. 13, 1848, died in exile, poor 
and miserable; the two subscribing secretaries were Manuel Irungaray, whom 
Carrera caused to be shot some time afterward, and Lorenzo Monti! far, the 
author and statesman. 

■■^ Vasconcelos, president of Salv., Dec. 4, 1850, announced to his people 
that forces of Gautemala were about to invade the department of Sonsonate, 
with the view of inciting the inhabitants to rebel against their government. 
Again, Jan, 10, 1851, he sets forth the motives actuating the oligarchs, who 
had Carrera for their tool, and British Consul Chatfield for their ally, which 
were to destroy Central American liberties, and to domineer over the other 
sections. Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. nos. 2 and 3. 

^^The objective point was the city of Guat., which the allies felt sure of 
capturing, to judge from the context of a letter from.Duenas to Vasconcelos 
of Jan. 20, 1851. Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 17 


at the head of an alhed force of Salvadorans, Hondu- 
rans, and Nicaraguans, but seems to have met with a 
signal defeat at the hands of an inferior force under 
Carrera, near Arada, in Chiquimula, on the 2d of 
February, which compelled a precipitate retreat into 
Salvadoran territory. ^^ Carrera then marched across 
the line and established his headquarters in Santa 
Ana. This move demanded vigorous measures on 
the part of Salvador for self-defence."^' 

Carrera wrote the government of Salvador Febru- 
ary 2 2d, that, understanding it wished to make peace, 
but hesitated to propose it because of the presence of 
Guatemalan troops in Salvador, he would recross the 
line, starting on the next day.'^ Yet the war contin- 
ued, until a definitive treaty of peace between Guate- 
mala and Salvador was concluded at Guatemala on 
the 17th of August, 1853, and ratified by Guatemala 
on the 14th of September.'^ 

The civil strife raging in Guatemala led to differ- 
ences with Honduras, whose government was accused of 
favoring the rebels of the mountain. Recriminations 
and border raids ensued, which culminated in a three 
years' war between the two countries, Guatemala aid- 
ing Guardiola and other enemies of Cabanas, the presi- 

'" Carrera 's report from the field contained the following incredible result: 
a loss on the part of the confederates of 528 killed, 200 prisoners, 1,000 mus- 
kets, and 9,000 rounds of ammunition; while his casualties were only 20 
killed and 42 wounded. That was probably one of his characteristic false- 
hoods. The Salvadoran minister called it ' desgracia sensible aunque pequena. ' 
But Cerrera was promoted to be captain-general, and a memorial medal was 
struck in honor of his victory. Frisch, Die Staaten, 98; Astaburuafja, Cent. 
Am., 80-1; Salv., Mem. Sec. Oen., 1821-5. 

■^^ Feb. 6th, martial law was proclaimed; 13th, all men capable of bearing 
arms were called into service; those failing to obey, or aiding the invaders, 
were declared traitors; 22d, the assembly decreed a forced loan of $20,000 
monthly during the continuance of the M'ar. Nic^ Cor. 1st., March 13, 1851; 
Salv. Decreto, in Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 16. 

"^^ He would return, however, if peaceful overtures were not made at once. 
Guat., Boletin de Noticias, March 1, 1851. 

■^^ The commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon for Guatemala, and Francisco 
Zaldivar for Salvador. It was a treaty of amity and commerce, calling also 
for extradition of army deserters and common criminals upon formal demand 
for them. Political refugees were to be made to live at a considerable dis- 
tance from the frontier. Neither contracting party had to pay any pecuniary 
indemnity. Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 431-3; Costn R., Gaceta, Sept. 10, 1853; 
Jan. 30, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Aug. 5, 1853. 


dent of Honduras, in their attempts to overthrow the 
latter. ^° At last a treaty was concluded at Guatemala 
on the 13th of February, 1856, which the govern- 
ment of Guatemala ratified on the 5th of April/ 


The victorious aristocrats now saw their opportu- 
nity to reorganize the government under a system 
more in accordance with their ideas; that is to say, 
investing the executive with power to crush revolu- 
tion. Paredes summoned the constituent assembly 
which had been called by Carrera's decree of May 24, 
1848, and it was installed on the 16th of August, 
1851. This body on the 19th of October adopted a 
new constitution under the title of Acta Constitutiva 
de la Kepiiblica de Guatemala, containing 18 articles. ^^ 

^ Efforts were made by the sister states to avert a war, and even after it 
broke out Salvador continued her efforts. Preliminaries of peace had been 
agreed upon, and negotiations entered into at Cojutepeque by the two belliger- 
ents, Salvador acting as mediator at the conferences; but this effort also 
failed because the commissioner at the last moment presented an ultimatum 
which neither Salvador nor Honduras deemed just. Hond.y Gaceta Ofic, Oct. 
30, Nov. 15, 30, Dec. 15, 1852; Id., Boleiin Ofic, Oct. 13, Nov. 11, Dec. 5, 
1853; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 18; Guat. Gaceta, July 8 to Nov. 11, 1853, 
passim; Jan. 27, Feb. 24, Sept. 22, 1854; Nic, Gaceta, Aug. 20, 1853; Feb. 
28, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, Dec. 12, 1853; Jan. 7, 18, Feb. 24, March 4, 1854; 
El Rol, Oct. 13, 1854; Feb. 21, March 7, 1855; Prelimin. de Paz, in Cent. Am. 
Pamph., i. no. 20; iv. no. 41. It seems from Guatemalan sources that the 
Hondurans invaded Guat., and were defeated at Atulapa July 12, 1853. G^iat., 
Boleiin de Noticias, Aug. 5, 1853. 

^^ The commissioners being Pedro de Aycinena, min. of foreign affairs of 
Guat., and Florencio Castillo for Hond. This treaty bound the contracting 
parties to surrender deserters from eitlier army, and common criminals, when 
claimed. Political refugees were to be kept away from the frontier. No 
pecuniary indemnity was stipulated. Guat., Reco'p. Ley., i. 433-6; Guat., Ga- 
ecta, Feb. 16, 1856. 

^^ Under this law the president was to be chosen for four years by a gen- 
eral assembly composed of the house of representatives, the archbishop, 
justices of the siipreme court, and the members of the council of state. He 
might be reelected. Before being placed in possession of the executive office, 
he was to be sworn by the archbishop who presided, for the occasion, over 
the house of representatives. The executive was clothed with almost abso- 
lute powers, being authorized, among other things, to issue, in accord with 
the council of state, decrees having the force of law, to raise loans, declare 
war, make peace, ratify treaties, etc. In the event of his death or permanent 
disability, the executive duties devolved temporarily on the ministers in their 
order of seniority; and in default of them, on the members of the council; 
until the house of representatives, to be forthwith summoned, could meet and 
make a choice in general assembly. During temporary absences of the presi- 
dent, the government devolved on the council of ministers. The council of 
state was formed of the cabinet ministers, eight members chosen by the con- 
gress, and such others as the executive might appoint. They held office for 


Another decree regulated the election of representa- 
tives of the church and other corporations in the 
national congress. ^^ 

The constituent assembly having by the 18th ar- 
ticle of the acta reserved to itself the right of choosing 
the president for the constitutional term from January 
1, 1852, to January 1, 1856, chose the only possible 
candidate, Rafael Carrera,^* who on the appointed day 
assumed the executive office. His reputation for 
courage, respect for the church, and' other circum- 
stances secured a firm support to his administration. 
On the 21st of October, 1854, Carrera was proclaimed 
by a general junta of superior authorities president 
for life,^^ and the house of representatives on the 29th 
of January, 1855, passed an act exempting the presi- 
dent from all responsibility for the acts of his gov- 
ernment, and devolving it on his ministers.^^ This 

four years and might be reelected. The following functionaries might also be 
called by the executive to take part in the deliberations and vote, namely: 
the archbishops, bishops sojourning in the capital, regente of the supreme 
court, president of the ecclesiastical chapter, rector of the university, prior of 
the consulado, president of the sociedad econdmica, and comandante general. 
The house of representatives consisted of 55 deputies elected for four years. 
The cabinet ministers had seats in the house, which was to open its session 
Nov. 25th, and close it Jan. 31st. The administration of justice was in- 
trusted to a supreme and lower courts. The former consisted of a regente, 
six justices, and one fiscal or attorney-general, all chosen by the congress for 
four years, one half being renewed every two years, but all might be reelected. 
GuaL, liecop. Ley., i. 79^7; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 181-2; El Sigh, June 18, 
1852; Squiers Cent. Am., 483. 

^'^ Those of the judiciary, consulado, university, and sociedad econdmica. 
Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 140-50. 

^''Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 31, 1851. 

^^This was the result of public meetings held in the departments by the 
garrisons, officials, and parish priests, at which it was made to appear that it 
was the will of the people that Carrera should be president for life, with the 
privilege of selecting his successor, and that other amendments should be 
made to the acta constitutiva, as permitted by its 15th art. It is understood 
that at the meeting of officials in the capital there was but one dissentient 
vote to the proposition. He had in a manifesto of June 22d expressed a weak 
objection to the proposed change, but it was evidently a preconcerted plan of 
the aristocrats and the military element. Guat., Gaceta, May 12 to Sept. 15, 
1854, passim; Guat., liecop. Ley., i. 87-90; Costa B., Gaceta, July 1-29, 1854; 
Id., Boletin Ofic, July 27, 1854; March 17, 1855; Carrera, Manifiesto, in Cent. 
Am. Pamph., v. no. 21; Squiers Cent. Am., 514. Carrera before this re- 
ceived honors from foreign governments; he was a knight grand cross of the 
papal order of St Gregory the Great; the same of the Mexican order of Guad- 
alupe; and knight commander of the Bel^jian order of Leopold. Guat., Recop. 
Ley., i. 90. 

^''This amendment conferred still larger powers on the president, and 


change was a near approach to the monarchical systeni, 
for which Carrera was supposed to have a decided 
penchant.^^ Notwithstanding the strong power thus 
^'ilplaced in his hands, a revolt at Quezaltenango the 
• next year ahnost overthrew him, requiring the use of 
all his forces to defeat it, at the expense of much dis- 
aster and a large number of executions. It was only 
by great efforts that he succeeded, after so many years 
of warfare, in quieting the revolted mountaineers. 
This was accomplished only after peace had been 
signed with Honduras. His strong supporters, Man- 
uel Francisco Pavon and Luis Batres, died, the 
former in 1855, and the latter in 1862.^^ 

From this time, peace being finally restored, with 
only occasional and partial disturbances, the regime 
established with Carrera at its head was generally 
acquiesced in. The republic took an active part in 
the campaign against William Walker and his fili- 
busters in Nicaragua. The services rendered by its 
forces will appear in the description of the operations 
of that campaign in a separate chapter. 

The year 1863 was inaugurated with another bloody 
war with Salvador, the details and consequences of 
which will be treated elsewhere. It is sufficient to 
say here that Guatemalan arms were successful, and 
Carrera's power became still more consolidated, and 
its supremacy was felt over the rest of Central Amer- 
ica. He ruled the country uninterruptedly till his 

made the term of the representatives, and of the councillors chosen by them, 
seven years instead of four. 

^' As he had no knowledge of the science of government, the direct man- 
agement of public affairs was left to those supposed to possess it. Carrera did 
not govern; he merely represented the unity of government. ' Sin embargo 
que su voluntad prevalecia entodo.' Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 82. The reform 
in regard to the presidential tenure was personal, and exclusively in favor of 
Carrera. Thus at his death the constitutional provision was restored, the 
minister of relations, Pedro de Aycinena, assuming the reins, and at once 
summoning the legislative body, which was de facto and de jure a return to 
constitutional order. Pineda de Mont, Nota, in Guat, Recop. Ley., i. 87. 

^^The govt decreed that their portraits should be placed in the hall of the 
council of sbate. Pavon's widow, Victoria Zebadua, got a pension of $900 a 
year. Gtmt., Recop. Ley., ii. 638-9; iii. 351. 



death early in April 1865. The highest honors, civic, 
military, and ecclesiastic, were paid to his remains.^^ 
Carrera died in the full conviction that he had been 
the instrument of providence in saving society and 
good order in Guatemala. He had been so assured 
by his supporters, and had come to believe it, in the 
face of the fact that he had been guilty of heinous 
crimes and was notoriously immoral. ^^ So die those 
who pass hence from the murderer's gallows under the 
banner of the cross, and with priestly consolation. 

^^ The government, whose temporary chief was Pedro de Aycinena, as 
senior cabinet minister, decreed April 4th that the funeral should take place 
on the 17th at 9 A. m., the remains to be interred in the cathedral church. 
Gaat., Recop. Ley., iii. 351-2; Nic, Gaceta, Apr. 29, May 6-20, 1865. 

^^ It has been asserted that even his ministers trembled for their lives 
when Carrera was in his cups. Though they knew he would commit outrages, 
they often induced him to visit the departments, in order to have a little 
peace themselves. 






Malespin's Acts — Lindo's Coup d'Etat and Deposal — Jefe Guzman — Re- 
volt AT Santa Ana — President Aguilar — The Bishop Expelled— 
ViTERi's Alliance with Malespin and Honduran Oligarchs — Presi- 
dent Vasconcelos — British Hostilities — Salvador's Relations with 
Foreign Powers — San Martin's Administration — Destruction of 
San Salvador — President Campo — Campaign against Walker in 
Nicaragua — Establishment of the Republic — Santin's Overthrow 
— Presidency of Gerardo Barrios — War of Salvador and Honduras 
against Guatemala and Nicaragua — The Latter Victorious — Bar- 
rios' Flight — Restoration of Peace — Duenas as President — Barrios' 
Subsequent Return — His Capture and Surrender by Nicaragua — 
His Execution in San Salvador. 

The constituent assembly of Salvador, installed at 
Zacatecoluca on the 1st of August, 1839, after a recess 
reopened its session on the 2d of January, 1841, and 
on the 4th there was laid before it an address, signed 
by Colonel Francisco Malespin, as comandante general, 
and his officers who took part in the revolt of Sep- 
tember 20th, spoken of elsewhere. In the document 
they disclaimed hostility to Jefe Canas or his minister, 
or any intent to override the laws, asserting that they 
were, on the contrary, actuated by a strong desire to 
give security to the state, and save themselves from 
impending destruction/ This address was regarded 
by the liberals as a threat, inasmuch as Malespin with 
the garrison had wrongfully assumed a right to delib- 
erate upon public aifairs. 

^ They conclude offering to the assembly the * swords which aided to tri- 
uiliph in Guat. and Los Altos over the tyrant Morazan. ' 



Norberto Ramirez, now jefe of Salvador by the 
grace of Malespin, could no longer brook that officer's 
interference, and resigned,^ Juan Lindo being called 
to succeed him on the 7th of January. The assembly 
and chief magistrate of the state were both now under 
the sword of Malespin, which in its turn was con- 
trolled by Carrera of Guatemala. That body, on the 
30th of January, 1841, passed an act to call the state 
in future Kepiiblica del Salvador.^ The second con- 
stitution of Salvador was adopted on the 18th of Feb- 
ruary/ Under it the legislature had two chambers, 
liindo, the jefe, had a most unpleasant position, be- 
lieving himself surrounded by conspirators. Counting 
on Malespin's support, on the 6th of November, 1841, 
with a coup d'etat he dissolved the chambers, because 
among its members were some friends of Morazan.^ 
His act caused much indignation in several towns, 
and on the 13th of January, 1842, three senators, 
namely, J. V. Nulla, Lupario Vides, and Antonio 
Jose Canas, at San Vicente, resolved to restore con- 
stitutional order. The legislative body in consequence 
assembled there, and made a stirring address to the 
people, embodying the policy they intended to pursue.^ 
Lindo tried to justify his act of November 6th, but 
failed, and Senator Escoldstico Marin was called to 
temporarily occupy the executive chair,^ with author- 

2 Cailas, considering himself the only lawful executive, though set aside by 
the military on Sept. 20th, also made his resignation. 

^ The decree greatly displeased the people, and had no effect. But it re- 
vealed the plot of the aristocrats of Guat. They appointed commissioners to 
the diet of Cent. Am., who were to pretend that they favored a reformed 
union; but their real aim was an absolute separation. Marure, Efem., 54. 

*Its support was sworn to on the 11th of April. 

^ In a proclamation he stated that the expelled senators and deputies were 
working to restore the order of affairs existing at the time of Morazan's de- 
parture. His suspicions were partially confirmed on Morazan appearing at 
La Union about the middle of Feb. 1842. Montufai'y Resefia Hist., iv. 63-^; 
Marure, Efem., 54-5; Astabiiruaga, Cent. Am., 74-5. 

**They promised to confine their action to only such objects as were of 
absolute necessity, namely, to rid the government of surrounding obstacles, 
make amendments or additions to the constitution, and pass such laws as 
would conduce to its development. After doing this they purposed to close 
their ordinary session, and await the election of the constitutional chief of the 
state. It would then be the proper time to deliberate upon calling a constit- 
uent assembly to review the constitution. 

■'Canas had been chosen on the 1st of Feb., but afterward resigned it. 


ity to establish the state capital where most expedient.^ 
The government continued for the time being in San 
Vicente, and the people were called upon to choose a 
president of the state. 

Marin held the executive authority a few days only. 
He had been preceded by Pedro Arce, and was suc- 
ceeded by Juan Jose Guzman. The difficulties of the 
state had not come to an end. Guzman favored the 
conservative element, as shown in his decree of June 
3, 1842, issued after hearing that Morazan was in 
Costa Rica, to cut oiF all relations with that state. ^ 
He left the executive office in July, and resumed its 
duties again in September, declaring in a proclamation 
that he would deal mercilessly with disturbers of the 
public peace. 

The two legislative chambers were installed at San 
Vicente on the 17th of September, and on the 20th 
counted the votes for president of the state. No can- 
didate having the requisite majority, Guzman was 
asked to continue provisionally in charge of the 
government. His inaugural address was a repetition 
of his manifesto of the 7th, greatly pleasing the con- 
servatives.^^ But harmony was not long to prevail 
between Salvador and Guatemala. The trouble arose 
from the independent action of Salvador in granting 
an asylum to the remnants of Morazan's forces against 
the protests of Guatemala and Honduras, even though 
the final decree of admission contained some very 
severe clauses." Another cause of dissatisfaction 

His health was poor, and he died at the hacienda del Joed on the 24th of Feb., 
1844. The assembly honored his memory in a special decree. Saiv., Diario 
Ofic, Feb. 14, 1875; Montufar, Beseua HisL, iv. 509. 

^It was this govt that rejected Morazan's proposals when he appeared at 
La Union. While appreciating his patriotic purposes, it could not disregard 
its obligations toward the other states. Hence, together with Malespin, it 
set the other govts in motion against Morazan, whom Malespin called ' el en- 
emigo comun.' 

^ Even private correspondence was forbidden. Postmasters had orders to 
aehver to governors of departments all letters received at their offices from 
(.'Osta Kica. 

'^His ideas were commended as 'justas, sanas, salvadoras.' Guat. Gac, 
Oct. 18, 1842 

^^ Even Malespin had favored the act of the govt; for though uncultured, 


against Salvador was that Guzman would not muzzle 
the press. The independence of Guzman, and the 
disposition shown by Malespin not to be at all times a 
facile instrument of the aristocrats, prompted the lat- 
ter to promote an insurrection of the volcanenos of 
Ja Santa Ana for their overthrow/^ Salvador, though 
under the pressure of aristocratic control, still had a 
leaven of progression that made itself felt. The pub- 
lication of El Amigo del Pueblo was an evidence of this 
fact. The Aycinenas, Pavon, Luis Batres, and Chat- 
field, unable to compete with it in the field of discus- 
sion, demanded its suppression.^^ 

Guzman in his correspondence with Pavon upheld 
that journal, and Malespin would read it with satis- 
faction.^* Guatemala resolved at least to use coercion. 
Carrera established his headquarters at Jutiapa to 
favor the volcanenos in their rebellion. ^^ 

The cordial reception given in October to Colonel 
M. Quijans, commissioner accredited by Nicaragua to 
Salvador to negotiate a treaty of friendship and alli- 

he was a Salvadoran; and now that Morazan was dead, he began to listen to 
the advice of his more enlightened fellow-citizens, and to understand the 
Machiavelism of Aycinena, Pavon, and their ally Chatfield. 

^^ J. J. Aycinena repeatedly said that the revolt could not be quelled, and 
it were better to accede to the wishes of the volcanenos. This will explain the 
object of a doc. dated Oct. 18, 1843, and published at Comayagua at the govt 
printing-office under the signature of Manuel Jose Arce. The ex-president had 
taken advantage of an amnesty decree to return to Central America. He was 
now very old, but still ambitious of power. In that manifesto, addressed to 
the states of Cent. Am., he endeavors to demonstrate the necessity of their 
again uniting under one govt. He spoke of Guzman and Malespin trying to 
hold power for life; of intrigues to make the latter president, even if some of 
his opponents had to be shot; of abuses he had been subjected to; the war 
those men were planning, with the aid of Nic, against Gnat, and Hond., on 
the false charge that Carrera intended to annex 8alv. to Guat. He accused 
Malespin of atrocities, and yet praises Carrera, who placed Malespin in Salv. 
The full text of the manif. is in Montiifar, Hesefia Hist, iv. 222-5. 

^^ The min. of state, Agustin Morales, reminded him that freedom of the 
press was a palladium of liberty in England, adding his surprise that her con- 
sul should want such a precious boon to disappear from Salvador. Chatfield 
threatened to refer the subject to his govt, and was told to do so, not failing 
to accompany the answers he had received. 

^* The circulation of El Ami<jo del Pueblo in Guat. was forbidden; but many 
numbers got out, and were read by artisans, students, officials. Chatfield 
often found it on his desk without knowing how it came there. 

^^ Several Salvadorans were murdered, and it was proved that the mur- 
derers had come from Jutiapa. The govt of Guat. pretended to have had no 
agency in these acts. 


ance, was displeasing to Bishop Viteri, who took ad- 
vantage of Guzman's absence at San Vicente, in the 
latter part of that month, to bring about a quarrel 
between him and Malespin. The latter at this time 
was said to be in poor health, and the bishop often 
visited him, and in other ways manifested interest for 
him. Viteri had directed his clergy to abstain from 
interference in political affairs, and yet he preached 
aoainst Morazan and those who had banished Arch- 
bishop Casans. The Dominican Vazquez^^ was viru- 
lent, declaring that the ecclesiastical authority would 
never be under the civil, and threatening the people 
that the priests would abandon them to suffer from 
plagues, epidemics, war, and famine, if they continued 
their iniquitous hostility to the church. ^^ 

The revolution was now a fact. Viteri and Male- 
spin supported Fray Vazquez, or Fray Veneno, as he 
was nicknamed. Once Vazquez fulminated from the 
pulpit a number of diatribes against President Guz- 
man, at the same time bestowing much praise on 
Carrera. The result was an order from Guzman, then 
at San Miguel, to bring the friar there as a prisoner. 
The bishop remonstrated to Malespin against the 
order, demanding an escort, as he wished to end the 
insults to the church by himself leaving the state. 
Malespin tried to dissuade him from his purpose, and 
he grew more energetic. ^^ A great tumult ensued 
one night in the city, when Viteri, Malespin, and 
Vazquez received an ovation from the rabble of 
La Vega and San Jacinto, amid repeated cries of 
"Mueran los judios! mueran los herejes! mueran los 
impios !" 

^^ In later years he was bishop of Panama, but much toned down. 

^"^ El Amigo del Pueblo invited him to discuss public questions, but not 
from the pulpit, where he could not be answered. Vazquez did not heed Ht,1 
and went on with his wrathful sermons. 

^^In his letter of Dec. 5th, he uses these words: * Jorge de Viteri no serdl 
obispo de farsa, ni permanecera jamas en un suelo, en que lapotestad humana 
coarte las amplias facultades que le conceden, y de que le hacen responsable 
los sagrados canones.' The correspondence, and his secretary's address to 
the people, are given in Id., 351-4, 373. 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. m. 19 


Malespin went off to S^n Miguel, and had some 
violent correspondence with the president; the latter 
threatened to expose his intrigues if he did not forth- 
with depart from San Miguel, and then retired to his 
hacienda, leaving the state in the hands of Malespin. ^^ 
Guzman's downfall was hailed with joy in Guatemala 
and Honduras. In Comayagua it was celebrated with 
salvos of artillery. After Malespin's return to San 
Salvador, to please the bishop several persons were 
banished, and the Amigo del Puehlo was suppressed. 
The executive office, by Guzman's abandonment of it, 
went into the hands of Pedro Arce, the vice-president. 
The two chambers of the assembly opened their ses- 
sion on the 30th of January, 1844. No presidential 
candidate having a constitutional majority, the assem- 
bly chose Malespin president, and he assumed his new 
duties on the 5th of February, after reading before 
the two bodies in assembly convened a discourse on 
his great love for law, justice, and peace. It would 
have sounded well from the lips of a liberal, and it is 
barely possible that Malespin expressed his sentiments 
at that moment. But his education, his habits, and 
the fatal influence of the men that swayed him, con- 
stantly took him out of the right path. As he was 
under the control of Bishop Viteri, the country must 
go back to the days of obscurantism. The effects of 
it were soon made patent. ^^ 

The bishop succeeded in driving out of the state the 
opponents of his theocratic ideas, and in bringing about 
a change in the government; in fact, everything had 
been conceded him, and his influence was paramount. 
And yet he was not satisfied He would have the 
Salvadorans believe him a deity, but they arrived at 

^^ The president blamed him for leaving the capital at a time of disturb- 
ance. He, on his part, demanded the government's return to S. Salv. to 
attend to the bishop's complaints. He accused the president, in a manifesto, 
of attempting to disturb the public peace. 

'^^ The ecclesiastical f ueros were restored; the govt was authorized to allow 
monasteries established, and the bishop to demand the aid of the secular arm 
to enforce his orders in ecclesiastical affairs. This last act was, however, 
issued, as it appears, with much reluctance, judging from the number of 
restrictive clauses in it. 


the conclusion that by a great fatality their first 
bishop had turned out to be a pernicious revolutionist. 
In connection with the general history of Central 
America, I have given the principal events of Salva- 
dor down to 1845, when, under the treaty of Sensenti, 
after a long and exhaustive war with Honduras, the 
state was rid of the ominous rule of the brutal Ma- 
lespin. With the discontinuance of the war there was 
no need of raising further loans; the military estab- 
lishment was reduced to a minimum, and the authori- 
ties and people hastened to restore the constitutional 
regime; to which end elections of senators and depu- 
ties were at once had, in order that the assembly 
should meet on the 15th of January, 1846, for the 
term of Vice-president Joaquin Eustacio Guzman, who 
had charge of the executive authority, would expire 
on the 1st of February."^ On this date he surrendered 
the ofHce to Senator Fermin Palacios. The assembly 
did not meet till four days after. The presidential 
election did not yield a sufficient majority in favor of 
any one, and the assembly then appointed Eugenio 
Aguilar.^^ The president was a good Christian, and 
attended with regularity to his religious duties as a 
catholic; and yet Yiteri called him a heretic; the 
reason of it being that Aguilar was a stickler for a 
constitutional government of the people, and the 
bishop was an oligarch. The latter now invented the 
fiction that the president had the intention of exiling 
him; he had the people in the wards of Candelaria, 
San Estevan, and Calvario told that their bishop was 
to be sent out of the country in the night of the 11th 
of July. He was believed by the simple-minded people 
when he assured them that Aguilar and others ^^ were 

21 Guzman had waged war against Malespin, not for his own aggrandize- 
ment, but to do away with arbitrary rule, and to restore the authority of the 
constitution. This being accomplished, he resolved to return to private life. 

22 A physician by profession, and a modest, honorable citizen, actuated 
by the purest motives; an excellent family man and friend; but unfortunately, 
as events showed, he was weak when firmness and resolution were demanded 
to uphold his position. Aguilar, in his later years, after losing his wife, was 
ordained as a priest. 

23 Eustaquio Cuellar, J. M. San Martin, J. M. Zelaya, the clergyman, 
Isidro Menendez, and Indalecio Cordero. 


at the bottom of it. His report made a commotion 
though not quite so great a one as he had expected. 
Nevertheless, he made the most of it, writing to the 
president, on the 11th of July, that he knew of the 
plot to repeat with him what had been done with 
Archbishop Casans, in 1829.^* Aguilar was greatly 
surprised, and believing that with a few words he 
€ould convince the bishop of his error, that same after- 
noon paid the prelate a visit. He found a large 
concourse of people, before whom the charge was 
reiterated, and no assurance to the contrary was ac- 
cepted. A tumult following, the president had the chief 
guard-house reenforced. Fortunately, a heavy rain 
scattered to their homes the crowds in the streets ; but 
a considerable number of men ran into the episcopal 
residence. That night, several persons representing 
Viteri went to the barracks and demanded Aguilar's 
resignation. The president meekly assured them of 
his willingness to retire to private life rather than be 
the author of any disturbance. Viteri now thought 
Aguilar was vanquished, but he had not counted on 
the determination of other Salvadorans to uphold the 
laws and the government. Quiet was restored for 
the time, and Aguilar went to his home at midnight 
unmolested. The next day there was much rioting, 
and an attempt failed to release the prisoners in 
the jail.^^ The rioters were finally defeated, and the 
bishop had nothing to show for his conduct but the 
blood shed at his instigation.^^ Aguilar again, after 
the people had upheld his authority, showed the weak- 
ness of his character in placing the executive office in 

2* He hinted that he had power to annex the state to the archdiocese of 
Gnat. The text of his letter is in Montufar, Resena Hist, v. 54-5. 

2^ The officer Anjelino, sent to reenforce the guard of the jail, was way- 
laid, and nearly murdered, and in that condition taken to the bishop's house, 
where the bishop abused him by word of mouth, and turned him over tc the 
rabble, by whom he was stabbed, beaten, and kicked. He was, however, 
rescued by the priest M. Serrano, and taken back into the bishop s house. 
These facts were testified to by Anjelino, in the criminal prosecution of 

2«JVic, Registro O/c, 330; Dunhp's Cent. Am., 249-50; Iris Esp., Oct. 3, 


the hands of Senator Palacios; which emboldenea 
Viteri to continue his intrigues and cause further 
trouble. He issued a pastoral on the 16th of July, 
printed in his own house, which reiterated the accusa- 
tion against the president, and other matters; that 
pastoraP^ was fatal to his views, for the people of 
Salvador made Aguilar resume the presidency. The 
president, in a long manifesto, explained his conduct, 
and issued a decree to enforce the articles of the penal 
code against ecclesiastics who made use of their min- 
isterial office to promote political disturbances.^^ The 
bishop, condemned by public opinion, fled to Guate- 
mala, and the president then on the 29th revoked a 
decree of Palacios of July 12th, and ordered Yiteri 
not to return to Salvadoran territory. 

Peace and order prevailed after Viteri's departure, 
and the people again devoted themselves to their 
usual vocations. But the bishop managed with Ma- 
lespin and the Honduran oligarchs, notwithstanding 
the treaty of Sensenti, to bring about a revolution in 
Salvador. ^^ Malespin attacked Chalatenango, in Sal- 
vador, whereupon orders were given to send troops 
after him.^^ Viteri who had once excommunicated 
Malespin, and aided in his overthrow, now said that 
he was destined by divine providence to defend the 
religion and rights of the people of Salvador, which 
had been infamously abused and usurped by their 
government. Malespin preached religion, and acted 
like the famous king of the Huns. But his prestige 
was gone, and at Dulce JsTombre de la Palma he met 
with his first reverse, when he retreated to Dulce 

2^ It is given in full in Montufar, Reseiia Hist., v. 70-4. 

28 The decree was dated July 27, 1846, and referred to articles 210-13, 

29 The Salvadoran govt published a decree against seditious persons from 
Hond. Nic, Begistro OJic., 272-3. The authorities of Hond. solemnly prom- 
ised that Viteri should not be allowed to reside near the Salv. frontier; but 
the promise went for nothing; Viteri and Malespin being aided from that 
state. They found material assistance in Nacaome, Tegucigalpa, Sensenti, 
and Guarita. Guardiola's note of Aug. 31, 1846, to the min.-gen. of Salv., 
in Id., V. 87, 254-7. 

s-J His decree of Feb. 23, and pastoral of June 10, 1845. 


Nombre de Maria, a town twelve miles from the Hon- 
duran frontier, and invited Viteri to join him; but 
that worthy sent him his blessing, and would not ex- 
pose his person to the hazards of war. Malespin was 
defeated again by eight hundred men under General 
Nicolds Angulo, and fled into Honduras, leaving arms 
and ammunition. Efforts were made to induce the 
people of Santa Ana to join Ignaeio Malespin; but 
the bishop's letters to rouse them availed but little. 
He found no favor among the volcanenos, and on his 
way along the coast to reach Santiago Nonualco was 
captured, prosecuted, and executed, with some of his 
accomplices.^^ Francisco Malespin was killed at San 
Fernando, near Honduras, the inhabitants cutting off 
his head, and carrying it as a trophy to San Salvador. ^^ 
Bishop Viteri in 1847 went to reside in Nicaragua, 
becoming a citizen of the state, to which diocese he 
was subsequently translated by the pope. Nothing 
worthy of mention occurred within the state in 1847. 
The Salvador government now represented the liberal 
party in Central America, and devoted its attention 
to education, arts, and industries. 

The presidential term under the constitution being 
only of two years, elections were orderly effected, and 
the assembly opened its session on the 25th of January, 
1848. Doroteo Vasconcelos was the popular choice 
for the presidential term of 1848, and entered upon 
his duties on the 7th of February, 1848.^^ In a con- 
ciliatory address he eschewed all spirit of partisanship, 
tendering to all his fellow-citizens peace, justice, and 

^^ His execution left a bad impression in the public mind. Ignaeio Male- 
spin had been a friend of Morazan, served with him in 1840, and was one of 
the heroes of the capture of Guatemala as well as of the subsequent escape. 
He was gentle, kind, and sociable, and but for Viteri's influence never would 
have joined the revolution. He ought to have been spared. The women of 
San Salvador, both old and young, pleaded for a commutation of his sentence, 
but the govt was relentless. 

^^ The head was for some time exposed in an iron cage, to the disgust of 
the community. It was finally delivered to the family for interment. 

^^He obtained 13,222 votes out of a total of 19,215. Being governor of 
San Vicente, where he was exceedingly popular, he could not, under the con- 
stitution, be a candidate in that department. 


union.^* For all that, the oligarchs abhorred him. 
Indeed, his government and Carrera's could not exist 
so near each other. The aristocrats well knew he was 
not to be won over to their side, as well as the diffi- 
culties they must work against to undermine his popu- 
larity But they looked for early success from 
internal dissension and other sources.^^ Aguilar's ad- 
ministration had refused to recognize the republic of 
Guatemala, and Vasconcelos' could do no less.^^ 

The territory was twice invaded by troops of Guate- 
mala in pursuit of insurgents, against which Vascon- 
celos remonstrated, and satisfaction was given and 
accepted with good grace. He was observing a policy 
of expectancy, albeit on his guard. Guatemala was 
then in the throes of revolution from which he ex- 
pected to see the Central American nation spring into 
a second life ; but he was mistaken in the means he 
employed. A few proclamations, written in Guate- 
mala by well-known persons, and appearing in the 
name of Francisco Carrillo, spoke of the independence 
of Los Altos as the aim of a revolution such as Vas- 
concelos wanted.^^ Not that he expected to see an 
absolute equality of the state, but that there should 
not be such differences as existed under the constitu- 
tion of 1824. He believed himself supported, and 
steadily marched on upon a path that led to his ruin, 

2* Vasconcelos had been a friend of Morazan, and prominent in Gnat, at 
the time the liberal party was divided into ministerialists and oppositionists. 

^^Chatfield's pressure against Hond. and Nic. inspired them with hopes. 
Vasconcelos was a partisan of Central American unification for various reasons, 
not the least of which was that of checking the preposterous claims of the 
Brit, agent. This explains the origin of future questions between Chatfield 
and Pavon on one side, and Vasconcelos on the other. In 1849, the latter 
was made to appear before the other states as an innate foe of Guat. , whose 
debasement and destruction he strove for. The govt of Salv. gave explana- 
tions on its course denying the charges. Montiifar, Rosena Hist., v. 801-8. 

2^ Even Lindo of Hond., a militant in the reactionary ranks of Guat., 
though acknowledging the republic, did so with the proviso that Hond. left 
intact and in force Guatemala's engagements and duties toward other states 
as regarded the reestablish ment of a gen. govt. Guardiola's note of Aug. 10, 
1847, to min. of relations of Guat., in Id., 260. 

3' He favored the restoration of the state of Los Altos, in order to divide 
the power of Guat., and counted on the cooperation or Guatemalan liberals; 
but the spirit of provincialism was strong with them, and a large portion 
opposed him. 


carrying down with him the whole hberal party of 
Central America. 

Vasconcelos labored for a federation of three states 
--Guatemala, Salvador, and Los Altos — which once 
consolidated, Nicaragua and Honduras would doubt- 
lessly join, and later on attract Costa Rica to do the 
same. This idea had no opposition before the revo- 
lution of August 1848, in Guatemala. Vasconcelos 
received many offers of support to prosecute his plan. 
He accordingly instructed Duenas and General Angulo 
to enter into arrangements with General Nufio of 
Chiquimula, and made every possible effort to force 
Carrera's resignation on the 15th of August, 1848; 
but some of the liberals of Guatemala, after ridding 
themselves of Carrera, neglected Vasconcelos. Du- 
enas was sent there with ample powers for the organi- 
zation of a republic of Central America, but he was 
slighted, and accomplished nothing. During his stay 
in Guatemala, a decree Avas enacted on the 14th of 
September, 1848, according to which that state was 
declared a sovereign nation and independent repub- 
lics^ Vasconcelos, with all his liberalism, and placed 
as he was at the head of a liberty-loving democratic 
people, was still under the influence of the old colonial 
traditions. He as well as his people looked with 
admiration at the greatness of the United States of 
America, but lacked the courage to emulate their 
example. The United States had no official church, 
but Salvador recognized one. Licenciado Ignacio 
Gomez was despatched to Rome to negotiate the re- 
call of Bishop Viteri, the appointment of another pre- 
late, and the conclusion of a concord at. ^^ His mission 
was so far successful that on the 3d of July, 1848, 
Tomds Miguel Pineda y Zaldana was preconizated as 
bishop of Antigona in partibus infidelium, and given 
the administration of the diocese of Salvador, with 

^^ It was bitterly censured by the leading liberals of Salv., Nic, and Hond., 
and not a few of those of Guat., such as Pineda Mont and Rivera Caberas. 

^^ Gomez was a Salvadoran. educated abroad, and well versed in political 
economy and literature. 


the right of succession. The news of this appoint- 
ment was received with joy, and Vasconcelos errone- 
ously expected to have a support in the new prelate/^ 
when there was more hkehhood of his coinciding with 
Pavon and his confreres. Indeed, Zaldana, from his 
greater wariness, was a more dangerous man than 

The legislative chambers met on the 5th of Febru- 
ary, 1849. The president's term would end with the 
beginning of 1850, and there could be no reelection 
under the constitution.*^ But Vasconcelos' friends in- 
sisted on his being reelected, necessitating an amend- 
ment of the fundamental law, and in spite of opposition 
obtained an act of the assembly permitting the reelec- 
tion.*^ This was an unfortunate move, as it divided 
the liberal party, and encouraged Duenas, who wanted 
the presidency, and was not scrupulous as to the means 
of attaining it, to redouble his manuoevres, even though 
he must call to his aid Carre ra and Luis Batres. 

In 1849, Salvador became involved in a quarrel 
with the British charge d'affaires, Chatfield, resulting 
from alleged claims preferred by him with his usual 
haughtiness, on behalf of fellow-subjects of his. Vas- 
concelos' government looked on these claims as un- 
just, and refused them recognition. Chatfield then 
caused the blockading by a naval force of La Union, 
the port from which Salvador derived the greater 

*" He committed an error in supposing that Zaldana would care more for 
him and his party than for Archbishop Garcia Pelaez, who was influenced by- 
Canon Larrazabal, the mouthpiece of Guatemalan aristocracy. 

*^The following is a brief synopsis of the constitution: No ecclesiastic or 
military man in active service could hold any civil office. Congress consisted 
of the house of representatives, chosen annually, and the senate, elected one 
half every second year; it met on the 1st of Jan. of each year, and its sessions 
were limited to 40 days. The president must not be under 32 years of age 
nor over 60; must have been a resident of the state for the five years preced- 
ing the election, and own property within the state worth at least $8,000. 
He had to receive an absolute majority of votes; otherwise congress should 
choose one of the two candidates having the largest number of votes. Term 
of office two years, without the privilege of two terms in succession. 

*2 Felix Quirdz was chosen his substitute. Nic, Cor. 1st., Feb. 16, March 
7, 1850; Costa R., Gaceta Gob., March 2, 1850. Art. 44 of the constitution, 
prohibiting reelections, was revived by an act of Feb. 25, 1851. Cent. Am. 
Pamph., iv, no. 20. 


portion of her revenue/^ Unable to resist, her gov- 
ernment agreed on the 12th of November, 1849, to 
acknowledge the indebtedness, and make provision for 
its payment. The blockade was then raised/'^ But 
this did not end the disagreements between Chatfield 
and the Salvador government. On the 6th of August 
he made peremptory demands,*^ coupled with a menace 
that if not complied with at once the coasts of the state 
would be blockaded by British war ships then coming 
to act under his instructions. The government of Sal- 
vador did not comply with the demands,^^ and on the 
16th of October port La Union was blockaded by 
the British ship Champion, whose commander notified 
the authorities that if within ten days full satisfaction 
were not given for the insults to the British flag, the 
blockade would be extended to the whole coast, another 
vessel being despatched to Acajutla to enforce it. No 
satisfaction having been given as demanded, that 
menace was carried out. The difficulties remained 
unsettled in the latter part of February 1851, though 
the British war vessels had retired.^^ But they were 
subsequently arranged in an amicable manner. With 
the exception of these troubles, and the repeated differ- 
ences with the other states of Central America, Salva- 

*^The minister of foreign affairs, in his annual report to the Salvador 
assembly, Jan. 29, 1850, speaking of Chatfield's course, says: * Desatenciones, 
violencias, bloqueos; he aqui las relaciones y conducta que ha observado el 
Sr. consul ingles.' Salv., Mem. Rev., 1850, 5. 

** The British had also seized, with Tiger Island belonging to Hond. , several 
isles of Salvador in the gulf of Fonseca. Salv., Gaceta., May 17, 1850; Nic, 
Cor. 1st., Dec. 1, 1849; Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 30, 1849; U. S. Gwt Doc., 31st 
cong. 2d sess., Sen. Doc, 26-99. 

*^ Immediate fulfilment of the convention of Nov. 12, 1849; and a formal 
contradiction in a note to him of all accusations in official organs of the Sal- 
vador government against Great Britain and her ofl&cials. 

*** It offered to submit the questions at issue to the arbitration of the U. S. 
or any of their agents, or to accept some other device that might promise an im- 
partial decision. The note making the offer, dated Aug. 17th, was sent to 
Chatfield by special courier, but he refused to receive it because it had not 
been transmitted through the hands of Idigoras, the Brit, consular agent at 
San Salvador. Nic, Cor. 1st., Sept. 5, 26, Nov. 7, 21, 1850; Salv., Gax^eta, Aug. 
23, Sept. 6, 1850; Guat, Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1850; Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. no. 7; 
El Progeso, Sept. 5, 1850. 

*] Salv., Mem. Peladones, 1851. The blockade was removed at the friendly 
mediation of the American and Prussian consuls and others. Nic, Co" 1st., 
March 20, 1851. 


dor has maintained friendly relations with foreign 
powers, most of which have treaties with her on terms 
satisfactory to all concerned/^ 

Vasconcelos was not more successful in preserving 
peace within the state than in forcing Guatemala to 
abandon the policy she had adopted of maintaining an 
absolute autonomy. In his invasion of that neigh- 
bor's territory early in 1851, as we have seen in the 
previous chapter, he was worsted, which roused pop- 
ular indignation against him, followed by a revolt, 
and his deposal by congress.*^ On the 1st of March, 
the substitute, J. F. Quiroz, was called to occupy the 
executive chair, and did so.^^ The president for the 
constitutional term 1852-3 was Francisco Duenas, 
who • succeeded in settling the differences existing 
between Salvador and Guatemala. 

A serious disagreement having occurred between 
Salvador and Honduras, leading to hostilities, the 
government of Guatemala, then at war with Hon- 
duras, despatched a force to Ahuachapan in aid of 
Duenas, who apprehended an invasion. ^^ Toward 
the end of this term Jose Maria de San Martin was 
chosen for the next. The state now returned in peace 

*^ Besides arrangements with sister states, the republic maintained treaties 
of friendship, commerce, and navigation with Belgium, the U. S., France, 
Great Britain, Spain, Germany, and nearly all the nations of America. A 
concordat on ecclesiastical afl'airs was concluded with the pojje in 1862. 
Squiers Cent. Am., 313; Cent. Am., Miscel. Doc, 48; Costa R., Boletin OJic, 
March 7, 1855; El Rol, Oct. 27, 1854; Feb. 9, 1855; Nic, Cor. 1st., March 21, 
1850; Id., Oaceta, Feb. 17, 18G6; Salv., Gaceta, March 8, Apr. 12, 1850; Aug. 
5, 12, Nov. 25, 1853; Id., Dlario Ofic, Feb. 24, 1875; Id., Concordats, 1-20; 
LaferrieredeParisaGuat., 319-37; Annals Brit. Legis., 1866, 334; Mex., Mem. 
Bel, 1878, 7, 11, 45-54, 119; U. 8. Govt Doc, 43d cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 
1, pt 1, 112, pt2, 796, 821; Id., 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt 1, 236 7. 

*^ Congress was installed Feb. 18th, and one of the first acts of the house 
of deputies was to pass an act of impeachment against Vasconcelos, and the 
senate constituted itself as a court to try him upon the charge of violation of 
the constitution. On the 22d of February, pleading not guilty, he demanded 

a trial. The result was against him. Salv. , Sen. y Cam. de Dip a sus 

comit., in Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. no. 9; Vasconcelos al Sen., in Id., no. 13. 

^•'During Vasconcelos' absence the office had been in charge of Senator 
Francisco Duenas. 

^^ Thus we see that Duenas, whose wont it was while he was working for 
popularity to use energetic language on behalf of liberalism, now that he has 
reached the goal of his ambition, changes his tune and calls for the assistance 
of Carrera against Honduras. Hond., Gaceta OJic, June 10, 1853. 


to its interior affairs, adopting important improve- 
ments.^^ There were not wanting, however, some 
attempts to disturb the pubhc peace, which were for- 
tunately defeated. But the country became at that 
time the victim of other calamities, such as cholera, 
scarcity of food resulting from a visitation of locusts, 
and an earthquake which destroyed San Salvador on 
the 16th of April, 1854,^^ in consequence of which the 
capital was removed to Cojutepeque, where it remained 
for some time. 

Rafael Campo and Francisco Duenas were elected 
president and vice-president, respectively, for the en- 
suing term of 1856-7; and the latter being in charge 
of the executive office in January 1856, in Campo's 
absence, fitted out a contingent of troops to aid Nica- 
ragua in her struggle with Walker's filibusters. 
Campo despatched reenforcements in 1857, the Sal- 
vador forces being under command of General Gerardo 
Barrios, who, according to Perez, never went beyond 
Leon,^^ but undertook to arrange the internal affairs of 
Nicaragua, convoking a junta de notables, which pro- 
claimed Juan Sacasa president. This had no effect, 

The state had, in 1856, constituted itself as a free 

^2 Public education was duly attended to, new codes and ordinances im- 
planted to render more regular the national administration. 

^^ This was the seventh time the capital was destroyed; the previous ones 
being in 1575, 1593, 1625, 1G56, 1798, and 1839; none of these, however, were 
to be compared in violence with the one of 1854. It had been supposed at 
first that at least one fourth of the population had been buried under the 
ruins, but it was subsequently ascertained that the number of killed did not 
exceed one hundred, and of wounded fifty; among the latter were the bishop, 
Duenas, and a daughter of Pres. San Martin. The wells and fountains were 
filled up or made dry. The cathedral and other churches were greatly dam- 
aged; the college of the Asuncion and the university building were ruined. 
Only a few dwelling-houses remained standing, and all were rendered un- 
inhabitable. Money was raised by subscription for the benefit of the destitute, 
the government of Guat. sending a donation of $5,000. Pineda de Mont, Notay 
in Guat Recop. Ley., iii. 349-50; Squier's Cent. Am., 304-7, 350; Salv., Gacetay 
^la,y 20, 1854; Id., Diario Ofic, Jan. 26, 1875; El Rol, Dec. 1, 1854; Guat., 
Gaceta, Apr. 28, May 19, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, June 10, July 29, 1854; Packet 
Intelligencer, June 17, 1854. The city and about 20 surrounding towns were 
destroyed March 19, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 8, 1873; El Porvenir, 
Apr. 6, May 11, 25, 1873; Mc, Gaceta, Apr. 5, 1873. 

^* Campo on the 10th of May, 1857, warmly congratulated his fellow-citi- 
zens on the end of the campaign in Nic. when the news came of Walker's sur- 
render. Nic, Bohtin OJic, May 28, 1857. 


and independent nation, under the name of Repiiblica 
del Salvador/^ This act was confirmed March 19, 
1864, by the national constituent congress. 

General Belloso, Colonel Choto, and other officers 
of the expedition deserted in June from Leon. Barrios 
sent troops after them, and they were arrested in Sal- 
vador and taken as prisoners to Cojutepeque, where 
they told President Campo that Barrios had invited 
them to make a revolution against his government. 
They were set at liberty on the 8th. Barrios landed 
at La Libertad with his forces on the 6th, and 
marched to San Salvador, whence he wrote Campo 
he had occupied that place to defeat the revolutionary 
schemes of Belloso and Choto. Orders were sent him 
to dissolve the forces and go to Cojutepeque with 200 
men. On the 11th Barrios, together with his officers, 
made a pronunciamiento to depose Campo and call 
Duenas to the presidency. ^^ The president on the 
12th called troops to the support of his government, 
placed San Salvador and Cojutepeque under martial 
law, and declared all acts emanating from the vice- 
president void. But it seems that the latter refused 
to lend himself to Barrios' plan, but on the contrary, 
supported Campo. ^^ Barrios himself submitted. ^^ 

Campo's successor was Miguel Santin del Castillo. 
This president's tenure of office was of short duration. 
In 1858 a coup d'etat of Barrios, then a senator, 

^^Am. Cyclop., xiv. 611; La Nacion, Apr. 14, 1857. The Salvador flag is 
required to be 4 varas in length, with horizontal stripes, five blue and four 
white, the uppermost and lowermost being blue; and a red union with 14 
white stars, covering a space up and down equivalent to that occupied by 
the four upper stripes, and to the extent of 1§ varas. The flag-staff is 20 
varas high, exhibiting the same arrangement of colors as the flag. 

^^ On the 10th Barrios and a committee of officers had demanded of Campo 
that the troops should be ordered to Cojutepeque to receive thanks for their 
services, adding that a dissolution of the force implied distrust of the general. 
Campo disregarded this, and also a number of propositions from Barrios, re- 
iterating his order for the disbandment. 

^^ Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 75-6, assures us it was so, highly commending 
Buenas. The president was supported by public opinion, and many of the 
officers that had taken part in the pronunciamiento afterward tendered him 
their services. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, June 18, 1857. 

^® * No hizo otra cosa que rendir la espada ante la autoridad de Campo. ' 
Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 2d pt, 214. 


in which he was aided by the vice-president Guzman, 
his father-in-law, forced Santin to resign. Barrios 
subsequently obtained from the legislative assembly, 
sitting from January 17 to February 12, 1859, the 
sanction of his coup d'etat, as well as the constitu- 
tional amendments that he had not been able to 
carry through legally during Santin's rule, namely, 
to extend the presidential term from two to six years, 
and that of the deputies from two to four years/^ 
The year 1859 was one of restlessness, engendered 
partly by the ungrounded fear of invasion by Santin's 
friends, who had taken refuge in neighboring states, 
and partly by Barrios' efforts to secure his own elec- 
tion to the presidency, in which he w^as successful. 
In August 1859 the existing disagreements between 
Salvador and Honduras, resulting from intrigues of 
refugees from the former, were brought to an end 
through the mediation of Guatemala.®^ 

The republic seemed to have attained a compara- 
tively stable condition at tlie incoming of 1860. Bar- 
rios had been elected president, and recognized as such 
by the assembly. ^^ He concluded in 1862 to hold 
diplomatic relations with the vice-president, who un- 
der the constitution of Honduras was entitled to 
occupy the executive chair of that state at the death 

^' One half of the deputies were to be renewed every two years. The 
assembly was to meet biennially. Salv., Diaiio Ofic, Feb. 21, 1875. 

^ Convention concluded Aug. 9, 1859, between Guat. and Hond. to recog- 
nize the constitutional authority established in Salvador, and to repress any 
attempt to disturb it. Hond. declared herself disposed to keep the peace 
with Salv., and Guat. guaranteed reciprocity on the part of the latter. This 
convention was ratified by Carrera, Sept. 20, 1859, and by Barrios and his 
minister M. Irungaray, Sept. 30th, the same year. Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 439- 

^^ In his inaugural address, Feb. 1, 1860, he promised a conservative policy: 
* Orden progreso, libertad bien entendida .... La par y el drden en el interior, 
la amistad c6n los estados vecinos.' Barrios, Disciirso, 6-7. But, as it will be 
shown, his policy both in the interior and in regard to the other states of 
Cent. Am. met with disastrous results from the animosity it engendered. 
He had had himself made a captain-general, and was accused by his enemies 
of inordinate vanity, insincerity, fondness for unrestricted power, and luke- 
warm patriotism; and finally came to be looked upon as a disturber of the 
peace for his own aggrandizement. He accepted, without leave of the 
assembly, a decoration tendered him by the king of Sardinia. Nic, Cap. Gen. 
Barms f 3-14; Arriola, Bep. del Salv., 2. 


of President Guardiola, and was favored by public 
opinion, although Carrera of Guatemala was uphold- 
ing Medina, a usurper of the presidency. A treaty 
of alliance^ both defensive and offensive, was entered 
into between Salvador and this vice-president,^^ which 
displeased Carrera; he demanded explanations, and 
they were given him.^^ The latter found an excuse to 
pick a quarrel with Barrios in the question with the 
Salvador clergy, who had been required to take an 
oath of allegiance to the government,^* which they 
refused to do. Bishop Pineda y Zaldana and a num- 
ber of his subordinates repairing to Guatemala, where 
they were honorably received. Barrios was accused 
in the official journal of setting aside the conservative 
policy promised at his inauguration.®^ An expedition, 
under Colonel Saenz, believed to have been aided by 
Carrera, invaded Santa Ana at the cry of Yiva la re- 
ligion! Viva el obispo! and took the city, but were 
soon driven away by the citizens. Carrera disclaimed 
any connection with this affair. Some time after came 
Maximo Jerez, as minister of Nicaragua, proposing a 
plan of national union for Salvador, Honduras, and 
Nicaragua, with the intention of inviting Guatemala 
and Costa Pica to join them; but the project failed 
because of the refusal of Honduras to enter into the 
arrangement. Carrera had meantime dissuaded Pres- 
ident Martinez of Nicaragua from the scheme. 

The Guatemalan government was preparing for war 
against Salvador, and succeeded in winning the cooper- 

62 May 13, 1862. iVec, Boletin OJic., July 19, 1862. 

^ Barrios was said to entertain the plan of partitioning Hond., which was 
not effected because of Carrera's disapproval; but the murder of Guardiola 
had afforded him an opportunity to harness Hond. to his car. He was like- 
wise accused of scheming with the aid of Maximo Jerez to control Nic. 
Barrios, El por que de la caida, 3-4; Nic.y Gaceta, March 23, May 23, June 
6, 1863. Barrios claimed that he was striving to secure the rights of Salva- 
dor, supporting at the same time the patriotic aims of the Nicaraguan liberals 
to establish a government in their country. 

^ The Capuchin friars had also been expelled. 

6^ The course of the Salvadoran govt was not to the pope's liking. Arnola, 
Hep. del Salv., 2. However, the bishop, at papal suggestion, offered to return 
to his diocese, and was told there had never been any objection to his exercise 
of episcopal functions. Barrios, Prod, a los Pueblos, 1-8. 


ation of Martinez.^ Honduras, being an ally of Salva- 
dor, Florencio Xatruch was assisted by Carrera to 
make a revolt in several departments against the gov- 
ernment of Honduras. Salvador tried to avert hos- 
tilities. Friends of peace, among them the American 
and British representatives, mediated, but all was of 
no avail. ^'' 

The war contemplated by Carrera was unpopular 
in Guatemala, where the people of late years had been 
enjoying peace and prosperity, and feared a recurrence 
of the former desolations. But their ruler was 
prompted by a deadly animosity to Barrios, and by 
the fear that the alliance of the latter with Jarez 
would endanger conservatism, and consequently his 
own power. Whereupon he resolved to crush at one 
blow the disturber of the public peace, as Barrios was 
called by the oligarchs. ^^ He invaded Salvador with 
a large force, a proclamation preceding him to inform 
the people that the war would be against Barrios 
and not themselves. He felt certain of a speedy vic- 
tory, and blindly assailed Coatepeque, where Barrios 
was entrenched. He was repulsed with such heavy 
losses ^^ that he had to retreat to his own capital, 
which he entered March 6th at the head of only 3,000 
men. But this reverse did not discourage him. He 
fitted out another army, and started upon a second 
campaif>'n that should be decisive'^ against Salvador 
and Honduras, the latter having espoused Barrios' 
cause. Meantime Martinez of Nicaragua had gained 
a battle at the town of San Felipe on the 29th of 
April, against a united force of Jerez' partisans and 

^^ A treaty of alliance was concluded with him by Samayoa and Duefias, 
ooth Salvador refugees, acting for Guat. 

«^ Notes of E. 0. Crosby, U. S. minister, Feb. 2, 1863, and Geo. B. Mathew, 
Brit, minister, Feb. 8, 1863, to Pedro de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs 
of Guat. Barrios' Manifiesto, 44-52. 

^^ ' II ne vit dans cette derni^re lutte qu'un duel dTiomme k homme. ' 
Belly, Le Nicaragua, i. 118-19. 

«^This was on the 24th of Feb., 1863. Salv., Dario Ofic, Apr. 8, 1876; Belly, 
A Trav. VAm. Cent, 119-20. Barrios, in his Manifiesto, 32, asserts that his 
own force was 4,000 men, and Carrera's 6,500. 

''^ The army was in three divisions, two of which were under generals 
Zavala and Cruz. 


Salvadorans/^ Moreover, Honduras was invaded by 
800 Guatemalans under General Cerna. The Salva- 
doran and Honduran troops were defeated ^^ by the 
allied Guatemalans and Nicaraguans, on the plains of 
Santa Rosa, which prompted revolts in the greater 
part of the departments of Salvador, proclaiming 
Duenas provisional president, who organized a gov- 
ernment at Sonsonate.^^ ' Intrigues were successfully 
brought into play upon several Salvadoran command- 
ers to induce them to revolt against Barrios, and to 
aid his enemies/* One of those officers was General 
Santiago Gonzalez, commanding the troops at Santa 
Ana during Barrios' temporary absence at San Salva- 
dor. He made a pronunciamiento on the 30th of 
June, telling the soldiers that a similar movement 
had taken place the previous day at the capital, and 
Barrios was a prisoner, and his government dissolved. 
On discovering the deception some battalions escaped 
and joined the president at San Salvador, Gonzalez 
being left with a small number of troops. Carrera 
was now near Santa Ana, and demanded Gonzalez' 
surrender and recognition of Duenas as provisional 
president, which, being declined, Carrera attacked 
and easily defeated him on the 3d of July,^^ the Sal- 
vadoran artillery and a large quantity of ammunition 
falling into the victor's hands. Carrera was now 
master of the situation,'^^ and his opponent virtually 

'^'^ Nic., Discurso. . .prim, aniv., 3. The Salvadoran contingent in the action 
•was 1,117 men under General Eusebio Bracamonte; but Jerez had the chief 
command of the allied force. JHic, Gaceta, Apr. 18, May 9, 16, 20, 23, June 6, 
Sept. 12, 1863; Mc, Boletin del Pueb., July 11, 1863. 

"June 16, 1863. Mc, Boletin del Pueb., July 4, 1863. 

'^ Sonsonate declared against Barrios June 29th, Cojutepeque July 27th, 
Zacatecoluca Aug. 14th.; Nic, Gaceta, Aug. 22, Sept. 19, 1863; Id., Boletin 
del Pueb., July 23, 1863. For map of Hond. and Salv., see Squiers Cent. Am. 

■^^ It has been said that Tallien de Cabarrus, the French charge, endeav- 
ored, after Carrera's defeat at Coatepeque, to pursuade a number of French 
ofl&cers who were with Barrios to leave him, which they refused to do. 

"^^ Carrera's official report of July 4, 1863, in Nic, Boletin del Pueb., July 
17, 23, 1863; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 22, 1863. 

"^^ He established his headquarters in Coatepeque. Zavala marched on and 
occupied Santa Tecla, about 12 miles from San Salvador; Col Iraeta was 
stationed at Chalatenango; and Col Parker in Ilobasco, Salv., Pronunc, 
1; iV^c., Gaceta, Oct. 8, 1863. Duenas in a proclamation at Santa Ana, July 
18th, promised that Carrera and his army, after fulfilling their mission, would 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. Hi. 20 


without means of defence, superadded to which the 
influence of the clergy had turned the Indians to 
Carrera's side. Barrios continued his efforts, how- 
ever, and held out four montlis at San Salvador, 
though closely besieged and suffering from want of 
food and ammunition/^ He had refused to listen to 
proposals offering him the honors of war, believing 
that once in Carrera's hands his fate would be sealed. ^^ 
At last further defence was impossible, and Barrios 
escaped out of the city early on the 26th of October, 
and subsequently out of the country. '^^ The surrender 
of the city took place the same day, and on the 30th 
Duenas, now placed at the head of affairs, decreed 
thanks and honors to Carrera and Martinez, and their 
respective armies. ^^ 

Barrios, having with him arms and ammunition, 
embarked at Panamd, in 1865, on the schooner Manuela 
Planas for La Union, to place himself at the head of a 
movement initiated by Cabanas in that port and San 
Miguel in his favor. It was -only on arrival that he 

return to Guat. leaving the Salvadorans to reorganize a friendly government, 
in lieu of the turbulent one of Barrios, with the assistance of Bishop Zaldana. 
Barrios accused Duenas, at Panama Dec. 8, 1863, of having offered- Carrera 
$100,000 for his assistance to get him into the presidential chair; to pay 
which a forced loan was decreed. He added that at one time Carrera had 
made war against the govt of Hond. for $30,000 that Guardiola offered him. 
Banios, El Presid. legit., 3-4. 

''^ Sept. 18, 1863, Zavala, commander of the besieging army, and Duefiaa 
demanded a surrender, and submission to the provincial govt. Duenas claimed 
to be recognized as president by Guat., Nic, and Hond. Nic, Boletin del Pueb., 
Oct. 3, 1863; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 17, 1863. 

"^^ Carrera not long after had M. Irungaray, minister of state, Yarzun, treas- 
urer, Gen. Perez and his brother, and colonels Abelar and Luna shot, for the 
sole offence of having served in Barrios' administration. 

■^^ Carrera, Oct. 30th, called it a * vergonzosa fuga. ' Carrera, Prod., 1. Bar- 
rios was subsequently in 1865 allowed by Costa R. to reside in her territory 
against the remonstrances of the other Cent. Am. states. These suspended 
relations with her. Previous to this time he had resided in N. York, where 
he made many friends. Nic. reopened, through the mediation of the U. S. 
of Colombia, on the 31st of May, 1865, relations with Costa R., Barrios hav- 
ing departed. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 458-9; -^ec, Gaceta, June 17, 1865; /(/., Col. 
Dec, 1865, 8-9, 52-3. 

^ Nic, Gaceta, Nov. 6, 14, 1863. The outrages committed byCarerra and 
his men are said to have been almost beyond description. One of his acts 
was to cause Morazan's grave to be broke open, and his ashes to be scattered 
to the winds. He insulted, plundered, and persecuted citizens, and carried 
off the Salvadoran artillery and trophies. He took with him to Guat. the 
prisoners of rank, and confined them many months in the castle of San Fe- 
lipe situated on the deadly northern coast 


heard of the failure of that movement,^^ and on his re- 
turn the schooner was struck by hghtning in waters 
of Nicaragua at the Aserradores. He sent to Corinto 
for water and provisions, and the consequence was 
that a Nicaraguan force came on board and captured 
him. He was taken to Leon on the 30th of June.^^ 
The government of Salvador demanded his extradition 
that he might be tried, the national congress having 
impeached him. The result of this was a convention 
entered into at Leon July 14, 1865, between Gregorio 
Arbizii, minister of Salvador, and Pedro Zeledon, 
plenipotentiary for Nicaragua, by which the latter 
government assented to the surrender of Barrios, 
under the express stipulation that his life should be 
spared whatever might be the result of his trial. ^^ 
But the government of Salvador, in disregard of this 
obligation, had Barrios sentenced to death by a court- 
martial, and he was executed at 4:30 in the morning 
of August 29th, against the remonstrances of the rep- 
resentative of Nicaragua. The latter could do noth- 
ing but protest, and throw the infamv of the deed 
upon Duenas and his administration. 

Bishop Zaldana returned to his diocese at the ter- 
mination of the war in the latter part of 1863, and 
issued a pastoral letter recommending concord and 
union among his flock. The provisional government 
called on the people to choose a constituent assembly 
to reorganize the government and frame a new consti- 
tution. This assembly met on the 18th of February, 
1864, and on the same date sanctioned the last revolu- 
tionary movement, which deposed Barrios from the 
presidency, and called Duenas to fill it. His acts to 

^^ Cabanas had gone off to Pan. in the steamer Guatemala. Particulars of 
the rebellion, and measures against its authors, in Nic., Oaceta^ May 6, June 
10, July 1, 1865. 

^2 The vessel was sailing without the papers required by law, as was cer- 
tified by the U. S. consul in Corinto. Nic., Col. Acuerd. y Doc.f 61-2; Id., 
Boletln del Pueh., July 4, 1863. 

^^ The Salv. minister solemnly accepted this condition, and the Nicaraguan 
govt then delivered Barrios on board the brig Experimento. JVic, Convenio I4 
de Julio, 1-18; Mc, Docs. Rel. d la red, 1-19; Nic, Oaceta, July 29, 1865. 


that date were approved, and he was recognized as 
provisional executive till a constitutional one should 
be elected. That body at a later date promulgated a 
new constitution in 104 articles, which like the funda- 
mental charters of the other Central American states 
at that time was exceedingly conservative. The only 
religion recognized was the Roman catholic. 

At the elections which took place ten months after 
the promulgation of the new charter, Duenas was ap- 
parently elected president for the first constitutional 
term, and the constitutional congress recognized him 
as such. He took formal possession of the office Feb- 
ruary 1, 1865. Congress closed its session on the 
21st of the same month. 




President Ferrera — Revolutionary Movements — Political Executions' 
—Presidency of Juan Lindo — New Constitution — Lindo Over- 
thrown — Belize — Honduras' Trourles with Great Britain — British 
Occupation of Tiger Island — Bombardment of Omoa — Bay Islands 
— President Cabanas — War with Guatemala — Guardiola's Assas- 
sination — Provisional Rules of Castellanos and Montes — Alliance; 
with Barrios — Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and Nicaragua. 
— Montes Deposed — Establishment of the Republic — Josi: M. Me- 
dina Chosen President — Amendment of the Constitution. 

The house of representatives of the Estado Libre y 
Soberano de Honduras, on the 30th of December, 
1840, chose Francisco Ferrera president,^ and he took 
possession of the office on the 1st of January, 1841. 
The chamber closed its session on the 6th of March. 

It is unnecessary to repeat here the history of Hon- 
duras down to 1844, as it has been given in connection 
with other sections of Central America. The state 

^He had been the sole candidate, obtaining 3,400 votes, which did not 
constitute a majority. Ferrera was of obscure parentage, and of inferior 
ability. He was educated by a reactionary priest named Garin, who, wishing 
him to become a musician of the parish church at Cantarranas, sent him to 
Tegucigalpa to take lessons on the violin; but the boy made no progress in 
that direction, and finally was made sacristan of Cantarranas, which position 
he held a long time, till the revolutionary movements drew him into military 
life, and he began upholding liberal principles. He figured afterward as vice- 
jefe, hating his chief, Joaquin Rivera, because he was a democrat. Now we 
see the sacristan of Cantarranas made president of the state. Francisco 
Giiell, Francisco Zelaya, and Santiago Bueso were recognized as his substitutes 
in the order named. It was also decreed by the chamber that in the event 
of a vacancy, absolute or temporary, if the substitutes should be unable to 
assume the executive duties, the latter should devolve on the ministers of 
state. MontufaVf Eesefta Hist., iv. 191-203 • Wells' Hond., 494; Squier's Trav., 
ii. 449 



assembly was installed on the 11th of January, with 
ceremonies more religious than political, as befitted a 
country where the influence of the church was so over- 
whelming.^ The chamber bepraised Ferrera with as 
much gusto as the church had smoked him with 
incense at the cathedral, and on the 26th he was 
formally declared a benemerito de la patria, and con- 
firmed as a general of division, which rank had been 
conferred on him by the government in March 1839.^ 

Much was said at the opening of the legislative 
session about peace, but the fact was, that a number 
of towns were greatly agitated, owing to the heavy 
burdens weighing on them, and to the displeasure 
caused by many citizens having been driven into exile. 
Among these towns were Texiguat, La Plazuela, and 
Comayagliela. Santos Guardiola was sent against 
them, and was not successful, though he asserted in a 
proclamation that he had defeated the rebels. The 
war spread,* and Ferrera deemed it expedient to leave 
the executive office in charge of the ministers for a 
time, and to personally take command of the forces to 
operate against the insurgents. Guardiola defeated 
them at Corpus on the 1st of July, and captured their 
correspondence, with Rivera, Orellana, and the other 

An insurrection of the troops at Olancho took 
place in December, which was soon quelled, and 
stringent measures were adopted by Ferrera against 
its promoters.^ Amid this state of affairs Ferrera's 
term was approaching its end, and he could not be re- 
elected a second time under the constitution of 1839. 
Elections were held, and arrangements made so that 

^We are assured there were 44 te deum masses on that day 

' He was credited with having, by his energy, wisdom, and disinterested 
patriotism, saved the state from civil war and anarchy. 

*The govt justly attributed the movement to Ex-jefe Rivera, Orellana, 
Alvarez, Castro, and others, believing the centre of it to be in Leon. It de- 
manded satisfaction from Nic, but obtained none. 

^The whole was published in El Descubridor, official journal of Hond. 
Every one of Rivera's letters counselled discipline, moderation, and honorable 
dealing, so as to save the cause from obloquy 

« Decree of Dec. 13, 1844. 


he could continue in power as minister of war with 
the chief command of the forces/ Guardiola had been 
also dubbed a benemerito, and his friends wished to 
raise him to the presidential chair, but did not succeed.^ 
No candidate obtained the requisite majority, and the 
legislature chose Corona do Chavez president.^ 

Ex-jefe Rivera, taking advantage of the absence of 
Ferrera with most of his forces in Nicaragua, invaded 
Honduras for the purpose of overthrowing the exist- 
ing government. The people failed to cooperate with 
him, and he was defeated and made prisoner. On the 
4th of January, 1845, he, with Martinez, Landa, and 
Julian Diaz arrived at Comayagua in irons. The 
official journal announced that Rivera was to be tried 
and punished. He was in fact doomed to the scaffold 
before he was tried. ^^ 

Guardiola's atrocities in La Union and San Miguel, 
spoken of in a former chapter, won him additional 
honors from the subservient assembly of Honduras. 
He was a second time declared a benemerito, and 
awarded a gold medal. Chavez, the tool of Ferrera, 
was not neglected. He was given the title of Padre 
conscripto de la patria, with an accompanying medal. ^^ 
The assembly closed on the 23d of March, well satisfied 
of the wisdom of its measures. Another presiden- 
tial election came up, and no one having the requi- 
site number of votes, the assembly, January 14, 
1847, chose Ferrera, who declined the position, and 
Juan Lindo was then appointed, Ferrera continuing 

■^ I mentioned elsewhere the defeat this year at Nacaome of a Nicaraguan 
force by the garrison under Commandant Morales. The credit of this victory 
was given to Ferrera, who happened to be in the place at the time, by the 
ministers in charge of the executive office awarding him a gold medal with 
the inscription, * A la heroicidad del General Ferrera en la batalla de Na- 
caome. ' The supreme court had compared him with Alexander, Octavius, 
Augustus, and Napoleon. The soldiers of Hond. made him a Miltiades, 
Temistocles, and Demosthenes. And finally, the ofiicial journal pronounced 
him superior to Julius Ctesar. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 576-9. 

^ Guardiola was a rough and cruel soldier. 

' His substitutes were Francisco Giiell, Leonardo Romero, and Manuel 
Emig lio Vazquez. 

^" Rivera, Landa, and Martinez were shot together. 

"Decrees of Feb. 4 and March 19, 1846. 


as war minister, with the command of the troops an- 
nexed, which was what he desired. Guardiola was 
retained in the office of minister of foreign relations, 
though unfit for it. 

When the army of the United States was in Mexico, 
Lindo seemed greatly exasperated thereby; the presi- 
dent, without first obtaining the sanction of the repre- 
sentatives, issued manifestos, on the 1st and 2d of June, 
1847, which were an open declaration of war against 
the United States. ^^ 

Lindo desired to control affairs for an unlimited 
time, and the constitution allowing him only a two- 
years tenure, and containing, besides, several clauses 
repugnant to him, it was doomed. ^^ A constituent 
assembly was accordingly called to frame a new char- 
ter, which was adopted at Comayagua February 4, 

Lindo continued as president under the new re- 
gime.'^ The legislature had assembled at Cedros on 
the 10th of June, 1849, when the president reported 

^2 This proceeding was communicated to the governor of Chiapa for the 
information of his government. The proclamations were published in Mexico, 
and probably elsewhere; but I am not aware that the American government 
took any action upon them. Id., 236-7; Sun of Andhuac, Sept. 14, 1847; 
El Arco Ins, Sept. 22, Oct. 4, 17, 1847; El Razonador, Oct. 30, 1847; El 
Sonorense, Nov. 12, 1847. 

^^ It provided for only one chamber, and he wanted another for the aris- 
tocracy. It recognized freedom of conscience and religion, which to his mind 
was heresy. 

^*It contained 114 articles; recognized the people as the source of power 
and sovereignty. All persons born in the states of Cent. Am. and residing 
in Hond. were given the privileges of full citizenship. Foreigners might 
become naturalized. The right of suffrage was given to citizens over 21 years 
of age who could read and write. The state recognized no other religion than 
the Roman catholic, excluding the public exercise of all others. The govern- 
ment, declared to be popular and representative, was vested in three powers, 
namely, legislative, executive, and judicial. The executive was placed in 
charge of a president for four years, and not eligible for two consecutive 
terms. He appointed his ministers, who had a seat in the legislature. There 
was a council of state provided, its members being one senator chosen by the 
gen. assembly, one justice of the supreme court, the minister of the interior, 
the treasurer, and two citizens elected by the gen. assembly. The assembly 
was formed of one chamber with 14 deputies, being two for each department, 
and the senate with 7 members. The judiciary consisted of the supreme and 
lower courts. The supreme court was divided into two sections, of three jus- 
tices each, one to sit in Comayagua, and the other in Tegucigalpa. Each 
department had a jef e politico at its head. Hond. , Constit. de I84S, 1-21 ; Squier's 
Cent. Am., 258-65. 

^^The next term would begin on the 1st of Feb., 1852. 


the state at peace, and its relations with the other 
states on a satisfactory footing. But he acknowledged 
that his government was harassed by party conten- 
tions. Order had been maintained thus far by a strict 
impartiality toward the factions, with the cooperation 
of some good and influential citizens. ^^ This was not 
to last long; for on the 12th of February, 1850, 
Guardiola, deceived by representations of Felipe Jd.u- 
regui and the aristocrats of Guatemala, in which the 
British chargd, Chatfield, had no little part, made a 
pronunciamiento at Tegucigalpa, where the govern- 
ment then was, and Lindo had to flee. The latter 
finally entrenched himself at Nacaome, near the bay 
of Fonseca, and asked for assistance from the govern- 
ments of Salvador and Nicaragua, which under the 
terms of their confederacy they were bound to afford 
him. Salvador at once sent a considerable force under 
General Cabanas, and Nicaragua prepared to do the 
same if necessity required it. Guardiola's movement 
was not seconded elsewhere. But he marched against 
Nacaome, and at Pespire commissioners of Salvador 
and Lindo made him understand his false position, 
and an understanding was then had, on the 25th of 
March, by which he submitted to Lindo's authority. ^^ 

The treaties of 1783 and 1786 between Great Britain 
and Spain reserved to the latter the sovereignty over 
Belize, otherwise called British Honduras, granting to 
the settlers merely the privilege of cutting dye and 
other woods,^^ using the spontaneous products of the 

^^Nic, Cor. 1st., Aug. 1, 1849; La Union (S. Salv.), June 15, 1849. 

^■^The following were the terms agreed upon: a general amnesty; the con- 
federate diet was to meet at Nacaome, protected by 200 Salvadorans and as 
many Nicaraguans at the expense of Hond. ; and the state assembly also to 
redress certain alleged grievances; and Jauregui's conduct in Costa R. to be 
investigated. All of which was done. Cent. Am., Miscel. Doc, nos. 29-33, 
36-43, 50-5; Salv., Gaceta, March 15, Apr. 4, 18, May 10, 1850; Costa R., 
Gaceta, March 2, 1850; Nic, Cor. 1st., Apr. 4, May 2, 16, 1850; Guardiola, 
Carta Ofic, March 30, 1850; Squier's Travels, ii. 182. The chambers on the 
29th of June declared Lindo a benemerito de la patria, conferring on him the 
rank of general of division for life, from the expiration of his presidential 
term. Hond., Gaceta Ofic, Aug. 31, 1850. 

^^ The Spaniards knew but little of this region, believing it unhealthy, 


soil, fishing along the coast, repairing their vessels, 
and building houses and stores. The, colonists were 
not to set up any government, either civil or military, 
construct forts or defences, maintain troops of any 
kind, or possess any artillery/^ 

Governor O'Neill of Yucatan made an expedition 
in 1798 against the English settlers during war be- 
tween the two nations, and destroyed a number of 
settlements on the Rio Nuevo, but was afterward 
repulsed by the colonists and slaves of Belize. This 
circumstance was claimed to have given the victors 
the right of conquest over the territory occupied by 
them. But neither Spain, nor Mexico after her 
independence, recognized that pretension, nor was it 
admitted by the British parliament. ^^ Furthermore, 
the treaty signed- in London, December 26, 1826, be- 
tween Great Britain and Mexico was negotiated on 
the express condition that the treaty of July 14, 1786, 
between the Spanish and British crowns should be 
held valid and observed in all its provisions. ^^ There- 
fore the conclusion we must arrive at is, that the 
sovereignty over Belize belongs to Mexico and not to 
Great Britain. Mexico's claim has been recognized 
by the settlers, when it suited their interests, but 
they were never equally disposed to abide by the obli- x 
gations of the treaty of 1826.^^ Their encroachments 

and had hardly made any attempts themselves to cut wood there. Cancelafla, 
Td. Mexicano, 1C4-11, computed at nearly twenty-two million dollars the joss 
sustained by Spain to 1812, including in that sum the original cost, and the 
resulting prolita which had accrued, mostly to the English. i 

^^ They were likewise forbidden to cultivate sugar, coffee, or cacao, or\to 
engage in manufactures; and they were not to supply arms or ammunition to 
the Indians dwelling on the frontiers of the Spanish possessions. Espafia e ImjL 
Covenio, July 14, 1786, in Cent. Am. PampL, no. 4, 1-7. 

^''Certain acts of that body in 1817 and 1819, in consequence of measures 
adopted to punish crimes committed in Belize, declared that the crimes could 
not be puniched under British laws, because that territory was not a portion 
of the United Kingdom. Penichey Hist. Pel. Esp. y M^x. con Ingl.t in Ancona, 
Hist. Yuc, iv. 223. 

^^ The treaty of 1826, with the annexed treaties and conventions of Spain 
with England and other nations having any bearing on the subject may be 
found in Mex., Derecho Intern., i. 437-524. 

^^Villiers, Brit. min. in Madrid, asked the Sp. govt in 1835, and again 
in 1836, to cede to England any right of sovereignty she might have over 
Brit. Honduras. The request v;as not granted, but it implied that England 
in 1836 did not consider herself to possess the full sovereignty over Belize. 

BELIZE. 315 

on Yucatan have continued to the extent that they now 
hold much more than was conditionally allowed them 
for wood-cutting by the treaty of 1783.^^ 

Affecting to forget that they were entitled merely 
to the usufruct of the country, the settlers set up as 
early as 1798 a government,^* raised troops, built forts, 
tilled the soil, and exercised every right implying full 
sovereignty. Alexander M'Donald, while holding the 
office of superintendent,^^ on the 2d of November, 1840, 
set aside the laws and usages of the country, declaring 
that from said date the law of England should be the 
law of the settlement or colony of British Honduras, 
and that all local customs and laws repugnant to the 
spirit of the law of England, and opposed to the prin- 
ciples of equity and justice, should be null.^^ In later 
years the government has been in the hands of a lieu- 
tenant-governor, w^itli an executive and legislative 
council, and the colony has the usual judicial estab- 

Villarta, Mexican min. of foreign afiairs, refers to Velliers' efforts in a note 
of March 23, 1878, to the Brit. govt. The latter, however, in 1836, claimed 
a larger extent of territory, including the whole coast as far south as the 
River Sarstoon, and as far inland as the meridian of Garbutt's Falls on the 
Belize River. 

23 Details in Bustamante, Hist. Iturbidc, 161; Squier's Travels, ii. 412-14; 
Id., Cent. Am., 582^, 627-8; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 306; Mex. Soc. Gtog.; Bole- 
tin, 2d ep., iv. 698-710; Annals Brit. Legis., ii. 84; Suarez, In/orrne, 32-6; 
(I. S. Govt Doc, For. Aff. (Mess, and Doc, pt 1, 65-6, pt iii. 360-1), Cong. 39, 
Sess. 1.; Id., Foreirpi llel., i. 656-61, Cong. 43, Sess. 1.; Salv., DiarioOJic., Nov. 
21, 1878; La Voz de Mej., Jan. 31, 18G5; Sept. 19, Nov. 1, 1882. 

2* The settlement, as it was called, for it had not even the name of a colony, 
was ruled by a code of laws established in 1779 by Sir W. Burnaby. Justice 
was administered by a board of seven magistrates chosen annually. The 
chief authority was the superintendent, a position always held by a military 
ofacer, combining the duties both of first civil magistrate and commander of 
the forces. Henderson's Brit. IIo7id., 75-9. 

'^^ He entitled himself then her Majesty's superintendent and commander- 
in-chief in and over her possessions in Hond. 

'■^^ M'Donald then appointed an executive council. He also assumed control 
of the finances. Not satisfied with the right of veto, he legislated in his own 
person by proclamation, assuming the right of punishing any one acting 
against his authority or obstructing his mandates. The inhabitants protested 
against his usurpation of powers, and appealed to the British government 
and parliainent, obtaining some trifling relaxation. They also petitioned that 
the government should openly assume the sovereignty, so that they might 
possess their lands without reservation in respect to Spain or Mexico. Their 
petitions did not receive any direct reply. However, the govt in 1845, sent 
out a chief justice, a queen's advocate, and other judicial appendages. Crowe's 
Gospel, 205-6. 

2^ The coat of arms of Belize is read as follows: Chief dexter-argent — the 


The assumption of sovereignty is not Mexico's only 
cause of complaint. Since the war of races broke out 
in Yucatan in 1847, the people of Belize have sold 
arms and ammunition to the revolted Indians. Early 
in 1848 the authorities promised that the Indians 
should not be aided, directly or indirectly; but the 
promise was not fulfilled. ^^ The population is mainly 
negro, originally introduced as slaves ; the rest, excep- 
ting a few white men, is a hybrid race resulting from 
intercourse with Europeans and Indians. The total 
population in 1871 was nearly 25,000, of which there 
were probably 1,000 more males than females. ^^ Slav- 
ery was abolished by an act of the inhabitants on the 
1st of August, 1840."' 

The chief product of the country is mahogany, of 
which some 20,000 tons were exported annually, but 
the demand for it lately has decreased. Its logwood 
is much valued, and about 15,000 tons are yearly ex- 
ported. Besides these staples, the country produces 
other woods of value, and the cahoon or coyal palm 
in abundance, from the nuts of which is extracted a 
valuable oil. Sarsaparilla and vanilla are found in 
the interior. Of domestic animals there are enough 

union jack, proper. Chief sinister, on the proper — the chief divided from the 
body of the shield by a chevron-shaped partition from the fess of the dexter 
and sinister base. Points — the intermediate space azure— a ship with set 
sails on the sea, passant proper. Crest, mahogany tree. Motto, *Sub umbra 
floreo.' Supporters, negroes; that to the left, with a paddle; the other to the 
right, with an axe over his shoulder. Stout's Nic, 258. 

2s One of the superintendents — supposed to be Col Fancourt— had relations 
with the ferocious Cecilio Chi, which was officially communicated by ]Viex«ico 
to the Brit, charge, Doyle, March 12, 1849. Ancona, Hist. Yuc, iv. 234; 
Yuc, Expos. Gob. CrMitos, 98-102. 

2^ The population about 1804 was set down at not more than 200 white 
persons, 500 free colored, and 3,000 negro slaves. The white pop. grad- 
ually decreased. In 1827-8, the pop. was between 5,000 and 6,000; in 1838, 
8,000; in 1850, 15,000; in 1863, 25,000. Sqiiier'sCent. Am., 687- 8; Dunn's Gnat., 
13-14; Osborne's Guide, 234; Valois, Mexique, 150; Pirns Gate of the Pac., 20. 
The town of Belize, at the mouth of the river of the same name, generally has 
6,000 inhabitants. The dwellings of the wealthy class are large and com- 
fortable. Besides the govt houses, court-house, barracks, and jail, there are 
several churches, episcopal, methodist, baptist, and presbyterian, and some 
large and costly fire-proof warehouses. The town has experienced two destruc- 
tive conflagrations, one in 1854 and another in 1863. Packet Intelligencer, June 
17, 1854; Guat, Gaceta, Sept. 7, 22, 1854; La Voz de Mej., May 9, 1863. 

^^ It was effected without disturbance, and attended with the happiest re- 
sults. Crowe's Gospel, 205. 


for the needs of the people. The colony during the 
last fifteen or twenty years has been on the downward 

In former times the port of Belize was an entrepot 
for the neighboring states of Yucatan, Guatemala, and 
Honduras,^^ but after the opening of direct trade be- 
tween those states and the United States and Europe, 
and the diversion of trade on the Pacific to Panama, 
that source of prosperity ceased. Total tonnage 
entered and cleared in 1877, exclusive of coasting 
trade, 73,974, of which 46,168 were British. Value 
of imports, in ten years ending in 1877, £1,781,175; 
for that year, £165,756, of which £84,540 were from 
Great Britain. Value of exports fOr 1877, £124,503, 
of which £94,548 went to Great Britain.'' The 
average rate of duties on imports is ten per cent ad 
valorem; machinery, coal, and books entering free. 
The gross amount of revenue for 1863, £27,398; for 
1877, £41,488. Public expenditure for the latter year, 

The relations of Honduras with Great Britain were- 
during many years in an unsatisfactory state, due in a 
great measure to the schemes of certain officials of the 
latter government, who pushed ungrounded claims 
against the former in the furtherance of their plans to 
gain control of a large extent of the Central American 
coast. On the 3d of October, 1849, a British war 
ship at Trujillo demanded the sum of $111,061, alleged 
to be due to subjects of her nation. The demand not 
being complied with, an armed force was landed from 
her the next day, which occupied the fort and town. 
The British commander finally accepted on account 
$1,200 — all that the Honduran comandante could pro- 
cure — and on reembarking fired a volley.^' 

^^ Much smuggling was carried on to and from it. 

^'^ Annals Brit. Legis., iii. 368; v. 263; vii. 228; x. 386-7; 391-2; xii. 139-40; 
xiv. 304; U. S. Comm. Rel, 1863-77, passim. The Etiajclop. Britan., xii. 

^^He concluded to proceed to Jamaica for further instructions. ElRevisor, 
Jan. 5, Feb. 16, 1850; Hond., Gaceta OJic, Oct. 19, 1849. 


On the southern coast the British steamship Gorgon, 
on the 16th of November, seized the island of Tiger, 
hoisting the British flag at Amapala.^^ The authori- 
ties of Honduras, after protesting against the act, 
called the attention of the United States representa- 
tive to the British proceeding, for this island had been 
ceded to his government in September previous. ^^ It 
is presumed that Chatfield's purpose, among other 
things, was to prevent the construction of a canal 
across Nicaragua by Americans. But Admiral 
Hornby, commanding the British naval forces in the 
Pacific, disapproved of the proceeding, removing his 
men and restoring the Honduran flag under a salute 
of twenty-one guns.^^ 

A preliminary convention was entered into at San 
Jose, Costa Rica, December 29, 1849, between Felipe 
Jduregui, calling himself commissioner of Honduras, 
and Chatfield, the British charge d'aflaires, in nine 
articles, some of which involved undue responsibility 
on the part of Honduras.^'' This treaty was disavowed 
by her government, March 22, 1850, in a note to 
Admiral Hornby, declaring that Jduregui had no 
authority to make it, and its stipulations being offen- 
sive to the dignity of the state, the legislature would 

3* Chatfield, the Brit, charge, was present at the act. Id., Nov. 30, 1849; 
Stout's Nic, 278; Salv., Gaceta, Feb. 15, 1850, The object of the seizure was 
to secure Honduras' proportion of the indebtedness of Cent. Am. to Brit. 

^'^ Under a convention in three articles concluded at Leon Sept. 28, 1849. 
The cession was for 18 months, and had been made known the same date to 
all diplomatic agents in Cent. Am. Hond., Gaceta Ojic, Oct. 19, 1849; Nic.y 
Cor. 1st., Nov. 10, 1849. Ihe corresp. of the govt of Hond. with the Brit, 
charge ajjpears in Gent. Am. Correspond., Islade Tigre, 1-8; Cent. Am., Miscel. 
Doc., nos. 21, 25, 28; U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 31, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 43, 1-26; 
Id., Cong. 31, Sess. 1, H. Jour., 1739, 1801. 

'^^Nic, Cor. 1st., Jan. 16 and suppl., Feb. 16, 1850. 

^^ 1st. Great Brit, recognized the independ. of Hond. as a sovereign repub- 
lic, pledging her good offices to avert any attempts against that independ. 
Hond. at this time was a member of a confederacy with Salvador and Nica- 
ragua, and was made to bind herself not to dispose of any portion of her ter- 
ritory before she had definitely settled Brit, claims. 2d. Hond. was to accredit 
within six months a commissioner in Guat. to conclude a treaty of friendship, 
commerce, and navigation with G. Brit. 3d. Hond. recognized the indebted- 
ness of $111,061. 4th. She bound herself to pay that sum in yearly instal- 
ments of $15,000 at Belize. The other articles were of less importance. Salv., 
Gaceta, Apr. 5, 1850; Hond., Ligeras Ohserv., 1-10. 


never sanction them.^^ Meanwhile Honduras had 
agreed with Chatfield to accredit a commissioner to 
arrange with him for the settlement of British claims. 
This w^as done ; and the long and tedious question was 
finally arranged on the 27th ot March, 1852, Hon- 
duras assuming an indebtedness of $80,000.^^ 

The debt question was not the only source of dis- 
quietude for Honduras in her relations with Great 
Britain. British officials, on trumped-up pretexts,, 
usurped and held, during several years, portions of her 
territory. M'Donald, superintendent of Belize, occu- 
pied Roatan and other islands belonging to Honduras 
situated in the bay of this name. The Honduran 
government protested against such usurpation, but no 
attention was paid to its remonstrances. It does not 
appear, however, that Great Britain was claiming 
territorial rights over the Bay Islands, as they were 
called.^^ Soon afterward, a number of Cayman 
islanders settled in Boatan, and in the course of a 
few years there were about 1,000, when the superin- 
tendent of Belize found a pretext to assume the con- 
trol. In 1849, the islanders applied to Colonel Fan- 
court, then superintendent of Belize, for a regular 
government. He promised to comply with their 
wishes, but was unable, and they continued choosing 
their authorities. At last, in August 1850, the war 
schooner Bermuda, Lieutenant Jolly commanding, 
took formal possession of Boatan, Guanaja or Bonaca, 
Utila, Barbarreta, Morat, Elena, etc., in behalf of the 
British crown, declaring them a British appendage 
under the name of Colony of the Bay Islands; against 
which the acting chief magistrate, William Fitzgib- 

^^Jauregui, March 24, 1850, in a pamphlet issued at Leon, defended his 
conduct, alleging that he had ample powers. Justijic., in Cent. Am. Pamph., 
i. no. 7. 

^^Independent of £1,425 paid for her proportion of Cent. Am. indebted- 
ness to Finlay, Hodgson, & Co. of London. Hond., Gaceta Ofic, Jan. 30, 1853. 

*** The British seized Roafcan Jvine 3, 1830, driving away the small Central 
American garrison. Similar attempts have been made since 1743 by British 
subjects, though unsuccessfully. The seizure of 1830 lasted only a short 
time, having been disallowed by the British government. Crowe's Gospel, 212; 
Montufar, Eesena Hisi., iii. 424-7; iv. 71-5. 


bon, protested on the 15th of September, 1850, in the 
name of the sovereignty of Honduras/^ The islands 
were, in August 1852, under the rule of a lieutenant- 
governor/^ A treaty was finally concluded between 
the queen of Great Britain and Honduras, on the 28th 
of November, 1859, respecting the Bay Islands, the 
Mosquito Indians, and the claims of British subjects, 
which settled the question in favor of the latter 
power/^ Still one more trouble has occurred between 
the two nations, in which the weaker one had to sub- 
mit to the demand of the other at the mouth of her 
cannon. On the 19th of August, 1873, the war ship 
Niohe, Sir Lambton Loraine commanding, bombarded 
Fort San Fernando of Omoa/* The bombardment 
ceased on the Honduran authorities agreeing to redress 
the alleged grievances, and paying damages/^ With 
other nations of Europe and America — excepting 
the sister states, with which repeated bickerings 
have occurred, leading sometimes to war — Honduras 
has succeeded in maintaining friendly relations. 


*^ * Whose territorial right is indisputable, ' he alleged. He based his 
action on the treaty of April 19, 1850, between the U. S. and Great Britain, 
under which neither power was to have colonies or settlements in Central 
America. The U. S. took part in defence of Honduras' rights and overthrew 
the British pretensions. Squiers Cent. Am., 621-6, 740-8; Democratic Rev., 
XXX. 544-52. 

*2 Under a decree of the superintendent of Belize. The comandante of 
Trujillo, by order of his government, protested against the occupation Sept. 
13, 1852. Hond., Gaceta Ofic, Dec. 15, 1852; El Sigh, Jan. 1, 1853. 

*^Art. 1. Great Britain recognized the islands to belong to Hond. The 
latter pledged herself not to cede them to any other nation. Art. 2. The 
former power recognized as part of Hond. the country till then occupied or 
possessed by the Mosquito Indians within the frontier of the republic, what- 
ever that frontier might be. La Union de Nic, March 9, 1861; Pirn's Gate of 
of the Pac., 412-15. Further details in connection with the Bay Islands ques- 
tion may be seen in Bay Islands, Queens Warrant, etc. ; La Nacion, Nov. 9, 
Dec. 26, 1856; Brit. Quart. Bev., xcix. 270-80; Caicedo, Lat. Am., 76-80. 

^*The grounds alleged for this violent action were: 1st, That the Brit. 
vice-consul's residence had been broken into by Hond. troops, and robbed; 
2d, That Omoa was sacked by these troops, and goods to the value of $100,- 
000 had been stolen from British subjects; 3d, That some British subjects had 
been drafted into the army, and an Englishwoman unjustly imprisoned. Nic, 
Gaceta, Oct. 25, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic, Sept. 21, 1873; Nic, Semanal Nic.y 
July 27, 1874. 

*^Streber, who commanded the troops accused of these abuses, defends 
the rights of Honduras in the controversy, in Exposic Doc iSuc Omoa, 30- 
44, 66-103. 

*^She had to settle, in 1850, claims of French citizens, and in 1851 of 


The boundary between Honduras and Nicaragua was 
finally agreed upon in a convention dated September 1, 
1870/^ In 1866 the Hon duran government entered 
into a concordat with the pope for an understanding on 
affairs ecclesiastical. 

President Lindo, having been a third time elected 
to the presidency for the term to begin February 1, 
1852, published on the 25th of November, 1851, a 
manifesto to the people, suggesting the expediency of 
calling some other citizen to the executive chair, 
pleading at the same time need of rest/^ The people 
took him at his word, and chose Trinidad Cabanas 
president, who was inducted into office at Comayagua 
on the 1st of March, 1852,^^ and on the next day in 
his address to the assembly pledged his word to pur- 
sue a liberal policy in observance of the principles that 
had guided hini throughout his career. His election 
was hailed as an auspicious event, and a safeguard 
against Guatemala's encroachments/^ The state was 

Prussian subjects. Hond., OacetaOJic., Aug. 31, 1850; Jan. 15, 1852; Costa R., 
Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1850. 

*'Nic. had claimed on the N, E. the river Patuca to its mouth, Hond. 
claimed the Coco to its mouth. The commissioners agreed upon a compro- 
mise line between those rivers, namely, the summit of the Dilpito cordillera, 
from the point where it becomes detached from the main body, which divides 
the waters running to both oceans; and from the point where it and the line 
continues eastwardly to the waters of the Atlantic in lat. 15° 10' N., and 
long. 83° 15' \V. of Greenwich. mc.,Mem. Mel, 1871, 5-7. 

^^ About this time he was on the Nic. frontier mediating for peace between 
the belligerents of that state. His efforts proving successful, he was warmly 
congratulated by his friends on his return. Hond., Gaceta OJic, Nov. 26, 1851; 
El Sigh, Dec. 13, 1851; Cent. Am. Pamph., vii, no. 2. 

^^ Cabanas, El Presid. . .a sus Conciud., 1-6. The office had been provis- 
ionally in charge of Senator Francisco Gomez. El Siglo, Feb. 21, March 19, 

^^ Cabanas was of diminutive stature, but of erect mien. He was aged 
about 50 at this time. His face was pale and mild; his gestures were in keep- 
ing with the intelligent play of his features; his manners gentle, almost 
womanly, but beneath this placid exterior was a stern, indomitable spirit. 
After many years of prominence as a leader, during an anarchical period, even 
his enemies never accused him of selfishness or rancor. Scjuier's Trav., ii. 177; 
WelW Hond., 184. Cabanas was a brave soldier, but could not be called a 
successful general. Perez, a political opponent, speaking of him as the chief 
of the coquimbo party, says: 'Mai general, excel ente soldado, nunca vence- 
dor, siempre con prestigio, y uno de los mas fogosos promotores de la nacion- 
alidad centro Americana.' Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 16. The assembly. May 21, 
1851, had conferred on him the title of ' soldado ilustre de la patria. ' His death 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 21 


at peace in the interior, and with the other states of 
Central America, except Guatemala, with which the 
relations were not harmonious, owing to the usurpa- 
tion by the latter of a portion of Honduran territory 
on the Copan side. This, with divergence in political 
principles between the two rulers, soon brought on a 
bloody war,^^ which has been detailed in a previous 
chapter. ^^ The fruitlessness of this contest prompted 
Salvador and Nicaragua to use their endeavors for 
peace ; but they proved unavailing. What Guatemala's 
superior resources failed to accomplish on the field of 
battle was, however, brought about by means of in- 
trigue, with the cooperation of the party opposed to 
Cabanas in Honduras, headed by General Santos 
Guardiola, which received efficacious aid from Carrera. 
General Juan Lopez supported the revolutionary 
movement with 700 men,^^ and Cabanas was_ over- 
thrown on the 6th of July, 1855.^* 

At last, being unable to cope with the daily increas- 
(ing forces of the enemy, he abandoned the field, and 
retreated to Salvador. The serviles again took pos- 
session of the government under Lopez. ^^ The presi- 
dential election took place amid this turmoil. The 
state was divided into two factions, one supporting 
Lindo and the other Guardiola. The friends of Lindo, 
not feeling certain of success, proposed Lopez as a 
compromise candidate, he being credited with the 

occurred Jan. 8, 1871. El Siglo, June 12, 1851; Nic, Gaceta, Aug. 19, 1851; 
Jan. 29, 1871. 

^^ Astaburuaga attributes this war to Cabanas' attempts to promote an 
insurrection in Guat. against his old enemy Carrera. Cent. Am.^ 70-1. 

^'^ The Guatemalans took the fort and city of Omoa, and carried away all 
the useful artillery, against the stipulations agreed upon at the surrender. 
Wells' Hond., 507-8; Gnat, Gaceta, Sept. 16, 23, 1853. 

^^ This Lopez commanded at Omoa when the place was given up in 1853 to 
the Guat. Col Zavala, since which he had been suspected of treachery. Wells* 
Hond., 515; Costa R., Gaceta, Jan. 15, 1854; Td., Bolet'm Ofic, Dec. 30, 1854; 
Bond., Gaceta Ofic, May 10, 1854, to Feb. 10, 1855, passim; Guat., Gaceta, 
Nov. 3, Dec. 22, 1854. 

^*He had received no aid from Salv., owing to Carrera having falsely re- 
ported his intention to sell territory to a foreign power. 

^^The executive office went, Oct. 14, 1855, into the hands of Vice-president 
S. Bueso, who pleading ill health left it in charge of Senator Francisco 
Aguilar. Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 9, 1855, Feb. 16, 1856. 


expulsion of Cabanas, but finally abandoned the plan 
and cast their votes for Guardiola, who assumed the 
executive office, February 17, 1856, on his return 
from Nicaragua, where he had been defeated by 
William Walker Lindo had meantime been in charge 
of the government/^ A system of despotism was now 
established, Guardiola being but a satellite of Carrera/^ 
The country at this time was in a distressed condi- 
tion. Agriculture was neglected, most of the field 
hands having emigrated. Business of all kinds was 
at a stand-still. There was no available revenue, for 
every one of its branches was burdened with debt. 
The state had a contingent of troops serving in Nica- 
ragua against Walker, supported from a special forced 
loan. To the credit of Guardiola's administration must 
be recorded, however, that it secured peace with Gua- 
temala, and a settlement of questions pending with 
Great Britain. At the end of his term he was re- 

^'^ Perez, Mem. Hist. Carwpana Nac., 13. 

^^ Guardiola was a dark-colored, stout-built, and rather corpulent zambo, a 
man of fiendish instincts, but popular with his soldiers, whom he indulged in 
every way. He possessed all the vices and was guilty of about all the crimes 
known to man. When in his cups he would order men to be shot by way of 
pastime. At the mention of his approach to a town, the inhabitants would 
llee to the woods. He was the tiger of Cent. Am. Dunlcyp's Cent. Am., 237; 
Wells' Hond., 517; Wappaus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 306-7. William V. Wells, 
Explorations and Adventures in Honduras, New York, 8vo, 588 pp., with maps 
and illustrations, went to Honduras with the object of obtaining from her 
government leave to work gold placers, and of opening commercial relations. 
He visited several places, both in Nicaragua and Honduras, which he de- 
scribes quite accurately, together with the manners and customs of their 
inhabitants. His information on mines and mining is valuable. There are 
in the work three chapters devoted to history from 1821 to 1857, the ground- 
work of which is mostly from other authors, and one chapter is filled with 
data on commerce, revenue, debt, etc., and still another treats of coins and 
currency, weights and measures, and productions, with illustrations. The 
style is good, the work readable and instructive. Portions are evidently 
taken from Squier, and the illustrations are mostly identical with those 
of Squier's States of Central America. The same author gave to the press 
in New York, a 12mo, with 316 pp., map and portrait, under the title of 
Walker^s Expedition to Nicaragua. This work, as the title implies, is almost 
entirely devoted to Walker's career in this country, which is justified as well as 
praised. Here and there he mentions some historical facts on British preten- 
sions in Mosquito, a short resume on Nicaragua, the Nicaragua transit route, 
and a short review on colonization, commerce, and mining, compiled from 
several sources. There is no system or arrangement, having been, as the 
author alleges, ' written, published, and put in circulation in twenty days, ' a 
feat few authors would go out of their way to boast of. But taken all in all, 
the book is well worth perusing. 


elected. Early in 1861 the government had a differ- 
ence with the vicario capitular. The see being then 
vacant, this ecclesiastic assumed the right of excom- 
municating the president, whom he accused of perse- 
cuting the church ; but the government forbade the 
publication of his decree, and expelled its author from 
the state. ^^ This difficulty was subsequently arranged 
through the metropolitan of Guatemala. Disturbances 
occurred at various places, ^^ which were brought to an 
end in a short time. On the 11th of January, 1862, 
the president was assassinated.^^ At first it was feared 
that discord would reign again, and the other Central 
American governments prepared to mediate in the 
interests of peace.^^ Fortunately, good counsels pre- 
vailed, and anarchical tendencies were for a time 

Guardiola's constitutional successor, Victoriano Cas- 
tellanos, was in Salvador, and much against his will 
was pushed by Barrios to accept the position. He 
repaired to the frontier, and had the oath of office 
administered to him by the alcalde of the little town 
of Guarita ; which was considered a strange proceed- 
ing on his part by Senator Jose Maria Medina, who 
had received the executive office from J. F. Montes,^^ 
and invited him to the capital to enter upon his 
duties. ^^ Castellanos concluded soon after an alliance 
offensive and defensive with Barrios, and at a time 
when their states were at peace with the other gov- 
ernments of Central America. This step, and the 
diatribes of the press in Salvador and Honduras 

^8 Decree of Jan. 5, 1861. La Union de Nic, Feb. 2, March 9, May 25, 1861. 

^^ Chiefly in Nacaome and Choluteca. 

^ Nic, Boletin OJic, Jan. 25, March 22, 1862. This deed was said by the 
enemies of Pres. Barrios of Salv. to have been instigated by him. Id., Boletin 
Pueb., July 11, 1863. There was no ground for the charge. The govern- 
ment of Guat. proposed to other states to recognize no administration of Hon- 
duras until the criminals, who had been arrested, should suffer punishment. 
Costa i?., In/orme Bel, 1862, 24. 

®^ Nic. despatched P. Zeledon as mediator, but the motives of his gov. were 
bitterly denounced by the press of Comayagua. 

^2 Feb. 4, 1862. Mc, Boletin Ofic, March 22, 1862. 

^^ Castellanos declined going to the capital, and Medina went to his resi- 
dence and formally surrendered the executive authority to him. 


against the governments of Guatemala and Nicarag^ua, 
paved the way for fresh troubles in Central America. 
Castellanos held the government about ten months, 
nearly all the time in a turmoil ; and at his death was 
temporarily succeeded by Jose Francisco Montes, 
who followed in the footsteps of his predecessor, con- 
tinuing the alliance with Barrios, and hostilities against 
Guatemala and Nicaragua. The serviles, assisted by 
the troops of these two states, being victorious, over- 
threw him, and on the 21st of June, 1863, placed at 
the head of affairs, as provisional president of the 
repubhc of Honduras, the senior senator, Jose Maria 
Medina,^"* who issued a decree of outlawry against 
Montes. ^^ In December the capital was for a time 
transferred to Gracias, and on the last day of the 
same month Medina surrendered the executive office 
to Francisco Inestroza.^^ On the 15th of February 
of the following year, the presidential election took 
place, and Medina and Florencio Xatruch appeared 
to have obtained the popular suffrages, the former 
for president and the latter for vice-president.^^ 

Disturbances at Olancho were with little difficulty 
brought to an end, the rebels being defeated at Tapes- 
cos. A constituent assembly was convoked and met 
to reform the constitution, which was done on the 19th 
of September. ^^ On the 29th of October, the constit- 
uent assembly just prior to adjournment appointed 

^* This was the result of the defeat of the troops of Salv. and Hond. by 
the forces of Guat. and Nic. on the plain of Santa Rosa. 

^^ This decree is signed by Medina as ' presidente de la reptiblica de Hon- 
duras,' July 20, and rescinded Sept. 8, 1863. Nic, Boletin Pueb., Aug. 9, Oct. 
9, 1863. 

*^His senatorial term having expired. Nic, Gaceta, Feb. 13, 1864. 

^"^ The election of Xatruch was afterward declared unconstitutional, Feb, 
26, 1865. Nic, Gaceta, April 1, 1865. 

^^Its sittings lasted from Sept. 7th to Oct. 29th. The sovereignty of the 

Eeople was recognized. The catholic, any other kind of public worship 
eing forbidden, was declared the state religion. The executive authority 
was vested in a president for four years, with a council of state consisting of 
his two ministers, one senator chosen by both houses of the assembly, and 
the chief justice. The legislative power rested in a senate and house of 
deputies. The existing political division of the republic was left unchanged. 
Id., Nov. 11, 1865; Cam'p's Year-Book, 1869, 527; The Am. Cyclop., viii. 790. 


Medina provisional president,^^ the date for the elec- 
tion of the constitutional one being fixed on the 1st 
of December. Another decree of the same date 
granted a fall amnesty for all political offences com- 
mitted since February 4, 1848. 

^' He had temporarily, pleading ill health, left the executive in the hands 
of Crescendo Gomez. The assembly appointed, as substitutes of Medina, 
Satumino Bogran, C. Gomez, and Francisco Medina. 





Kinney's Expedition — William Walker Joins the Democrats — Failure 
OF HIS Expedition to Rivas — Cholera Decimates the Legitimists 
AT Managua — Death of Munoz — Walker's Victories at La Virgen 
AND Granada — Execution of Minister Mayorga — Walker's Con- 
vention with Corral — Provisional Government Organized — Presi- 
dent Patricio Rivas — Commander of the Forces, Walker — Minister 
OF War Corral Put to Death for Treason — Recognition by Sal- 
vador AND Honduras — Seizure of the Transit Company's Steam- 
ers — Costa Ricans on the War-path — Havoc of Cholera. 

Certain men of the United States, with ideas sr ^e- 
what warped in regard to the relative rights c ^n- 

ity, now come forward, as in the Hne of the; , 

to interfere in the affairs of their neighV '^ 

legitimist government of Nicaragua, in Ma^ leJt 

certain of ultimate triumph over its democrat. ro- 
tten ts at Leon. Circumstances seemed to point that 
way, when the infusion of this foreign element at this 
time came to defeat all preconceived plans. 

News arrived from the United States of the organi- 
zation in New York, Philadelphia, and Washington, 
by H. L. Kinney, Fabens, American commercial agent 
at San Juan del Norte, and others, of an expedition 
ostensibly to establish a colony on the Mosquito Coast 
for the purpose of developing its resources, but really 
designed to overthrow the governments of Central 
America, and usurp sovereignty over the whole coun- 
try.^ Remonstrances against the scheme were duly 

^ Also with the view of extending the area of African slavery, as had been 
successfully carried out in Texas. 

/ 327 ) 


made to the American govermnent, which partially 
succeeded in their purpose. However, the project 
was not exactly the source of the dire calamities that 
were erelong to befall Nicaragua.^ The real danger 
lay in another direction, to explain which I must go 
back in ni}^ narrative to previous events. An Amer-' 
ican named Byron Cole, who had conceived plans with 
respect to Central America, and was well informed on 
her affairs, arrived at Leon, in August 1854, when 
the democratic leaders became convinced that they 
could not take Granada. They entered into a con- 
tract with him to bring an expedition of foreigners, 
under the garb of colonists, who should receive grants 
. of land.^ Cole transferred his contract to William 
1 Walker, who at once set to work in organizing the ex- 
pedition.* He sailed from San Francisco, California, 
May 4, 1855, on the brig Vesta, with 58 men,^ touched 
at Amapala to meet Captain Morton, Castellon's 
agent, and on the 13th of June reached Realejo, where 
he received the greetings of the government he was 

2 The expedition was antagonized by the Transit company, and arrested 
by the authorities of the U. S. as a violation of their neutrality laws. Kin- 
ney reached San Juan del Norte, after some mishaps, with only a few follow- 
ers, and was unable to do any serious injury to Cent. Am. Costa B., Inf. Eel., 
1858, 4-6; Id., Boktin Ofic, March 16, 1854; Nic, Doc. Dipl. Hist, 15-58. 
His arrival was after the destruction of the town by the U. S. sloop of war 
Cyane, and infused new energy into the inhabitants. At a public meeting 
held on the 6th of Sept., 1855, the necessity of establishing a provisional gov- 
ernment for the maintenance of peace and order was recognized, and Kinney 
was chosen civil and military governor to rule by and with the advice of a 
council composed of five persons. Among the resolutions was one adopting 
as a basis to regulate the action of the govt, the former constitution of San 
Juan del Norte, or Greytown, which was modelled after that of the U. S. with 
a few exceptions. Kinney did not hold the position long. He was disap- 
pointed in his expectations, and resigned; he afterward visited Granada, and 
at William Walker's instance an order of expulsion was issued against him. 
Stout's Nic, 177-82; S. F. Alta, Oct. 3, 1855; S. F. Golden Era, March 9, 1856. 

^ Jerez had made a similar arrangement at Jalteva with one Fisher, to 
bring 500 men; and Gov. Espinosa of Rivas stipulated with Hornsby and De 
Brissot for the capture of Fort San Juan from the legitimists. These parties 
tendered their contracts to William Walker, the so-called ex-president of 
Sonora, who would not accept them. 

* Under the contract the so-called colonists were to arrive at Realejo in 
Feb. or March 1855, and the time having elapsed, Castellon wrote Walker 
Apr. 9th authorizing him to land at that port ' la gente y municiones, d tren de 
guerra que V. traiga a disposicion del gobierno provisorio. ' Perez, Mem. Hist. 
Mev. Nic, 136-7; Sac Union, Feb. 15, 1855. 

^ El Nicaragilense, Aug. 3, 1856; S. F. Alta, May 5, 1855. 


to serve from Lieutenant-colonel Felix Ramirez.^ At 
Leon he refused to serve under General Munoz/ He 
was made a colonel of the Nicaraguan army, and witJi 
55 foreigners and 100 natives was despatched to the 
department of Rivas, having in his com^pany colonels 
Ramirez and Mendez, and Maximo Espinosa, the last- 
named going there as prefect. Munoz at once informed 
Corral of the movement, and the town of Rivas was 
reenforced and prepared for defence. Walker obtained 
some advantages at first, on the 29th of June, but 
being assailed on his left by Colonel Argliello, his 
foreigners were dispersed, and Ramirez' native force 
fled, and entered Costa Rican territory.^ Walker and 

* William Walker was born in Nashville, Tenn., in 1824, being of Scotch 
descent. After receiving a classical education, he studied law, and later fol- 
lowed the medical profession for a time in Philadelphia. He then travelled 
in Europe one year, and on his return was connected with some of the impor- 
tant newspapers of the country, north, south, and west. Tiring of that, he 
successfully practised law in Marysville, Cal. In 1852 he visited Guaymas, 
and from the operations of Count Raousset, conceived the plan of creating 
with adventurers from California independent republics in some of the 
sparsely populated territories of Mexico. Hence his expeditions to Sonora 
and Lower Cal., of which I give full accounts in my vol. on the northwestern 
states of Mex. Few persons, unacquainted with Walker, would suspect the 
presence of so much ability and energy beneath his plain exterior. He was 
but little more than 5 ft. 4 in. in height, with a rather dull and slow ap- 
pearance; a man of few words, though an attentive listener, his aspect was 
that of a serious, thoughtful person. A remarkable feature of his face was a 
deep, intensely brilliant blue-gray eye, large and intelligent. Sincere and 
devoted to his friends, says a devoted adherent, his enmity, though not 
violent, was not easily appeased. He was indifferent to personal ease and 
comfort, and to the acquisition of wealth. Wells' Walker s Exped., 21-3, 199- 
201. He was not incapable of lofty conceptions, and possessed courage and 
abnegation; but there was little of what might be called genius about him, 
though his mind was sufficiently unbalanced in certain directions to give him 
a title to that distinction. He wished to be a great man like Csesar or Napo- 
leon, but the elements of that quality of greatness were absent. He might 
have carved for himself a career of honor and usefulness, but for the restless 
ambition that possessed him to attain a place among the notabilities of the 
world, even by a disregard of law and justice. The idea of manifest destiny, 
so prevalent among his countrymen, which implied the conquest of the Latin 
race in America by the Anglo-Saxon, afforded him, as he imagined, the oppor- 
tunity for attaining the coveted renown, and at the same time securing, 
through his instrumentality, the future happiness of Spanish America. But 
unfortunately for him, he committed, at the inception of his career in Nic, 
acts which alienated him the men who had invited him to cooperate in the 
consolidation of democratic principles; and some of his later measures, what- 
ever may be thought of his earlier ones, savored of recklessness, and of disre- 
gard for the good opinion of mankind. 

^ Munoz had openly opposed all interference of foreigners in the affairs of 

*They afterward returned to Leon, via Realejo, to continue serving. The 
legitimists had many killed and wounded, among the first being Col E. Ar- 


his phalanx reached San Juan del Sur, whence they 
returned to Realejo on the brig San Jose;^ and shortly 
after, Estrada, the legitimist president, went to Mana- 
gua in June, staying there until early in July, when the 
first cases of cholera occurred. ^^ The mortality in 
Managua from the epidemic was greater than in any 
other town, owing to the concentration of troops there. 
The army which had been organized for assailing Leon 
was destroyed within a few days; and only a small 
body of officers of all grades, some of them in a dying 
condition, transferred themselves to Granada, entirely 
abandoning Managua. The epidemic was still doing 
its work, when the action of El Sauce took place on 
the 1 8th of August, between forces respectively com- 
manded by Guardiola and Munoz, in which the former 
were defeated, and abandoned the place to their assail- 
ants; but just as success was crowning democratic 
efforts, Munoz was killed by a bullet entering his side.^^ 
The victors, now under Colonel Sarria, did not pursue 
the enemy, but resolutely countermarched to Leon, 
and meeting Jerez on the road, who wished to lead 
them against the legitimists, they refused to follow 

Another expedition under Walker, composed of 50 
foreigners and 120 natives, whose immediate chief was 

giiello and F. Elizondo. Of Walker's foreign force, Col Achilles Kewen, 
Maj. Crockett, and eight others were killed, and 12 wounded. Wells' Walker's 
Exped., 52; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 138; S. F. Alta, July 16, Aug. 14, 
1855; Astahuruaga, Cent. Am., 88; Belly, Nic., i. 271; Ferrer de Conto, Guest, 
de Mij., 155. 

^ In his official report of the affair Walker laid the blame for his ill success 
on Munoz, who had apprised Corral of the intended operations, and had in- 
duced Ramirez to forsake him during the action. He demanded an investiga- 
tion into Munoz' conduct, and if it were not granted he would quit the service. 
Castellon informed him in reply that in the present critical condition of the 
democratic cause it was unadvisable to displease Munoz. After much cor- 
respondence and negotiation. Walker agreed to continue his services. 

^•^ Cholera spread rapidly throughout the country, causing great havoc 

^^ Munoz' death never was attributed to the enemy's bullets. It was a 
regular case of assassination resulting from intrigues in his own party to rid 
themselves of him. The assassin was a young Honduran named Jose Maria 
Herrera, who later deserted from Walker's ranks, and being arrested and 
sentenced to death, confessed that he had killed Munoz, A Nicaraguan 
named Santa Maria, who was shot at San Jorge in 1857, seems to have been 
an accomplice. Perez, Mem, Hist. Rev. Nic, 141-3 


J. M. Valle, alias El Chelon, sailed from Realejo on 
the 23d of August, and landed at San Juan del Sur 
on the 29th, his main object being to take up a posi- 
tion on the transit route between the two oceans. 
The news of his landing reached Granada on Guar- 
diola's return from his ill-fated fight at El Sauce. 
Guardiola went to Rivas, and assuming command of 
500 men, in the night between the 2d and 3d of Sep- 
tember, marched against Walker. Once on the main 
road he heard that the latter had gone to La Virgen, 
on Lake Nicaragua, and rapidly countermarched to 
that place, expecting to surprise the enemy. But he 
made the mistake of attacking an opponent whom he 
could not see, and in a little while his men became 
dispersed, and hurried back to Rivas. This may be 
said to have been the end of Guard iola's career in 
Nicaragua. ^^ Corral was now placed in command of 
the legitimist forces in the south. 

Castellon, the head of the democratic government, 
died of cholera on the 2d of September, and Senator 
Nazario Escoto was called to succeed him. 

Walker's force, after his victory at La Virgen, 
became greatly augmented with native democrats. ^^ 
His movement on La Virgen was intended to show 
that he had a sufficient force to take the offensive. 
After the action he returned to San Juan del Sur, 
where he received from Corral a paper hinting at a 
desire to enter into confidential relations with him, to 
which he paid no attention. His plan was to make a 
dash upon and occupy the legitimist seat of govern- 
ment, the battered city of Granada.^* In furtherance 

^2 He was suspected of treachery. He had displeased the officers by his 
coarseness, and had spread terror among the troops with his exaggerated 
reports of Yankee valor and skill with fire-arms. Id., 145; Wells' Walker's 
Bxped., 55-8; S. F. Herald, Oct. 10, 1855; Id., Alta, Oct. 10, 1855; Sac. 
Union, Oct. 19, 1855. 

^^ He was joined by such men as T., C, and Daniel Canton, Max. Espinosa, 
and Ramon Umana. The last named brought troops and supplies from Leon. 

^^In the early part of Sept., Gen. Josd M. Ballestero, Munoz' successor, 
had sent two companies in the direction of Managua, who were undone by 
Col Tomas Martinez with 200 men; on the 12th Gen. Pineda marched after- 
ward with a double force against the legitimists, but failed to meet them. 


of which Espinosa was despatched to Leon to ask the 
government for a diversion toward Managua, so as to 
draw resources away from Granada. General Pineda 
was accordingly stationed with a respectable force in 
Pueblo Nuevo. The legitimists, under General Her- 
nandez, attacked Pineda on the 11th of October, de- 
feated and drove him out of the place, after which he 
demanded of the government at Leon the surrender 
of the town, together with its garrison and military 
stores, as the only means of averting the bloodshed 
which must follow any attempt at resistance. The 
democrats suffered reverse, but Walker gained his 
point. Granada was left with a weak garrison. He 
had a force of 250 natives and about 80 Americans, 
with which he left San Juan at daybreak on the 11th 
of October, arriving at La Virgen early the same 
morning. In the afternoon Colonel Hornsby seized 
the steamboat Virgen^ and the next morning the 
troops were embarked and informed that their destina- 
tion was Granada. They affected a landing at 3 
o'clock in the morning of the 13th, and took Granada 
with little resistance from the insignificant civic guard 
which constituted the garrison. ^^ The place was 
taken before a majority of the inhabitants knew who 
their visitors were. President Estrada, and the min- 
isters Nicasio Castillo and Francisco Barberena, saved 
themselves on foot in different directions, which 
the other ministers, Mayorga and Puiz, failed to do. 
The fact is, that persons who did not get away at the 
moment of the invasion found themselves unable to 
do so, and at the mercy of the en^my. Walker, how* 
ever, checked the abuses of his soldiery, and liberated 
nearly 100 political prisoners, who had been kept in 
chains and at hard labor, and who now joined his 
banner to a man. He next issued a proclamation 
guaranteeing the lives, liberty, and pi|;operty of legiti- 
mists promising to be peaceable. ^^ 

^^ Corral was in Rivas with his numerous army. Fulgencio Vega, the 
comandante of Granada, who was hated by the democrats as the author of 
persecutions, hid himself and was not discovered. 

^^ The legitimists who were pent up in the city tendered their allegiance, 


Walker now manifested a disposition to treat with 
Corral, who had prepared five hundred men for an^ 
attempt to recover Granada. Juan J. Kuiz, Estrada's 
minister of war, was despatched by water in company 
with John H. Wheeler, the American minister, to 
convey a message to Corral at Rivas ; but on finding 
that the legitimist general had gone off to the eastern 
department, he escaped into Costa Rica. Another 
commission went by land, and meeting the legitimist 
army near Nandainie, communicated to the general 
Walker's message to this effect : peace, on the condi- 
tion that the two leaders should govern the republic, 
Corral as president, and Walker as commander of the 
forces. ^^ The proposition was not accepted. The ex- 
pedition which had been prepared for an effort to re- 
cuperate Granada finally went to Masaya, where the 
legitimist government became organized, with Presi- 
dent Estrada, and his ministers, Castillo and Barbe- 

The officers who had won the victory at Pueblo 
Niievo, fearing that their country would become a 
prey to the foreign adventurers, proposed to Escoto's 
government a fusion of the parties, to drive Walker 
and his myrmidons out of the country. This effort 
failed. ^^ Walker and Valle, for their successful cam- 
paign in the south, were on the 2 2d of October pro- 
moted to brigadier-general. The first named, angered 
by Corral's refusal to accept his proposals, and ignoring 
his own pledges to the prisoners taken at Granada, 
reduced to close confinement some of the most promi- 

among them the minister Mayorga. There were others who volunteered their 
cooperation; among them the naturalized citizens Charles and Emile Thomas, 
Fermin Ferrer, a wealthy citizen, and the beloved and respected clergyman, 
Agustin Vigil, noted for his virtues, learning, and eloquence, who from the 
pulpit galled Walker the 'angel tutelar de Nicaragua,' or the north star 
that was to guide Nic. to her advancement. Wells' Walkers Exped., CI -5; 
Pei-ez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 150-1; Belly, Nic, i. 271-2; Astabumaga, Cent. 
Am., 89. 

^^ The commissioners were Sebastian Escobar, Jose Argtiello Arce, Hilario 
Salva, and R. Vives. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 152. 

^^ The commissioners, Rosalio Cortes and Ramon Marenco, were impris- 
oned in irons at Leon. 


nent, among them the ex-minister Mayorga/^ where- 
upon a commission, composed of the Frenchman Pierre 
Rouhaud of Granada, and Fermin Arana, represented 
to Corral the necessity of his coming to amicable 
arrangement with Walker, but he declined a second 
time. Meanwhile an incident occurred which greatly 
ao-gravated the evils of the situation. Parker H. 
French ^^ brought fifty men to Walker from California, 
who, under a so-called Colonel Fry, were to capture 
Fort San Cdrlos, which they failed to do. The steamer 
then returned to Granada to leave the recruits, and to 
La Yirgen to land the rest of the passengers. This 
was done just as some legitimist troops, under Captain 
F. Gutierrez, arrived. Gutierrez asserted that he had 
been fired upon from the house of the Transit com- 
pany, and returned the fire, keeping it up till hostili- 
ties from the other side ceased. The result was, that 
two or three passengers from the United States were 
killed. The San Cdrlos also fired shots at the river 
steamer on her return from the north with passengers, 
a gun killing a woman and child. ^^ This news reactfed 
Granada together with Corral's second refusal. Walker 
then resolved upon retaliation, to avenge the slain of 
San Carlos and La Virgen, and to frighten the legiti- 
mists into accepting terms of compromise. Mayorga, 
a young man of twenty-nine, generally esteemed for 
his fine qualities, was the chosen victim, and shot in 
the morning of the 23d.^^ Rouhaud and Arana went 
on the 2 2d to Masaya, reporting Mayorga's fate, and 
urging the absolute necessity of disarming Walker's 
wrath to avert greater calamities. ^^ Added to their 

^^ This person took asylum in the house of U. S. Minister Wheeler, who 
assured him that he was under the protection of the U. S. flag. But aa 
Wheeler was mixed [up in filibustering schemes, he broke his pledge and 
surrendered Mayorga. PereZy Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 157. 

2® An American, who had been the recipient in Granada of many marks of 

21 Walker's organ gave a list of killed and wounded. El Nicaragilense, Nov. 
17, 1855; 8. F. Herald, Nov. 4, 1855; S. F. Bulletin, Nov. 5, 1855. 

22 It is claimed that he had been tried for treason by a court-martial of 
native officers. Wells' Walker's Exped., 77. 

2^ They reported, as coming from Walker, that he was resolved to shoot 
all the prisoners if he did not receive at 9 p. M. a satisfactory answer respect- 
ing arrangements. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 159; Belly, Le Nicaragua, 273. 


statement was a petition from the prisoners in favor 
of peace, and the alarming news that four hundred 
more riflemen had arrived to swell Walker's army. 
The legitimist authorities concluded then to negotiate 
for peace, and sent Corral to Granada on the 23d for 
that purpose, which was tantamount to a capitulation. 
The chief clauses agreed upon between him and Walker 
were : suspension of hostilities ; recognition of Patricio 
Kivas as provisional president; and reorganization of 
the two contending forces into one army, with Walker 
as its commander-in-chief.^^ Corral returned to Ma- 
saya, and Estrada, submitting to the force of circum- 
stances, approved it, though his army was disposed to 
disregard the capitulation.^^ However, he filed a 

2* Walker claimed to have powers, and Corral was * facultado omnimoda- 
mente.' The following is a synopsis of the convention: 1st. Peace and 
friendship between the contending parties; 2d. Patricio Rivas to be president 
for 14 months, unless he should resolve, with the advice of his ministers, to 
order elections before the expiration of that term; 3d. The president is to 
have four ministers, namely, for war, relations, treasury, and pub. credit; 
4th. Govt to respect and cause to be respected chapters 2d, 3d, and 4th, 
and clauses 2d and 3d of the general regulations of the constitution of 1838; 
5th. General forgetfulness of and amnesty for past political offences; 6th. 
Debts incurred by both belligerents to be recognized by the govt; 7th. Mili- 
tary grades of both belligerents to be recognized; 8th. All persons desirous 
of leaving the republic may freely do so, with full guaranty of persons and 
estates; 9th. The French legion may continue in service by becoming Nica- 
raguan; 10th. Walker to order the force in front of Managua to retire at once 
to Leon, reducing it to 150 men; after which Corral should reduce the force 
in Managua to 100, under Gen. Martinez, and that in Masaya to 50, under 
Col Lino Cesar, or some other honorable officer; 11th. The Rivas force will 
remain under Gen. Florencio Xatruch; 12th. The govts existing in Nic. to 
cease acting upon being notified of this arrangement by the respective gen- 
erals; any one refusing to comply was to be treated as a disturber of the 
peace. Additional articles: 1st. Twenty-four hours after Rivas' arrival in 
Granada, Corral's army from Masaya was to enter Granada, and together with 
Walker's, escort the president and the two generals to church to return 
thanks to God for the restoration of peace. Walker to be the general-in-chief 
of the army, appointed by a special decree. Corral should surrender the 
command, arms, etc., unless otherwise ordered by the new govt; 2d. The 
govt must reside in Granada; 3d. The army was to use no other badge than 
a blue ribbon, with the inscription Nicaragua Independiente. Id., 161-4; El 
IHcarafjilense, Oct. 27, 1855; Nic, Bolet'm OJic, Apr. 9, 1856; Guat., Gaceta, 
Nov. 16, 1855; Stmies Mc, 182; S. F. AUa, Nov. 17, 1855; Wells' Walkers 
Exjped., 11 SQ', Guat, Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1855. 

^^ A plan had been formed to proclaim Martinez their general, and to 
march against Granada, but the principal chiefs discountenanced it. Corral 
assured the troops that their former enemies were now friends and brothers, 
recommending strict discipline * so pena de ser pasado por las armas el que 
de cualquiera manera violase la amistad y ali anza prometidas.' Perez, Mem. 
Hist. Rev. Nic, 166-7. 


protest declaring that the arrangement had been forced 
upon him, and therefore void.^^ He called on the 
other governments to come, without further invita- 
tion, and "save- the independence, sovereignty, and lib- 
erties of Nicaragua; and to that effect appointed 
commissioners with unlimited powers^'' to conclude 
adequate treaties. The fall of Cabanas in Honduras 
opened an opportunity in that direction. Estrada dis- 
solved his government October 28th, and departed for 
Chontales, but soon after had to take refuge in Hon- 

Fermin Ferrer and Valle, alias El Chelon, were de- 
spatched as commissioners to obtain the assent of the 
government at Leon to the convention of October 23d, 
which, in view of Walker s rebellion, was given only 
after some hesitation. ^^ A commission was despatched 
to Walker to thank him for his services, which had 
made possible a peace, and to authorize him to ratify 
the arrangement. After which the government, Octo- 
ber 28th, dissolved itself. The commissioners^^ arrived 
at Granada on the 31st, and found there the provis- 
ional president, Patricio Rivas,^^ who had arrived 
from San Juan del Norte on the 30th, and occupied 
the presidential chair. He had at first appointed 
Corral minister of war, Walker general of division 
and in chief of the forces, and Norberto Ramirez 
minister of relations. Corral was pleased with this 
arrangement, as Rivas was disposed to rely on him; but 
Walker became suspicious, and the result was that, 
Corral's opposition notwithstanding, Rivas was made 
a blind tool of Walker, and in obedience to orders ap- 

2^ * Cedl Tinicamente al imperio de las circunstancias, Sin tener libre volun- 
tad para ello.' Nic, Boletin OJic, May 29, 1856. 

'^"^ Sacaza, Duenas, Pedro J. Chamorro, and two others. 

2^ Norberto Ramirez, who favored its ratification as the least of two evils, 
said in the council: *I know that we have before us two abysms; one close 
by, and the other a little farther oflf: that the disapproval of the treaty car- 
ries us to the nearest one, and its approval to the other somewhat more 
distant.' His advice was followed. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 168. 

2^ Maximo Jerez, B. Selva, A. Orozco, Rafael Jerez, Justo Lugo, P. Fon- 
seca, and Jos6 Salinas. 

^^ Rivas was reputed an honorable, firm, and enlightened man. He had 
repeatedly been a candidate of the conservatives for the executive ofiice. 


pointed a new cabinet with a majority of democrats; 
namely, Mdximo Jerez, of relations; Fermin Ferrer, 
of public credit; Parker H. French, of the treasury; 
Corral retaining the war portfolio. The latter now 
saw the abyss his weakness had thrown him into. 
The man who, ignoring the duty he owed his cause, 
threatened with death any one proposing to him plans 
against Walker, now writes Martinez, coraandante at 
Managua, that all is lost, and he, Martinez, must take 
some steps to save the country. With this letter were 
enclosed others to the same effect addressed to generals 
Guardiola and Pedro Xatruch, who had returned to 
Honduras.^^ These letters went into the hands of 
Walker,^^ who at once called to his presence the legiti- 
mists then in the city to forbid the departure of any of 
them, and laid the letters before Pivas and his cabinet. 
Corral acknowledged the authorship, declaring that 
he was solely responsible for them. It was then de- 
cided to confine in prison Corral and his chief sup- 
porters. This was on the 5th of November, the day 
after Corral's troops had been, without any previous 
notice, disarmed.^^ On the 6th, it was decreed that 
Corral should be dealt with as a traitor and tried by 
court-martial, which was done in the presence and 
with the approval of the government, notwithstanding 
its illegality. ^^ The trial took place, and the prisoner 
was sentenced to death.^^ The prisoner's family used 
the utmost exertions to have the sentence revoked, 

^^ To Xatruch he said, ' Nosotros estamos muy mal, muy mal, muy mal. 
Acuerdese de sus amigos. Ellos me han dejado egta pesada carga y espero 
su socorro.' To Guardiola, Nov. 1st: 'It is necessary that you write our 
friends of the peril we are in, and that they must go actively to work. If 
there is a delay of two months, it will then be too late. Think of us and of 
your offers. . .Nicaragua, Honduras, San Salvador, and Guatemala will be lost 
if they allow this to assume proportions; let them come quickly if they ex- 
pect to find auxilaries. 

2^ Benito Lagos, the man to whom they were intrusted for delivery, took 
them to Granada and gave them to Valle, who surrendered them to Walker. 

3^ Walker had, after adopting precautions against resistance, naade them 
stack their arms in the plaza, and disperse. 

^*It was a violation of the constitution of 1838, and of the laws. Corral, 
as a minister, could not be tried without a prior impeachment, and only by 
the senate; and as a private citizen, by the common courts. 

^^Homsby was president of the court; Fry, auditor or judge-advocate; 
French, counsel for the prisoner; and Charles Thomas, interpreter. 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 22 


but Walker was inflexible, and the penalty was inflicted 
on the 8tli of November,"^ causing the utmost con- 
sternation in the native community. The portfolio 
of war was given to Selva by a decree of November 
5tli. Valle went to Managua to place Pascual Fon- 
seca in command, vice Martinez, and to report if the 
latter made any resistance, in which event Walker 
would have shot his legitimist prisoners. But as none 
was oflered, Martinez having had timely warning, 
Walker had them released.^' 

Walker was now master of Nicaragua. As a 
matter of fact, the secondary leaders were scattered 
and powerless, and but for the execution of Corral, 
and the wanton imprisonment of subordinate officials 
and private citizens, the conservative party would 
have submitted with a good grace to the new order of 
things, if pledged security of life and property. It is 
undeniable that the legitimists feared the Yankees ^^ 
less than they did the native democrats. Walker pre- 
tended a great respect for religion, without whose 
support, he said, no government could have stability. ^^ 
He succeeded in borrowing from the vicar 963 ounces 
of fine silver belonging to the church; and it is evi- 
dent that he placed great reliance on a numerous 
foreign immigration to keep his ranks well filled.^^ A 
decree was issued at this time by the government, 
and published in its official journal, which might be 
called one for the confiscation of the property of ab- 

2^ He died bravely, Father Vigil attending him to the scaffold. He was 
shot by a squad of American riflemen, commanded by Lieut-col C. H. Gil- 
man. AstaJmruaga, CeM. Am., 91; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic, 171-3; Stout's 
\Mc., Id7 -8; Wells' Walker's Exped.y 92-4. 

^^ As opportunity occurred, they all ran away, some to the mountains, and 
olliers to the neighboring states to work in saving their country from the 
ruthless foreign sway. 

^^ Yar.kees, so called, were all foreigners, of whatever nationality, serving 
with Walker. 

^'^Jose Hilario Herdocia, vicario capitular, having addressed him a con- 
gratulatory letter, he answered that * el tenior de Dios es el fundamento de 
toda organizaeion politica y social.' 

*" His contract with Castellon authorized him only to bring 300 immi- 
grants; but he soon obtained leave to augment his forces, and to enlist men 
as best he could. A decree published Nov. 23, 1855, offered 250 acres of land 
to each immigrant, and 100 more to each family. The title deed was to be 
issued six months after arrival. Fabens was named director of colonization. 


sentees, who were required to return to their homes 
under heavy pecuniary penalties, collectible without 
any previous legal process/^ 

The exiles who reached Honduras ^^ endeavored to 
obtain help from the government, but Guardiola, now 
chief of the state, declined giving any, and in fact 
permitted no hostile words against Walker or the 
Yankees. Cabanas had come to Granada for aid to 
recover his lost position/^ which alarmed Guardiola, 
who despatched Manuel Colindres with the ostensible 
mission of negotiating a treaty of frendship with the 
government, but really to watch Cabanas. Colindres 
announced himself from Yuscaran, but on reaching 
Leon, and ascertaining that Cabanas got no assistance, 
went back pleading fear of the cholera, which was 
doing havoc in the foreign force; but the recognition 
by his government was already accomplished. The 
cabinet of San Salvador also returned a satisfactory 
answer to a circular from Nicaragua.** Guatemala 
apparently inclined toward neutrality, until Estrada 
applied to Carrera for assistance, and was told that 
he would be recognized as the legitimate president of 
Nicaragua, but must first establish his government 
somewhere.*^ Estrada, being unable to set it up in 
Honduras, asked for 50 men to escort him to Nueva 
Segovia in Nicaragua, but did not get them, though 
he laid before Guardiola the letters from Carrera and 
Pedro de Aycinena In Costa Rica, the situation of 
Nicaragua was differently viewed. President Mora 
despatched Nazario Toledo to Guatemala to* arrange 

*^ Art. 1st required the return of those sojourning in the republic within 
15 days, and of those who were abroad within one month. Art. 2d imposed 
fines ranging from $50 to $10,000 on such as failed to obey, kl Nicaraguensey 
Nov. 17, 1855. 

*2 Among them Pres. Estrada, Gen. Martinez, and Col Fulgencio Vega. 

*^ Homsby went to Managua in the early part of December, and brought 
him to Granada, where he was treated as the guest of the nation. 

"Diplomatic correspondence of the Salv. and Hond. govts Nov. 22 and 
28, 1855, in El Nicaragiiense, Jan. 5, 1856. 

*•" * Aunque sea en un rincon de Honduras. ' Estrada well knew this waa 
illegal; but following the advice, he applied to Guardiola for permission, and 
it was refused him. 


for concerted action against Walker/^ Mora in an 
energetic proclamation asked the people to prepare for 
the defence of their lives and property at a moment's 
call/^ Walker watched the conduct of Costa Rica, 
believing it prompted by British influence mainly 
against the United States. Kivas' relations with the 
cabinet of Washington were not encouraging. It is true 
that Wheeler, the American minister, had prematurely 
recognized him, but he had not been upheld in it by his 
government. Parker H. French, being accredited in 
November 1855 as minister at Washington with pow- 
ers to negotiate a treaty, was not received in any dip- 
lomatic capacity. ^^ He was thereupon recalled, and 
diplomatic relations were discontinued with Wheeler. ^^ 
President Pierce issued a proclamation against the 
departure from the United States of filibustering expe- 
ditions, which were declared disgraceful and criminal. 
Cabanas, in whose behalf Jerez had used his best en- 
deavors, having been refused by the government any 
aid,^^ retired to Salvador,^^ and Jerez resigned his port- 
folio on the 8th of January, 1856. Soon after, the 
cabinet was reduced to one, Fermin Ferrer, who 
served as ministro general. 

Walker now endeavored to gain the good-will and 

*^ Though the Costa Ricans had a cordon sanitaire to prevent intercourse 
with cholera-stricken Nic, Gen. Canas received orders to furnish resources to 
Gen. Florencio Xatruch, and other officials of the dept of Rivas, who fled to 
Costa Rica on hearing of Corral's execution. 

*• Bishop Llorente also warned them that their religion was in peril. 

*^Sec. of state Marcy wrote Dec. 21st, in answer to his communication of 
the 12th, that the president saw as yet no reason to hold diplomatic inter- 
course with the persons ' who now claim to exercise the political power in the 
state of Nicaragua.' He said that the persons chiefly instrumental in over- 
throwing the former govt were not citizens of Nic, *nor have those citizens, 
or any considerable part of them, so far as is now known here, freely expressed 
their approval of, or acquiescence in, the present condition of political aflairs 
in Nicaragua.' 

*^ Wheeler was told, however, by the foreign minister of Nic. that though 
official relations M^ere suspended, the utmost good feeling existed toward him. 
El Nicaraguense, Feb. 2, 1856. 

^ The assistance would have been given him' but for Walker, * no manda- 
ban los democraticos, sino Walker.' It was not for Walker's interest just 
then to engage in hostilities against any neighboring power. Perez, Mem. 
Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 21. 

^^ He exerted himself there in promoting action for the expulsion of 
Walker from Cent. Am. 


cooperation of the legitimist party, but liis intrigues, 
cajolings, and even threats failed to secure the desired 
effect/' The legitimists saw in Walker's disagree- 
ment with the democrats their opportunity to bring 
about the fusion of all Nicaraguans against the com- 
mon enemy ; but both Walker and the democrats con- 
cluded that they must work together for their mutual 
safety; hence the removal of the capital to Leon/^ 

Walker now committed one of the greatest blunders 
of his life in quarrelling with the founders and chief 
men of the Accessory Transit Company, whose ships 
had brought him much to recruit his needed men 
and military supplies/^ He and Edmund Randolph, 
after studying the company's contracts made in 1851, 
arrived at the conclusion that there were good reasons 
to revoke their charter and acts of incorjjoration, and 
to make a grant to other parties/^ This was secretly 
done without communicating their plans to President 
Hivas or his cabinet After completing their arrange- 
ments in New York, Walker and Randolph drew up 
a decree suppressing the Accessory Transit Company, 
which was laid before Rivas, who issued it on the 
18th of February, 1856. On the following day he, in 
obedience to Walker's command, signed a new char- 
ter in favor of Randolph.^' Cleto Mayorga, E. T. C. 
Kewen. and Georsfe F. Alden were appointed commis- 

^2 His most influential opponent was a small club of conservatives, the 
leaders of which were Fernando Guzman, Agustin Avil6s, and Ramon Ale- 
gria. Gerdnimo Perez was also a member. Id. , 23-6. 

^^ Hermenegildo Zepeda, G. Juarez, and N. Ramirez came from Leon to 
Granada to arrange it with Walker, who at once caused the decree to be 
issued. This journey brought Ramirez to his death, resulting from a fall, 
which broke a leg. He was an able, enlightened man, and had been chief of 
Salvador, and also of Nicaragua in 1849. 

^^ The govt of Nic. was entitled to a share of the company's receipts, which 
it had never succeeded in getting. Chamorro had taken measures to force 
the company to pay their indebtedness, but was precluded by the revolu- 
tion of 1854. The company was accused of aiding the revolutionists, and of 
having afterward encouraged the importation of the filibusters who over- 
threw the legitimist govt. 

^•^ Randolph, W. R. Garrison, and Macdonald had arrived at Granada 
from California, Dec. 17, 1855, bringing upwards of 100 recruits for Walker, 
contracted for with Crittenden, his friend and agent. 

^^This was done by Rivas, though firmly convinced that it was tanta- 
mount to a sale of Nicaragua. 


sioners to ascertain the amount of the company's in- 
debtedness, and to attach their property, all of which 
was done with the utmost rapidity .^'^ The transporta- 
tion men raised a loud cry, of course, calling upon the 
United States government to recover their lake steam- 
ers and other valuables; but the attempt was unsuc' 
cessful. The company, however, had means which 
they brought into the service of the Central Ameri- 
cans to compass the destruction of Walker. 

Costa Rica had failed to notice the communication 
notifying her of the new order of things established 
in Nicaragua on the 23d of October, 1855. Walker 
now thought the time had come to demand from that 
cabinet a frank explanation of its course. ^^ But it 
persisted in leaving unanswered the Nicaraguan notes, 
and refused to receive Louis Schlessinger, the envoy 
sent, who retired threatening war and Walker's resent- 
ment.^^ Costa Rica accepted the challenge of war, 
President Mora, with the authorization of the legis- 
lative body, resolving to carry the arms of the republic 
into Nicaragua, and to aid in driving out the foreigners. 
War was accordingly declared, the strength of the 
army raised to 9,000 men, and a loan levied for ex- 
penses.^'^ After surrendering the executive office to 
Yice-president Oreamuno, Mora placed himself, on 
the 8th of March, at the head of an army about 
3,000 strong,*^ and in a few days was in Bagaces, at 

^^ Tlie decrees, orders, and editorial comments thereon, in the government's 
organ. £Jl Nicaragilense^ Feb. 23, 1856; Astaburucufa, Cent. Am., 97-8; Belli/, 
Le Nicaragua, 279-80; Wells' Walker s Exped., 208-15; S. F. Bulletin, March 
22, April 10, 1856; 8. F. AUa, March 23, 1856; Sac. Union, March 24, April 
25, 1856. 

^^ * Para que recabe de aqnel gabinete una franca explicacion sobre la poll- 
tica que ha estado observando con respecto al actual Gobierno de Nicaragua.' 
M Nicaragilense, Feb. 16, 1856. 

^^ Joaquin B. Calvo, min. of relations of Costa R., in his report to congress, 
Aug. 11, 1856, speaks of that mission with contempt, 'porque desconocida 
aqui la mision del filibustero, se le hizo regresar de la frontera.' Costa H., 
Mem. Bel, 1856, 4. 

«^Laws of Feb. 27 and 28, 1856; Costa R., Col. Ley., xiv. 7-14, 16; U. S. 
Govt Doc, Cong. 34, Sess. 1, Sen. Doc, 68, 121, 133-i9, vol. xiii. 

*^ Nominally; the real commander was a German officer named Baron 
Bulow. Peix-z, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 34; Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, no. 8; 
WelU Walkers Exped., 169. 



the extreme end of the guif of Nicoya, ready to cross 
the frontier into Nicaragua. Walker, who seemed 
to misjudge Costa Rican prowess, sent only 500 men 
under Schlessinger, who on the 20th^^ encountered 
the enemy's avant guard, and after a few minutes* 
fighting were put to flight, losing a quantity of arms 
and several killed and wounded. ^^ A number of pris- 
oners captured by the Costa Ricans were at once tried 
by court-martial and shot.^* Schlessinger with a few 

Walker's Expedition. 

"■^ Perez, quoted above, 42, gives the 21st. - 

^^ According to Costa Ricaii reports, only 480 of their men took part in 
the action, the enemy's defeat being the effect of a surprise and a bayonet 
charge. Their casualties were set down at 4 officers and 15 soldiers killed. 
The filibusters had upwards of 20 slain. Id., 42-5; Salv., Gacefa, Apr. 3-24, 
185G; Ale, Boletin Ofic, Apr. 9, 16, 1856. In California the report received 
was of 90 killed in the fight and 19 executed. S. F. Alta, May 2, 1856; Belly, 
Le Nicaragua, 283; Welk' Walkers Exped., 153-68. 

** As armed invaders not serving under the flag of any recognized nation. 
CosiM R., Mem. Eel., 1856, 4; Astaburuar/a, Cent. Am., 94. However correct 
the logic, it was an imprudent act, as Walker might retaliate on Costa Rican 
and other Cent. Am. prisoners. Wheeler, without instructions from the 
U. S. govt, took upon himself to officially say to Mora that the execution of 


men reached Rivas, where Walker had concentrated 
his forces, and unsuccessfully tried to exculpate hini- 

The Costa Kicans marched to Rivas, and as they 
approached Walker retired on the Transit company's 
lake steamers to Granada. Two columns of 300 each 
dislodged on the 7 th of April the Nicaraguan garri- 
sons left by Walker in La Virgen and San Juan del 
Sur, and on the following day the rest of the army 
occupied Rivas. But Walker soon came upon them. 
Under cover of the thick plantain and cacao plan- 
tations, he entered unperceived in the morning of 
the 11th. His attack began about 8:30 and lasted 
till night. He captured the main plaza, and from 
the church and houses kept up a deadly fire on 
the enemy, stationed only two blocks away. The 
latter fought desperately, till Walker, finding himself 
closely pressed by Costa Rican reenforcements from 
La Virgen and San Juan del Sur,^ and surrounded 
by burning buildings, gave orders for retreat, which 
was silently effected under cover of the darkness, 
never tarrying till he reached the Gil Gonzalez River. 
He left behind a considerable number of rifles, revolv- 
ers, and other arms, and about 50 saddled horses, 
besides his seriously wounded in the church. The 
Costa Rican victory was complete, though at the 
expense of heavy casualties.^'' The victors were re- 

tliese men was a cold-blooded murder, assuming at the same time that the 
men serving under Walker were citizens of his own country. Wells' Walker's 
Kcped., 170-5. The fact is that only two or three were natives of the U. S. 

^ He was accused of cowardice and even of treachery, and arrested for 
trial, but escaping afterward from prison, was sentenced to death as a deserter. 
He turned up in Teustepe, where he was allowed to serve in the legitimist 
force. Wells' Walker's Exped., 257-8. 

^^ Commanded respectively by majors Alfaro Ruiz and Ecalante, and Col 
Salvador Mora. 

^" * Triunfd completamente sobre ellos, escarmentandolos, y poniendolos 
de nuevo en ver gonzoza f uga. ' Costa B., Mem. Rel, 1856, 5. According to 
Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 96, the Costa Ricans had 120 killed, and Walker 
upwards of 200. Perez, Mem. Camjy. Nac., 2d pt, 48, gives the Costa Rican 
casualties to have been 150 killed and 300 wounded; and Walker's 60 killed 
and 70 wounded. Wells, claiming a glorious victory for his hero Walker, 
says that the Costa Rican loss could not have been less than 600 killed; and 
that of the wounded and deserters no precise estimate could be formed. 
Walker's loss he sets down at 30 killed and as many wounded. There is nr. 


lentless toward the first prisoners that fell into their 
hands. According to Mora's report, the wounded in 
the church were bayoneted, and seventeen others 
shot. Walker tried to make out that he had won a 
great victory, and the event was celebrated in Granada 
with salutes and ringing of bells ; and his government 
published that the Costa Ricans had been dispersed 
and were in full flight. ^^ 

Mora expected heavy reenforcements from Punta 
Arenas, and had formed the plan, after securing 
eastern Nicaragua between the Pacific and the great 
lake, and cutting off the transit communication, 
already suspended by a general order, to assail 
Walker in his stronghold of Granada. He was fur- 
ther encouraged in this by news that forces of Salva- 
dor and Honduras were already on the western fron- 
tier, under Belloso and Xatruch, ready to cooperate 
with him. But the breaking out of cholera in his 
army, with terrible havoc in its ranks, necessitated the 
abandonment of the project for the time. And a re- 
port having come of plottings in Costa Rica against 
his authority, with his brother Jose Joaquin and his 
personal staff, he returned home, leaving General 
Canas in command of the remnants of the army, with 
orders to send it back to Costa Pica in the most con- 
venient manner, which was done, many of the men 
being left dead or dying on the march. Canas found 
it unavoidable to leave his wounded and sick in Pivas, 
and fearing retaliation because of the executions of 
prisoners at Santa Posa and Pivas, he wrote Walker 
on the 26th of April, recommending these men to his 
protection, and proposing an exchange of prisoners, of 

honor or profit in such mendacity. Walke7''s Exped., 175-88, 245-7; S. F. 
Bulletin, June 2, 3, 1856; S. F. Alta, June 2, 1856; <Sac. Union, June 4, 1856. 
Belly, Le Nicaragua, 283^, states that though the battle cost the Costa 
Ricans 700 men, ' mais qui fit eprouver de telles pertes k I'envahisseur, qua 
dater de ce moment, il perdit confiance dans sa destinee. ' His letter of April 
15th to Senator Weller of Cal. proved this. 

^^ Minister Salinas' circular Apr. 15, 1856. Nic, Boletin, OJic, Apr. 16, 


whom he had twenty, according to the usages of war. 
This letter had the desired effect. ^^ 

^^ Perez says: 'Tratd eon humanidad a los soldados que le fueron encom- 
endados. ' Mem. Ccvnvp. Nac. , 2d pt, 49-52. Jerdnimo Perez, Memorias para la 
Historia de la Hevolucion de Nicaragua, y de la gnerra nacional contra losjili- 
bustcros, 1854-1857. Managua, 1865, 8vo, pp. 173, 21. This first part of this 
autiior's work is a historical account of the civil war in Nicaragua, in the years 
1854-5, during which' latter year the filibuster chief, William Walker, ap- 
peared on the scene, taking part with one of the two parties to the strife, and 
temporarily destroying the power of the other. The political and military 
events of this period are concisely though vividly depicted,. so that the reader 
may become fully informed on the mode of carrying on the war, and on the 
miserable condition of the country, as well as bitter animosity exhibited by 
the opposing parties. Memorias para la Historia de la Campafta Nacional 
contra el Jilibusterismo, 1856-1857. Masaya, 1873, 8vo, i,-iv., and 216 p., is a 
sequel or second part to the preceding by the same author, in which he fur- 
nishes a detailed history of Walker's filibustering schemes and career in Nic- 
aragua during 1856-7, till his final surrender and removal from the country; 
ending with a short account of Walker's two other attempts to invade Cen- 
tral America. Perez took a part in the operations against Walker, and later 
has occupied high positions in his country. 




Kecognition of President Rivas by the United States — Walker's Hos- 
tile Attitude— Flight of Rivas— Walker Makes Himself Presi- 
dent — Alliance against Him — Death of Estrada — The Legitimists 
Accept Rivas — Costa Ricans an^ Nicaraguans in Rivas — Destruc- 
tion of Granada — It is Occupied by ^SjjEDjEojeices-^ Walker Reoccu- 
PTES Rivas — Where He is Besieged — Successes of the Costa Ricans 
— Failure of Lockridge's Expedition — Surrender of Walker — 
War op Nicaragua and Costa Rica — Commodore Paulding and 
Walker's Second Attempt — Walker's Invasion of Honduras, Cap- 
ture, and Execution — Government Reorganized — President Mar- 
tinez' Administrations. 

After the departure of the Costa Kican forces 
from Rivas, toward the end of April or beginning of 
May 1856, Walker visited the town, treating harshly 
the principal citizens — men who loved their country 
better than they loved designing interlopers — and caus- 
ing one to be hanged/ This was done to terrify his 
enemies. Leaving Hornsby as military governor, with 
a garrison. Walker went back to Granada. His army 
here was also being decimated by the epidemic, 
but its ranks were replenished from the passengers 
brought by the steamships, which still were his effica- 
cious auxiliaries. Meanwhile the presence of the com- 
bined forces of the other states in the west was felt 
in the towns of the western departments, chiefly in 
Chontales and Matagalpa,^ the natives yearning for 

^ Francisco Ugarte, a legitimist who came with the Costa Ricans, and re- 
mained in concealment. 

^ Goicourla was sent to put down a rebellion in Chontales, and had a num- 
ber of men executed. Perez, Mem. Cam'p. Nac, 2d pt, 55. 

( 347 ) 


relief from foreign domination. A meeting of military 
officers held on the 20th of April at Matagalpa, 
and presided over by General Fernando Chamorro, 
adopted resolutions in favor of restoring Estrada as 
the legitimate president.^ This movement came to 
naught; Chamorro, being defeated, passed into Hon- 

The democratic party, desirous as much as possible 
of being away from Walker's oppressive influence, had 
the government seat removed to Leon.^ The general 
started from Granada May 31st with his best officers 
and 300 infantry, for Leon, where he was greeted as 
a conquering hero.^ While there he approved of, or 
maybe prompted, the decree of June 10th, convoking 
congress, and for the election of a chief magistrate. 
He had in view to bring about his own election as 
president, intending after that to throw off his demo- 
cratic friends, whose loyalty he distrusted. Very sat- 
isfactory news, both to him and the government, came 
at this time. The government of the United States 
had recognized Father Agustin Vigil as minister 
plenipotentiary accredited at Washington by Rivas. 
This recognition was of great advantage to Walker.^ 

On the 11th, after Walker had departed on his 
return to Granada, leaving Colonel Bruno Naztmer 
in command, this officer ordered foreign soldiers to 
take the place of the natives in the steeples of the 
cathedral. Minister of war Jerez countermanded it, 
and being disobeyed by Naztmer,^ the government 

2 1st, To recognize no other govt than Estrada's, declaring the convention 
of Oct. 23, 1855, void, and Rivas' govt null; 2d. To support that govt; 3d. 
Vest the executive office in Fernando Guzman till Estrada's return to Nic. ; 
4th. Fernando Chamorro recognized as provisional commander of the forces. 

* Walker discovered in Rivas a letter from the president to Mora treating 
of peace negotiations, of which nothing had been hinted to him. 

'' He issued June 4th a proclamation full of affected love for the Nicaragu- 
ans, and especially for the Leonese, whom he called illustrious sons of liberty 
and lovers of progress. Nic, BoUtinOfic, June 5, 1856; El Nicaragiiense, June 
14, 1856. 

^ It was followed by a change of public opinion in the U. S. favorable to 
him, and stopped the official opposition to the rush of emigrants to Nic. The 
benefit was, however, retarded by the combined efforts of the old Transit com- 
pany's agents in San Juan del Norte, and of the opposition from various 
sources to Walker's plans. 

^ During Walker s stay in the city he made several demands, to which the 


DISSENSIONS. W^-..' 349 

became much alarmed, Rivas and Jerez starting 
forthwith for Chinandega,^ whence Walker was di- 
rected to concentrate the foreign forces in Granada. 
Upon hearing at Masaya of the occurrences of 
the 11th and 12th, he countermarched as far as 
Nagarote, ordering Naztmer to bring there his com- 
mand; after which he quartered his troops in Gra- 
nada, placing, however, strong garrisons in Managua 
and Masaya. Rivas thereupon declared Walker a 
usurper, traitor, and enemy of the republic, depriving 
him of his rank and command.^ Walker, on his part, 
deposed Rivas, calling Fermin Ferrer, minister of 
hacienda and government at Granada, who had iden- 
tified himself with his cause, to assume the executive 
office, for the main purpose, it seemed, of decreeing an 
election for supreme authorities, pursuant to the con- 
vocation of June 10th, though Rivas had revoked it 
on the 14th.'' 

Under the national constitution, the chief magistrate 
was not chosen by the direct suffrages of the people; 
neither did it permit a military officer in actual com- 

president refused his assent, which greatly angered him. It was soon dis- 
covered that he had it planned to dispossess Rivas of the executive office. 
Naztmer's act was in obedience to his orders. The native soldiers were sent 
away, and the capital was left with a garrison of 200 foreigners. Nic, Bolet- 
tin Ofic, Aug. 8, Oct. 24, 1856. 

^ Had it not been for an American resident, Dawson, they would have 
been brought back by Dolan, commandant at Chinandega, who had been 
ordered with his men to Leon. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 71. Gen. 
Mariano Salazar and others spread the report that the filibusters intended to 
murder the authorities. Salazar fell into Walker's hands later, taken by De 
Brissot in the gulf of Fonseca July 28th, and was shot at Granada Aug. 3d. 
El Nicaragiiense, Aug. 9, 1856; Mic, Boletin OJic, Aug. 27, 1856; Sac. Unions 
Sept. 6, 1856. 

^ Decree of June 25th. Officers and men of the foreign phalanx were re- 
quired to forsake Walker and submit to the government, when their rank 
would be recognized, their arrears of pay made good, and Nicaraguan citizen- 
ship conferred on them. Such as should disobey, whether native or foreign, 
were to be dealt with as traitors. Members of the foreign phalanx wishing 
to leave the country were to be, under another decree of the 28th, permitted 
to do so. Those who presented themselves with arms and ammunition, and 
prevailed on others to do the same, would be rewarded. Previously, on the 
20th, the colonization decree of Nov. 23, 1855, was suspended. Nic, Boletin 
Ofic, Aug. 8, 16, 1856. 

'^^ Walker assumed to act under the clauses of the convention of Oct. 23, 
1855. His decree bears date of June 20th, and further declares Rivas' acts 
from the 12th null. El Nicaragiiense, June 21, 1856; Mc, Bokti.i Ofic, Aug. 
8, 1856. 


mand, much less a foreign one, to be voted for. 
Nevertheless, in disregard of that law, the people of 
the region controlled by Walker's bayonets were 
made to give him their suffrages for the office of pres- 
ident, and 15,835 votes appeared as cast in his favor /^ 
He was declared elected, and on the 12th of July was 
inducted into office with much pomp.^^ Wheeler, the 
American minister, recognized Walker as the legiti- 
mate president, and Rivas' government protested 
against it,^^ and declared all relations between the 
Nicaraguan government and Wheeler suspended. 

Walker's first act was to appoint his cabinet, the 
chief of it being Fermin Ferrer. ^^ One of his earliest 
decrees sounds the keynote to all this silly usurpation 
and accompanying infamy ; it was the annulling of the 
federal law abolishing slavery. ^^ Another infamous 
measure was the confiscation of the estates of Nicara- 
guans who might take up arms against him. 

In a circular of July 3d Rivas appealed to the other 
Central American governments for aid to drive out 
the invaders. The call was answered, and his gov- 
ernment recognized by Guatemala, Honduras, and Sal- 
vador, these three powers agreeing to unite their 
forces against Walker. Costa Rica was invited to 
cooperate, and promptly did so.^^ 

*^ The official organ published the returns showing this result. El Nicara- 
guense, July 12, 1856. Rivas' minister in a circular exposed the whole as a 
'tejido de imposturas y supercherias.' Nic, Botetin OJic, Aug. 27, 1856. 

^^S. F. Herald, Aug. 15, 1856; S. F. AUa, Aug. 15, 1856. 

*^ Minister Salinas' note of Aug. 12th to the secretary of state at Washing- 
ton. iWc, Boletin Ofic, Sept. 4, 1856. 

^* The other ministers were generals Mateo Pineda and Manuel Carrascosa. 
El NicaraglXense, July 19, 1856. 

^^ This action was said to have been suggested to win the sympathies of 
the slave-owners in the southern states of the U. S. Perez, Mem. Camp. Hoc., 
2d pt, 79. 

^^The convention was signed at Guat. July 18, 1856. The following is a 
synopsis of the chief clauses: 1st. Previous treaties of alliance for defence of 
their independence and sovereignty were confirmed; 2d. Stipulated the union 
of their forces to expel the adventurers; 3d. Recognized P. Rivas as the 
head of a de facto govt in Nic, promising aid and cooperation; 7th. Invited 
Costa R. to join the others in the enterprise. Nic, Boletin OJic., Aug. 21, 
Sept. 10, 1856; Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 436-9. 


While the events thus far recorded were occurring, 
Estrada, the legitimist chief, entered Nicaragua, and 
established his government in Somotillo, appointing 
Pedro Joaquin Chamorro his minister-general, and 
General Tomds Martinez commander of the army to 
be raised/'' On hearing that Rivas had been recog- 
nized, it was concluded to leave Somotillo, via Nueva 
Segovia to Matagalpa, where Gros aroused the Indians. 
But on the way, at Ocotal, on the 13th of August, 
a party of democrats attacked and defeated them. 

^Estrada tried to flee, but was overtaken and hacked 
to death.^^ The town was plundered, and papers scat- 
tered, after which the assailants went away. After- 
ward an instrument was picked up in which Nicasio 

^ del Castillo was named Estrada's successor, who at 
once assumed the responsibilities of the position. 
However, General Martinez and Fernando Guzman, 
who, though respecting Estrada's good motives, had 
disapproved of his persistence in going contrary to ac- 
complished facts, after his death held a consultation 
and concluded that the best policy was to cooperate 
with Rivas' government, bearing in mind the principle 
of legitimacy, though disregarding means and persons. 
Martinez and Guzman went to Leon, and succeeded 
with the assistance of the allied generals, and Gregorio 
Arbizii, the commissioner of Salvador, in making an 
arrangement by which there should be but one gov- 
ernment in the republic, with certain legitimists in the 
cabinet ;^^ pursuant to which the latter was organized 

^"^ Shortly afterward they were joined by Gren. Fernando Chamorro, some 
barefooted officers and soldiers, and 12 or 14 Frenchmen, A little later came 
the Hungarian, Gros, with 300 Indians. The only arms on hand were 300 
muskets with 10 mule-loads of ammunition. 

^^ Such was the end of this honorable, enlightened, and patriotic citizen, 
who had risen by his virtues, talents, and learning, from a lowly position to 
the chief magistracy of his country. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt., 98-100. 

^^The convention was signed Sept. 12, 1856. It contained among its 
clauses that the first legislature installed should convoke the constituent as- 
sembly of 1854, or issue the bases for the election of another; a gen. amnesty 
for past political offences; debts contracted or damages caused by both 
parties to be held as indebtedness of the republic. Id., 114-17; Nic, Boletin 
Ofic, Sept. 20, 1856. 


as stated below. ^^ Castillo accepted the arrangement 
and assumed the duties to which he was called. 

The allied forces, having entered Nicaragua, occu- 
pied Leon in July, and in October advanced upon 
Managua, forcing Walker, after several encounters 
near Nindin and Masaya, to reconcentrate in Grana- 
da.^^ Masaya was occupied by the allies October 2d. 
There was much division among them, owing to old 
rivalries, and the need of an influential commander 
was evident. ^^ General Martinez was earnestly re- 
quested to hasten his movements and join the army. 
He had organized at Matagalpa a body of troops that' 
subsequently bore the name of Ejercito Setentrional, 
with which he came on ; but cholera having played 
havoc among his Segovians at Tipitapa, he had to re- 
main in Nindiri till the scourge abated, ,when he joined 
the allies. ^^ 

Walker's forces consisted of about 1,200 effective 
men, mostly Americans, the rest being English, French, 
and Germans. ^^ The climate was his worst enemy. 
A number of his men succumbed daily, victims of 
cholera and fever. ^^ The ranks were further depleted 

2" Pedro Cardenal, Sebastian Salinas, Nieasio del Castillo, and Francisco 
Baca were made ministers of foreign relations, government, war, and treasury 
respectively. Jerez left the cabinet, preferring to serve in the field. 

^^ His troops retreated after setting fire to the casa de alto, former resi- 
dence of the chief magistrates of Nic. The allied army celebrated in Mana- 
gua the victory of San Jacinto, a hacienda, north of the plain of Oscotal, 
distant one day's march from G-ranada. It was only a small affair in reality 
■ — 120 riflemen under Byron Cole on one side, and 160 natives under Col D. 
Estrada on the other — but it was important in its effects. Cole was captured 
and killed, this being the end of the founder of filibustcrism in Nic. Twenty- 
seven riflemen were slaughtered; and the Nicaraguans had 55 killed and 
wounded. Nic, Boletin Ofic, Sept. 26, 1856. 

^^ Troubles between Salvadorans and Nicaraguans were common. The 
former fraternized with the democratic Leonese. The legitimists did the 
same with the Guatemalans, whose 2d chief, Zavala, by his language and 
actions, kept up a bad feeling, not only with the Salvadorans, but with the 
Nicaraguans. Perez, Mem. Cam'p. Nac, 2d pt, pref. ii. and 108. 

2^ Meantime several fights had taken place between the allied forces and 

2* He had also a small and inefficient Cuban company, and very few, if 
any, Cent. Americans, aside from his ministers Pineda and Carrascosa. 

^^ It has been calculated that from first to last he lost from 5,000 to 6,000 
men by sickness. Several of his chief officers having died at about the same 
time, it was imputed to the natives selling poisoned edibles. A letter of Feb. 


by (leBertions.^^ This was one of the chief reasons 
why Walker abandoned Managua and Masaya to con- 
centrate in Granada, keeping, however, the transit line 
from San Juan del Sur to La Yirgen. The filibuster 
chief now took advantage of the division of the allied 
forces — Belloso and Jerez in Masaya, Zavala and Es- 
trada in Diriomo — and on the 11th of October made 
a dash with 800 men on Masaya, which had a garri- 
son of 1,000. He entered the place at eight o'clock 
and took positions in Monimb6, south of the town. 
Early on the 12th he advanced as far as the blocks 
contiguous to the plaza, which he would undoubtedly 
have taken but for Zavala's attack on Granada. ^^ On 
hearing of Walker s movement, Zavala started to the 
relief of Masaya. At Diria he was informed that 
Walker was routed and in full retreat to Granada. 
He then charged his course, and turned up at the 
burying-ground of Granada with the view of getting 
the start of the enemy; but as the latter did not 
come, and he had positive information of the place 
being weak, he resolved to occupy it at once, though a 
heavy rain somewhat retarded the movement. He 
might have taken the town by surprise either from 

16, 1857, has it that Walker received 4,600 recruits since June 1855. The 
author sets down his deserters at 500, and his dead at no less than 3,600, 
there being from 1,500 to 2,000 buried in Granada. Pan. Star and Herald, 
Feb. 17, 1857; Hayes' Scraps, Angeles, ii. 255. However, an official report of 
P. R. Thompson, Walker's adj. -gen., dated Feb. 24, 1857, has the following 
figures, which do not seem to express the whole truth, as it might have been 
injudicious to have the real facts made known. Original number of men 
enlisted 2,288, of whom 61 were officers. Totals of death, 685, of whom 109 
were officers; .37 resigned; 206 discharged; 9 dropped; 293 deserted, including 
9 officers; leaving a total of 733 officers and men, with 141 unaccounted for. 
Stout's Nic, 209. 

2^ Four young Nicaraguans, accused in Masaya of enticing men to desert, 
were arrested July 30th, and shot in a few hours as traitors to the republic! 
ElNkarmjiiense, Aug. 3, 1856. Turley and 25 others escaped from Granada, 
and attempted to reach Blewfields by way of Chontales, where the natives, not 
believing them deserters from Walker, killed all but one or two who escaped. 
Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 129; aS'. F. Alia, Oct. 20, 1856. 

2^ Jerez distinguished himself in the defence, and the gen, -in-chief of the 
allies, Ramon Belloso, claimed a victory in his official report of Oct. 13th, 
adding that Walker *huyd despavoridamente a la oscuridad de la noche,' 
leaving about 50 killed, and carrying off 200 wounded. iWc, Boletin Ofic., 
Oct. 17, Nov. 7, 1856. On the other side, the victory was claimed for 
Walker. S. F. Alta, Oct. 31, 1856; S. F. Herald, Oct. 31. 1856. 
Hist. Cent. Am., Vol, III. 23 


the north to south, but went round by Jalteva.^^ The 
aUied force had not till then been detected from the 
city. But on the officer of the day descrying groups, 
he went to ascertain if they where Walker's men, and 
immediately giving the alarm, preparations were made 
to meet the expected assault. Nevertheless, the allies 
at two o'clock in the afternoon occupied the buildings 
on the plaza, excepting the church, where the foreign 
sick were intrenched. Zavala took Walker's house, 
and finding there a flag, rushed out waving it, until a 
bullet struck the flag, and another his surtout, when 
he realized his danger. Both the Guatemalans and 
legitimists gave themselves up to excesses.^^ The 
night of the 12th came on, and the church had not 
been taken. Hearing the cannonading or receiving a 
report, early that morning Walker hurried back, it 
being preferable to save Granada than to take Masaya. 
In the morning of the 13th, Zavala learned that the 
enemy was rapidly approaching, and vainly tried to 
check them at Jalteva. Zavala and Estrada fled in 
the direction of Diriomo, leaving a considerable num- 
ber of drunken men in the streets, who were butch- 
ered. Several Guatemalans fell prisoners. ^^ Zavala's 
assault of the place where Walker had his base of 
supplies was a failure, but it saved the allied army.^^ 
A Costa Kican division under General Jose M. 
Canas started for Nicaragua, November 2d, and not- 
withstanding the enemy's efforts to hinder it, occupied 
San Juan del Sur and the road to La Virgen, thus 
cutting off* Walker's communication with either point. 
It concentrated at Bivas on the 13th, and was joined 

28 To look after the arms wliich had become wet. So says Perez, adding 
that Zavala, * a mas de carecer de juicio, no conocia el terreno, ' and Estrada 
went entirely by his directions. Mem. C(imp. Nac, 2d pt, 131. 

^^They became intoxicated, and scattered in the streets after plunder. 
They discovered an American merchant, friendly to the filibusters, and killed 
him forthwith. 

^° On Zavala and Estrada arriving at Diriomo, a young Cuban named F. 
A. Laine, who had been sent by G-oicouria to complete with Walker an 
arrangement to liberate Cuba, was brought to them as a prisoner. He was 
ordered shot. 

"/S. F. Alta, Nov. 21, 1856; Hayes' Scraps, Angeles, ii. 20G-7, 222, 232. 


by Jerez with 300 Nicaraguans. It was now in com- 
munication with the main combined army, which was 
preparing to assail Granada. Belloso received infor- 
mation from a friend in that city that Walker was on 
the point of making another dash on Masaya with 600 
men. The allied army, in the city and vicinity, was 
now of about 3,600 men,^^ and leaving out wounded, 
sick, and servants, the effective force must have been 
no less than 3,000. The filibusters came on the 15th 
under Bruno Von Naztmer, a German, and were met 
outside by Nicaraguans and 600 Guatemalans at three 
o'clock in the afternoon. The enemy opened fire, and 
the Guatemalans fled panic-stricken. However, the 
first charge of the filibusters was checked, and they 
now assumed the defensive. The Guatemalans re- 
turned to the charge, and heavy fighting followed, 
which lasted till night. The next morning Walker 
took command, Naztmer being wounded, and pushed 
his operations into the town, where the allies had con- 
centrated in the night, burning a number of buildings ; 
but he soon convinced himself of the impossibility of 
accomplishing his purpose, and retreated to Granada 
in the night of the 18th.^^ At a council of war, it was , 
resolved to evacuate the city, after setting fire to the 
buildings, leaving a garrison to keep the enemy in 
check. This work of destruction was intrusted to 
Henningsen, who at once ordered the citizens to leave 
the place within a few hours before it was consigned 
to the flames. And all the time the authors of this 
vandalism were calling the Central American de- 
fenders of life, home, and liberty savages and greasers, 

^^ Salvadorans, 1,300; Guatemalans, 1,500 or more; Nicaraguaus under Mar- 
tinez, no less than 800. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 134. 

^■^ The allies discovered his flight early on the 19th. Se/eral of his men 
were found asleep, and butchered. The allied commanders showed lack of 
generabliip. Perez, Mem. Cam'p^ Kac, 2d pt, 135-9. About this time the 
Cent. Americans experienced a serious blow in the loss of the Costa Rican 
schooner 0/?ce de Ahrit., which had on board 110 men, money, and a larg3 
supply of arms, ammunition, etc. After a heavy gale, she encountered the 
San Jose, alias Granada, and after two hours' fighting, caiight fire and was 
destroyed. Most of the wrecked men were picked up by the San Jose. S. F. 
Alta, Dec. 20, 1856; S. F. Herald, Dec. 20, 1856; Sac. Union, Dec. 23, 1856. 


and themselves lovers of freedom and aisseminators of 
civilization ! ^^ 

In the early morning of the 24th the allied forces 
marched out of Masaya by the Carretas road ; at 2 
o'clock in the afternoon they were defiling on the low 
hills of the Otra banda, from which they could see the 
bonfire, made by the self-styled regenerators of Latin 
America, consuming seven churches and the public 
buildings, together with the dwellings of the citizens 
of Granada. The same day the allies had skirmishes 
with the enemy, and were defeated. ^^ Martinez with 
his men from the north next day operated against the 
San Francisco building, and the filibusters in fear of 
being cut off abandoned it, and concentrated in the 
plaza. The night of the 25th was a very rainy one. 
The 26th the filibusters, being hard pressed in the 
plaza and Guadalupe street, kept up a constant 
cannonade to keep open the way to the lake. On the 
27th the filibusters had been driven from the plaza 
and reduced to Guadalupe street between La Sirena, 
a high house on the east of the parish church, and the 
ruins of the church. The Guatemalans pressed them 
from the south; the Nicaraguans from the north.^^ 
Henningsen's force was on the 1st of December only 
150 men, out of 300 that he had retained to hold the 
position of Granada with, and being invited by Za- 
vala to surrender, proudly refused.^^ 

^* Henningsen had been, it was said, an oflScer of the Brit, army, an aide 
of the Carlist chief Zumalacarregui, in Spain, and a good democratic writer. 
His report was as follows: He had assumed command in the afternoon of 
Nov. 22, 1856, and had carried out Walker's orders to destroy Granada, and 
leave the place, taking away the stores, artillery, sick, and the American and 
native families. Some of the church jewelry was saved by a priest. Gen. D. 
Sousa saw a filibuster urinate into a chalice, and then throw the contents at 
some women who were also witnesses of the act. Perez, Mem, Camp. Nac., 
2d pt, p. ii. 150-1, 161-3; Nic, Gaceta, May 2, 1868; /(/., Telig. Seten., March 
7, 28, 1857; Id., Boletin OJic, Apr. 15, 22, 1857; S. F. Alto, Dec. 20, 1856; 
Belly, Lc Nic, i. 285-6; Squiers Cent. Am., 372. 

^ At 6:30 they had upwards of 40 wounded, and no surgeons to attend to 
them. During the night it rained heavily. 

^During the operations, the Guatemalan generals Paredes, ex -president, 
and Joaquin Solares died, the latter of fever on the 28th of November, and 
the former of cholera on the 2d of December. 

'' Several deserters from his camp in the plantain grove of Dofia Sabina 
had made their appearance among the allies, so completely famished that they 
could hardly speak. 


Walker had occupied San Jorge, distant three niiies 
from Rivas, where Canas and Jerez were intrenched, 
leaving his sick and wounded with a small guard on 
the island of Ometepec,^'^ where he thought they 
would be safe ; but a party of Indians with their priest 
Tijerino captured them on the 1st of December, and 
destroyed everything on the island that could be of 
use to the enemy. Walker did not lose sight of his 
lieutenant Henningsen, to whom he finally sent relief 
on the steamboat Virgen, with which Henningsen 
captured the small fort that had so harassed him, 
and then, December 13th, left on the boat, taking with 
him the 115 emaciated men that remained of his 
original force. The site of Granada was now fully in 
possession of the allies,^ who discovered in the woods 
a number of wounded filibusters, and treated them 
humanely, excepting one whom they put to death. 

December 11th had been a day of joy in the allied 
camp, owing to the arrival of General Florencio 
Xatruch with the first contingent of Honduran 
troops;*^ but they were cut up in the attack of the 
13th by Henningsen. This officer's success in extri- 
cating himself with so much loss to his opponents 
caused a panic among the allied leaders, and the 
breaking out anew of dissension. Belloso and his 
Salvadorans went back to Masaya, reporting the dis- 
comfiture of the army. Whether out of spite, or 
from ignorance of the state of affairs, the general 
ordered Caiias to return to Costa Rica, and Jerez to 
retreat to Masaya. The latter, as a subordinate, had 
to obey; but Canas, having come to fight the filibus- 
ters, would not go back, and accompanied Jerez to 

^^In the southera part of Lake ^Nicaragua, eight or nine miles from the 
coast of Rivas, A large and productive island having two towns distant 12 
miles from one another. 

^^ Oct. 13, 1855, Walker arrived on the coast of Granada. Dec. 13, 185G, 
he left these shores never to see them again. In the small fort, known as El 
Fuertecito, his men left a pole with an inscription as a record that Granada 
had existed there. 

*^ Xatruch was not credited with much ability; but he was patriotic and 
"brave, and to his excrtiona v/as measurably duo the cooperation of Hond. for 
the campaign. 


Masaya. Thus was Rivas evacuated by the allies, 
and reoccupied by Walker without firing a shot. 

The lake steamers were of great advantage to 
Walker for the quick transportation of men and sup- 
plies, and on the other hand, made it necessary that 
the allied chiefs should have strong garrisons in 
Granada and Masaya, preventing a movement on La 
Virgen and Rivas. The president of Costa Rica 
determined to deprive Walker of those facilities. To 
this end he despatched his brother, General Jose 
Joaquin Mora, with troops to the confluence of the 
San Cdrlos and San Juan rivers, who reached it on 
the 19th of December, and then going down in ca- 
noes to San Juan del Norte, without encountering 
much resistance, captured on the 24th four steamers. ^^ 
They then went up the San Juan with the steamers, 
two of which Avere left at the junction with the Sara- 
piqui, and on the 28th took the Castillo Viejo with 
the steamboat Virgen, laden with artillery, rifles, and 
ammunition. They next possessed themselves of Fort 
San Carlos, and soon after of the steamboat of the 
same name, which had incautiously approached the 
fort. All this being accomplished, Mora was placed 
in communication with the allied forces of Granada, 
and left Walker without means of transportation by 
water, or to communicate with the northern sea-coast. 
Had the allies acted with reasonable promptness, both 
on land and \yater. Walker's end would have been a 
matter of only a few days. But it was retarded by 
their lack of union and generalship.^^ His situation 

*^This expedition was promoted by Cornelius Vanderbilt, president of 
the Accessory Transit Co., through his agent Webster, as appeared in a letter 
from the commander of the Brit, naval force to the American consul. It 
v,as carried out, with the assistance of Spencer, an Am. engineer, who had 
boen in the service of the company and was a pilot on the San Juan. The 
steamers thus taken were the Wheeler, Morqan, Machuca, and Buhver. Perez, 
Hem, Camp. JN'ac, 2d pt, 176-9; Mcy TeUg. Helen., Feb. 28, 1857; Astabtt- 
rnaya. Cent. Am., 100-1; S. F. Herald, Jan. 31, 1857; 8. F. Alia, Jan. 31, 
1357. Official reports and Mora's proclamation in Nic, Boletin Ofic, Jan. 9, 
13, 1857. 

■*^This is recognized with shame in the TeUrj. Seten., June 6, 1857. Mean- 
time Mora had, on the lOfch of Dec, tendered Walker's officers and soldiers 
a free passage to San Juan del Norte and New York; and the govt at Leon 


was now critical. Desertions, which were frequent, 
sickness, and scarcity of food, daily decreased his 
force. For all that, he resisted in Rivas several 
assaults from both the land and lake till the 23d of 
February, and struck some heavy blows to the be- 
siegers in San Jorge. ^^ 

The allied leaders had, after a council of war on 
the 23d of January, at Nandaime, aj3pointed a general- 
in-chief, and heads of the several departments. The 
chief command was conferred on Florencio Xatruch.^* 
His tenure lasted but a few days, Jose Joaquin Mora 
being finally selected by the governments commander- 
in-chief, when he was recognized as such in general 
orders of February 19th and 20th.'' 

The allies came to the conclusion that it was ad- 
visable to closely besiege the enemy rather than to 
attempt further assaults. Xatruch occupied and held, 
March 26th, the barrio de la Puebla, south of the city, 
which was the only means of free ingress and egress 
for the filibusters. Thus was Walker penned. But his 
friends abroad had not forgotten him. Three Ameri- 
cans, Lockridge, Anderson, and Wheat, brought 500 
men to San Juan del Norte in March, and undertook 
to ascend the river. Lockridge occupied La Trinidad, 
but Titus was repulsed at the fort. They then con- 
cluded to invade Costa Rica, as was then supposed, 
for they essayed to go up the Sarapiqui; but soon 
after entering the river their steamer blew up, and 
the expedition came to naught.'^ 

had, on the 22d, annulled the acts of the administration from Nov. 4, 1855, 
to June 12, 1856, with a few exceptions. A decree to close the transit be- 
tween the two oceans was also issued. Nic, Bolet'm Ofic, Dec. 29, 1856; Jan. 
9, 23, 1857. 

*^ Two assaults in force, one by Henningsen with 600 men, and another by 
W^alker himself with 450, failed. Another was made on tlie Castillo Vie jo, 
defended by Cauty, met with the same result, though the assailants took Iho 
steamboat Scott, and Cauty had to destroy the Machuca. Mora's rept, Feb. 
24, 1857, in Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 184-94. 

**This selection was unfavorably received by the government, and was 
accorded but a temporary recognition till the allied governments should press 
their wishes. Id., 182-4; Nic, Boletin Ofic, Feb. 18, 1857. 

*' The following appointments were also made: Canas, 2d in command; 
Zavala, adj. -gen. ; Xatruch, inspector-gen.; Chamorro, quartermaster-gen. 

*^ The casualties were GO killed and 100 wounded. The survivors returned 


The besieged, on hearing of the arrival, April 3d, 
with reenforcenients, of General Martinez, whose prow- 
ess they had learned to respect, became alarmed, and 
the next day eighty deserters entered the allied lines. 
An assault in force was made April 11th, which failed. 
Walker's casualties were quite small, while those of the 
assailants were heavy/'' The latter secured possession 
of San Juan del Sur, in order that Walker should re- 
ceive no further aid from that quarter. It was now 
evident that the filibusters could not hold out much 
longer. The original force of 1,000, though more or 
less augmented with the arrival of every steamer, had 
become reduced to about one half that number. The 
garrison had an abundance of plantains, but no meat 
other than that of asses, mules, and horses. 

An officer of the United States corvette Saint 
Mary^Sy which had been some time lying at San 
Juan, came on the 24th to Mora's headquarters to 
solicit in the name of Commander Charles H. Davis 
a truce of six hours, which was granted, for the re- 
moval froni'Rivas of the women, children, and other 
non-combatants. Walker, becoming apprised by that 
officer of the failure of Lockridge's attempt to succor 
him, signified a willingness to capitulate, not to the 
general-in-chief of the besieging forces, as was nat- 
ural, but to commander Davis. To this Mora as- 
sented, in order to bring the war to an end at once, 
and save himself from certain complications he appre- 
hended.^^ The capitulation being signed and carried 

to Punta da Castilla, refusing to go on. Lockridge accused them of cowardice, 
and took away their arms. But the men claimed the protection of the Brit- 
ish naval commander. Cauty went down in a steamer to the bay April ] 2th, 
and after conferring with the Brit, officer, occupied Punta de Castilla, secur- 
ing the war material. He then tendered the men a passage to the U. S. at 
the expense of Costa R. This was the end of the famous Lockridge expedi- 
tion. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt; iS^/c, TeUg. Seten., Auril 11, 1857; 
S. F. Herald, April 21, May IG, 1857; S. F. Bulletin, April 21^ 1857; S. F. 
Alia, May 16, 1857; Pan. El Centinela, April 22, 1857; Mc, Boletin Ofic, 
Aprd 29, 1857. 

*^ Upwards of 300 killed, wounded, and missing. 

*^He did so, even though he agreed with Xatruch, Martinez, and Cha- 
morro that the capitulation should not be accepted unless Walker pledged 
himself not to commit hostilities in future against any of the allied states. 
He also wished to bo away before the arrival, then expected, of Gen. Barrios 


out, Walker and sixteen officers, after blddino- adieu 
to the army on the 1st of May, departed under the 
escort of Zavala, for San Juan del Sur, where they 
embarked on the Saint Mary's.^^ Davis then deliv- 
ered the city of Rivas to Mora, and the rest of 
Walker's men, about 400 in number, were trans- 
ported to the United States.^^ 

The w^ar being ended, the allied troops retired to 
their respective states. But prior to their departure 
there was an affair which might have ended in a san- 
guinary conflict had it not been for the prudent course 
pursued by most of the generals. The trouble arose 
from the hot-headedness of Zavala, the commander 
of the Guatemalans, who had been led to believe, by 

with large reenforcements of Guatemalans and Salvadorans, who would 
doubtless claim the glory of ending the war. Perez, Mem. Camp. Mac., 2d pt, 

*^ The terms agreed upon between Walker and Davis were: 1st. Walker and 
the 16 officers of his staff were to leave Rivas with side-arms, pistols, horses, and 
other personal effects, under Davis' guaranty that they should not be molested 
by the enemy, but allowed to embark on the Saint Mary's at San Juan del 
Sur, whence she should convey them to Panama; 2d. The other officers of 
Walker's army would leave Rivas, with their arms, under the same guaranty, 
and be sent by Davis to Panama in charge of an officer of the U. S. ; 3d. Th& 
rank and file, citizens and officials, both the wounded and well, were to sur- 
render their arms to Davis on a vessel apart from the deserters, so that there 
should be no contact between the former and the latter; 4th. Davis pledged 
himself to obtain for Central Americans then in Rivas permission to remain 
in their country with protection of life, liberty, and property; 5th. The officers 
should be allowed to remain at San Juan del Sur, under the protection of the 
U. S. consul, until an opportunity offered to leave for Panama or San Fran- 
cisco. The instrument bears also the signatures of C. F. Henningsen, P. 
Waters, J. W. Taylor, and P. R. Thompson. Id., 210-12; Mc, Boletin Ofic, 
May 6, 17, 28, 1857; Id., TeUq. Seten., May 9, 16, 23, 1857; Sac. Union, June 
16-18, 1857; S. F. Alta, June 17, 18, July 1, 2, 1857; S. F. Herald, June 16, 
1857; Belly J Le Nic, i. 287; Pineda de Mont, Notas, in Guat., Becop. Ley., ii. 
350, 745-6; Democ. Bev., July 1857, 117-23; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 102-3. 
Francisco S. Astaburuaga, Bepuhlicas de Centro- America, 6 Idea de su Historia 
y de sti Estado actual. Santiago (Chile), 1857, 8vo, map, dedic, and 116 pp. 
The author of this work held a diplomatic mission from Chile to Costa Rica, 
and being desirous of furnishing his countrymen some information on Central 
America, prepared his material, originally for the Bevista de Ciencias y Letras 
of Santiago; succinctly giving the physical peculiarities, agriculture, com- 
merce, and other resources of the country, together with a sufficiently instruct- 
ive sketch of the history of Central America in general, as well as of each 
state comprised in that term, in readable form. At the end is added his 
official correspondence with the several governments of Central America on 
the projected union of the Spanish American republics. 

^The official correspondence between Mora and the govt of Nic. shows 
the high appreciation given by the latter to the service rendered by DavL*?- 
Nic, Boletin Ofic, May 6, 1857. 


an evil counsellor, that the government would not 
return him some arms he had lent, nor furnish him 
transiDortation, nor even pay him the honors due his 
rank. All this was unfounded, but he maltreated the 
officer of the guard at the government house, and 
grossly insulted the president, his ministers, and 
others, threatening to hang them on the church of 
La Merced. His conduct was violent and scandal- 
ous.^^ Mdximo Jerez and hundreds of soldiers rushed 
to the government's defence, and there would have 
been bloodshed but for Barrios of Salvador, who had 
command of 1,800 men, and prevailed on Zavala to 
go back to Chinandega, whence he marched to Guate- 
mala, where he was received with the honors he had 
fairly won. 

Mora returned to Costa Rica, leaving the command 
in charge of Caiias. It is said that he had planned 
to extend the boundaries of Costa Kica to the lake, 
which he deemed an easy undertaking, as the Costa 
Eicans had the lake steamers, and the Nicaraguans 
would be sure to break out into civil war.^^ War was 
declared by Costa Rica against Nicaragua on the 19th 
of October, 1857, and accepted by the latter in de- 
fence of her territory. ^^ But upon a second invasion 
by Walker, peace was concluded on the 16th of Jan- 
uary, <185 8.'* 

Walker arrived safely in his own country. But he 

^^ A full account of the affair was published in the government's organ. 
JSfic, Boletin Ofic, May 28, 1857. 

^2 He had furnished war material to both parties, and tendered Costa 
Rica's aid to Martinez. His own words at embarking expressed the Machia- 
vellian plot: *Esta reptlblica estara pronto en guerra; dcjo las navajaa 
amarradas a los gallos. Canas disapproved in toto of those plans. Perez, 
Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 212-13. 

^^Pres. Martinez of Nic. pronounced it a 'guerra injusta y traidora.* 
Nic., Discurso . . . .Inagur., 1. 

^^FuU particulars on this war and the terms of peace, in Costa B.^ In- 
forme Rel, 1858, 2-3; Id., Expos. Mot. del Camhio, 36-7; Nic, Dec. y A ever- 
das, 1857-8, 10-12, 30-1, 135-6; Nic, Manif. Dies. Inawj., no. 5, 3; Bocha, 
Cod.- Nic, 1. 92; Ayon, Consid. Limites, 30-2. Perez, while reverting to 
Costa Rica's plan to rob Nic. of the River San Juan, and a portion of the 
1 ike, mentions what Nic. had to suffer from the allied forces during the war. 
* Cuantas exigencias, cuantos insultos, cuaiitas cosas teniamos que sufrir.' 
The allies appropriated as booty Nicaraguan movable property that was taken 
from the filibusters. Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt Carta (Pref.), p. ii. 


was not yet satisfied with the misery and desolation 
he had wrought upon a foreign and unoffending people. 
He must ]3lay the vampire further; he must conquer 
Nicaragua and be a great man. Taking advantage of 
the rupture between this republic and Costa Rica, he 
prepared another expedition, with which, eluding the 
vigilance of the United States authorities, he sailed 
from New Orleans for San Juan del Norte. He was 
arrested, however, at Punta de Castilla, December 
8th, and sent back by Commodore Paulding, com- 
manding the American home squadron. ^^ The offi- 
cer's course obtained the highest commendation and 
gratitude in Central America, and particularly in 
Costa Pica and Nicaragua, the latter conferring upon 
him high honors. Loyal men who took up arms in 
the country's defence were also rewarded. ^^ But like 
a wild beast maddened by its wounds. Walker was 
still bent on blood, if blood were necessary to subju- 
gate Central America to his will. He fitted out a 
third expedition, and landing with its avant guard 
at Trujillo on the 6th of August, 1860,'^seized the 
funds of the custom-house, which were pledged to the 
British government for the payment of Honduras' in- 
debtedness to its subjects.^^ The British war vessel 
Icarus entered the port on the 20th, and her com- 
manding officer, Norwell Salmon, demanded that 
Walker should forthwith leave the place, which he 
did, fleeing to the eastern coastj where he and his 

^^ The official documents connected with the affair clearly prove that the 
U. S. govt was desirous of maintaining an honorable position before the world. 
U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. vii., H. Ex. Doc, no. 24, 1-82., no. 
25, 1; Jd.,U., H. Jour., 165-73, 1.302,. 1368; Id., Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. i.. Sen. 
Ex. Doc, no. 13; Id., Id., vol. xiii.. Sen. Doc, no. 63; Id., Cong. 35, Sess. 
2, vol. vii., no. 10; Cong. Globe, 1857-8, 1858-9, Index * Cent. Am.,! 'Pauld- 
ing,' 'Walker,' * Neutrality Laws,' ' Clayton-Bulwer Treaty,' etc; Stout's 
Nic, 211-21; Belly, Le Nic, i. 294-7; 8. F. Bulletin, Dec. 29, 1857; /S. F. 
Alta, Jan. 14, 1858; Sac. Union, Feb. 3, 1858. 

^^To Paulding were voted thanks, a sword of honor, and 20 caballerlas 
of land. Mc, Boletin Ofic, Aug. 2, 1862; Id., Leyes Emit., 1860, 3-5; Rocha, 
Odd. Nic, i. 217-20; Costa B., Col Ley., xv. 3; Id., In/orme Bel., 1858, 1-2. 

^^ His ultimate destination was Nicaragua, whose government hastened 
preparations for the defence of her territory, as well as to aid Hond. in the 
event of her needing assistance. Mc, Mem. Gohern., 1861, 9; Id., Mensaje 
delPresid., Jan. 16, 1861. 


men underwent the utmost suffering in that unin- 
habited marshy region. A party of Hondurans har- 
assed them, and Walker was wounded in the face 
and leg. Finally, General Mariano Alvarez arrived 
with a Honduran force at Trujillo, and together with 
Salmon proceeded to the mouth of Rio Tinto, arriv- 
ing there on the 3d of September. Walker surren- 
dered to the IcaruSy and was turned over to Alvarez, 
who had him tried at Trujillo by court-martial. He 
was sentenced to death, and exec uted on the 12th of 
September. Thus ended on thel jcaffoldj th e career of 
William Walker, filibuster, pirate, or what you will.^^ 

The provisional government of Nicaragua on the 
14th of January, 1857, organized a consultive council 
of five members and three substitutes,^^ which was 
installed on the 20th. To that body were referred 
the strictures of ministers Cardenal and Castillo, 
upheld by General Martinez, the two former having 
resigned their portfolios because the president had 
declined to transfer the seat of government to the 
eastern department. ^^ The council did not approve of 
their course, and suggested that Martinez, under a 
clause in the agreement of September 12, 1856, should 
summon R. Cortes and P. J. Chamorro to fill the 
vacancies in the cabinet. It does not appear, how- 
ever, that Martinez took any steps in that direction. 

The old dissensions which Walker s war had kept 
in abeyance now threatened to break out afresh. 

''^ He received the consolation of .religion from a catholic priest, havinj^ 
joined that faith to become president of Nic. His remains were buried in 
Trujillo. Among his effects was found the seal of Nicaragua, which with 
his sword the government of Hond. transmitted to that of the former. La 
Union de Nic, Jan. 12, Sept. 28, 1861; Nic, Informe Gohern., no. ii. 7 9; El 
Nacional, Sept. 8-Oct. 27, 1860; Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac, 2d pt, 215-16; 
Belly, Le Nic., i. 382; Eco, Hisp.-Am., Sept. 15-Nov. 15, I860- Diario de 
Avisos, Oct. 4, 1860; Pirn's Gate of tlve, Pac, 49-50; Harpers Mag., xxi. 693, 
836; S. F. Bulletin, Sept. 3, 8, 17, 19, Oct. 3, 29, Nov. 12, 1860. 

^^The members were: Vicario capitular, J. H Herdocia, J. de la Rocha, 
H. Zepeda, Gregorio Juarez, and G. Lacayo; substitutes, J. Baca, F Diaz 
Zapata, and Joaquin Perez. Nic, Boletin Ofic, Jan. 23, 1857. 

^^ The legitimists claimed it to be for the public weal, whereas the demo- 
crats thought it would damage them. Perez, Mem. Cam'p. Nac., 2d pt, 170-6. 


Legitimists and democrats alike saw in bloodshed and 
desolation the only means to settle their diiFerences. 
Martinez and Jerez, with some of their friends from 
the east and west, and assisted by General Gerardo 
Barrios, commissioner of Salvador, labored in vain to 
effect an amicable arrangement.^^ Jerez concluded 
that the only recourse now left to avert a war was for 
himself and Martinez to assume the responsibility of -X 
jointly governing the country dictatorially until it 
could be again placed under a constitutional regime. 
This plan being accepted, the two leaders organized 
themselves, on the 24th of June, into a junta de 
gobierno, otherwise called Gobierno Binario, which 
was recognized by both parties, and the dreaded 
calamity of war was avoided. The organization was 
completed with the appointment of Gregorio Juarez 
and Bosalio Cortes as the cabinet. Martinez and 
Jerez continued at the head of affairs until the 19tli 
of October, when war with Costa Bica having been 
accepted, they resolved to assume personal direction 
of military operations, and resigned the executive 
office into the hands of the ministers. Martinez was 
then made general-in-chief of the forces, with ample 
powers, and Jerez second in command.®^ 

The first acts of the new government were to recon- 
stitute the supreme and other courts, and to summon 
the people to choose a constituent assembly for fram- 
ing a constitution,^^ and a president of the republic. 
At the suggestion of Cortes, and with the assent of 
Jerez, Tomds Martinez was named to the people as a 
^3roper person for the executive office, and he was 
elected almost unanimously.^* He took the oath of 

^^ But for arbitrary measures, on the 12th of June, the state would have 
divided into two parts, each following its own bent, even to incorporation 
with other states, which would have been the death of the republic. Nic, 
Mensaje del Poder Ejec, 1857, 2-3. 

«2JV2C., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857, 135-8. 

^ In the decree of convocation the members of the executive and the min- 
isters were made ineligible for seats in that body. 

^* Only two electoral votes were not cast for him. The constituent assem- 
bly, which had been installed Nov. 8th, declared him to have been the people's 
choice. Nic, Gaceta, Apr. 18, 18G3. 


office on the 15 th of November, promising to pursue a 
poHcy of peace and concihation,^^ and appointing 
Juarez, Macario Alvarez, and Cortes, his ministers 
respectively for foreign relations, treasury, and gov- 
ernment.^^ During his first term there were several 
changes in the personnel of the cabin et.^^ 

Martinez' administration not only gave Nicaragua 
the longest period of internal peace she had ever had, 
but promoted her prosperity in every branch, and 
notably in finances. At the time of its inauguration, 
the government had not one hundred dollars in the 
treasury. The liberating army had not been paid dur- 
ing the late war, and the only way to adjust the arrears 
was by issuing warrants, which the merchants soon 
got possession of at sixty to eighty per cent discount, 
and returned to the treasury at par in payment of 
import duties on merchandise, thus greatly reducing 
the revenue from that source. The government also 
adopted the unusual course of assuming to indemnify 
private persons for the losses they had sustained dur- 
ing the civil war, those resulting from the burning of 
Granada included.^^ And yet Martinez, after his vic- 

^ Disciirso Inaug., 3. Tomas Martinez was a native of Leon, and had been 
engaged in trade and mining without taking part in the political agitations 
of his native place until the revolution of 1854, which did not meet his ap- 
proval. It is believed that his reserve had made him an object of suspicion 
0:1 the part of the democrats, which circumstance forced him to seek a refuge 
in the ranks of the conservatives, and to embrace, much against his liking, 
the military profession. Martinez was a lineal descendant of an heroic woman, 
Rafaela Mora, who in 1780 distinguished herself in the defence of San Juan 
del Norte against Nelson's attack. He was in 1857 about 45 years old, tall 
of stature, and of reserved deportment. Self-instructed, plain, and unam- 
bitious of popularity, he cared not for honors or display, and abhorred syco- 
phancy. He never used more words than were necessary to express his 
thoughts, and his whole aim, after he entered public life, was to serve his 
country. Moreover, he possessed a kindly disposition, and in his family re- 
lations was affectionate. 

*^*' During the war with Costa Rica he commanded the forces in the field; 
meantime the executive office was in charge of Deputy Agustin Aviles. He 
resumed the latter Jan. 25, 1858. In the course of his term he several times 
provisionally surrendered the office into the charge of others, on account of 
illness. Nic, Dec. y Acuerdos, 1858, 3-7, 32; 1859, ii. 136, 137; 1860, iii. 71, 
83-4, 177. 

^' The several portfolios were also for more or less time in charge of Pedro 
Zeledon, J. de la Rocha, Eduardo Castillo, Gerdnimo Perez, Miguel Cardenas, 
Nicasio del Castillo, and H. Zepeda. 

^^A number of decrees acknowledging the indebtedness appear in Ale, 
Dec. y Acuerdos, 1859, ii. 132-54. 


tory of April 29, 18G3, against the united forces of Sal- 
vador and Honduras, succeeded within six years in 
doubling the amount of public revenues, and in ar- 
ranging for the payment of the foreign debt. 

The constituent assembly, on the 19th of August, 
1858, adopted a new constitution, declaring Nicaragua 
to be a sovereign, free, and independent republic under 
a popular representative government.^^ Two days later 
the assembly resolved to continue acting as an ordinary 
legislature, and decreed that all public functionaries 
should retain their respective offices until the new 
constitutional regime should have been installed. Prior 
to this, on the 30th of January, that body had declared 
illegitimate all the provisional administrations which 
had ruled Nicaragua from 1854 till the 8th of Novem- 
ber, 1857, excepting only the gobierno binario from 
June 24, 1857.'' 

During the first years of Martinez' rule, the most 

^' The catholic religion was placed under state protection. The govern- 
ment was constituted in three branches; namely, executive, legislative, and 
judicial. The executive authority was vested in a president for four years, 
without reelection for the next term. In his absence or inability, the office 
was to go into the hands of the senator called by congress to fill it. The 
president was to be a native and resident of Nic. , 30 years of age or upwards, 
not having lost the rights of citizenship within five years of the election, and 
possessing real estate valued at no less than $4,000. The legislative power was 
to consist of a senate and house of deputies. The senators' terra was to be of 
six years; they were to be at least 30 years old, and to possess no less than 
$2,000 in real estate, one third of their number to be renewed every two years. 
The deputies were to be upwards of 25 years old, and hold for four years, one 
half their number being renewed every two years. The natives of the other 
Central American states were eligible to the senate or house, after a residence 
in Nic. of ten or five years respectively. No churchman could be chosen presi- 
dent, senator, or deputy. The justices of the supreme court had to be law- 
yers of recognized ability and integrity. They were to hold office four years, _ 
the members being renewed every two years. The court was divided into 
two sections with at least four justices each. The constitution recognized 
liberty of thought, speech, writing, and the press; also the rights of property 
and emigration. Torture in any form, cruel punishments, confiscation of prop- 
erty, invasion of private domicile, and establishment of special courts were 
strictly forbidden. It was promulgated Sept. 15, 1858. Rocha, C6d. Lecjis. 
mc, i. 25-42; Levy, Nic, 309-27; El Poi^enir Nic, Feb. 11, 1872; Nic, Mem. 
Gobern. y Guerra, 1859, 3. The bishop and his chapter took the oath to obey 
it on the 15th of Apr., 1861. La Union de Nic, May 11, 1861. 

™ Because its acts tended to the organization of the country. But on the 
25th of June, 1858, the government of Jose M.